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THE

CHURCH HISTORY OF

>.'>

BRITAIN 5

FROM

THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL
THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII.

ENDEAVOURED

BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D.

PREBENDARY OF SARUM.

A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES,

BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A.

VOLUME II.

OXFORD:

AT THE UNIVERSITY PftESS.
M.DCCC.XLVJ fJ»i

THE

CHURCH HISTORY

OP

BRITAIN.

THE THIRD BOOK,

FROM THE COMING IN OF THE NORMANS, UNTIL THE
APPEARING OF JOHN WICLIFFB.

FULLER, VOL. II.

n'

TO THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE

WILLIAM,

LORD BEAUCHAMPE, &c.,

GRANDCHILD AND HEIB APPARENT TO THE RIGHT
HONOURABLE WILLIAM", BIARQUIS OF HERTFORD.

I OME there are who exact of every
Christian (as a touchstone to their bid-
cerity) to render an account of the
exact time of their conversion, with the
circumstances thereof, how, when, and where per-
formed. I must crave leave to enter myself a dis^
senter herein, conceiving such a demand unreason-
able, as generally required essential to all true
believers.

I confess some may return a satisfactoiy answer
thereunto ; namely, such whose souls, suddenly
snatched out of error and viciousness, were imme-
diately wrought upon, almost iu an instant, by the
Spirit of God. Thus of those three thousand gained''

a [William Seymour, created of him, and his regard for the

duke of Somerset in 1 660. See church. Hist, of the Rebellion,

some account of him in Lloyd's II. 144, sqJ]

Memoirs, p. 546. Lord Cla- ^ Acts ii. 41-
rendon gives a high character

4 DEDICATION.

(on Many-sain to-day) by St. Peter at Jerusalem with
the preaching of one sermon, each one might punc-
tually and precisely tell the very moment of their
true conversion, and generally, the worse men have
been, the better they can point at the accurate date
thereof.

And thus as kings count their actions by the
years of their reign, bishops formerly of their conse-
cration, so these may use the style, In the first of
our conversion, first, or second, &c. And as Herod
kept a festival of his natural birthdays such, if so
pleased, may duly and truly observe an anniversary
solemnity of their regeneration.

A privilege, not granted to all true believers, God,
to shew his power that he can, and pleasure that he
will, vary the manner of men's conversion, (though
going the same path by his word and Spirit,) useth a
slower pace in the hearte of others in whom grace is
wrought sensim sine sensu^ modelled by degrees : in
such no mortal man can assign the minutary juncture
of time, when preparing grace, which cleared the
ground, ended, and saving grace, which finished the
fabric of conversion, did first begin.

Observable to this purpose are the words of our
Saviour, So is the kingdom of God^ as if a man
should cast seed into the ground; and should sleep^
and rise night and day^ and the seed should spring
and grow up^ he hnoweth not kow^. That grace is

«* Matt. xiv. 6. d Mark iv. 26.

DEDICATION. 5

sown, and is grown, men know ; but when and how,
in the persons aforesaid, God knows.

Besides these (adult converts), there are a second
sort of Christians unable to discover the date of
grace dawning in them; namely, such who with
Timothy® may be said to be good, time out of mind,
sucking in grace with their milk, extracted from,
and educated under a pious parentage.

I hope and trust that your honour may truly be
ranked in this latter form, that as many ancient
deeds, written before the reign of king Henry the
Third, are commonly without any date, grace in like
manner will arise so early in your heart, advantaged
by your godly birth and breeding, that you shall not
remember the beginning thereof.

However, to make sure work, it will be safest to
examine yourself, when arrived at age, what eminent
accessions and additions of grace you can remember,
with the place and time when the same were effect-
ually wrought in your soul, and what bosom sin
you have conquered. Especially take notice of your
solemn reconciling to God after repentance for some
sin committed.

David no doubt in some sort may be said to be
bom good, God being his hope when in the womb^,
when on the breasts of his mother, trusting in him*^,
and taught by him from his youth ^. Now though

e 2 Tim. i. 5. and iii. 15. K Psal. Ixxi. 5.

f Psal. xxii. 10. ^ Psal. Ixxi. 17.

b3

6 DEDICATION.

probably he could not remember his first and general
conyersion, he could recount his reconversion after
his foul offences of adultery and murder, as by his
penitential Psalm doth plainly appear.

Otherwise such who boast themselves converted
before memory, by the privilege of their piou8 in-
fancy, if they can recover no memorials of their re-
pentance after relapse, and produce no time nor
tokens thereof, are so far from being good from
their cradle, it is rather suspicious they will be bad
to their cofiin, if not labouring for a better spiritual
estate.

And now my lord let me recommend to your
childhood the reading of the holy scriptures, as the
apostle termeth them', holy in the fountain, flowing
from the Holy Spirit inditing them, holy in the con-
duit-pipe, derived through holy men penning them^,
holy in the liquor, teaching, and directing to holi-
ness, holy in the cistern, working sanctity in such as
worthily receive them, and making them wise unto
salvation.

Now next to the study of the scriptures, history
best becometh a gentleman, church-history a Chris-
tian, the British history an Englishman ; all which
qualifications meeting eminently in your honour,
give me some comfortable assurance that these my
weak endeavours will not be imwelcome unto you ;

i 2 Tim. iii. 15. ^2 Peter i. 21.

DEDICATION. 7

by perusing whereof some profit may probably
accrue to yourself, and more honour will certainly
redound to

The meanest and unworthiest

Of your Lordship's servants,

THOMAS FULLER.

B 4

• D. 1067.
— . SKOnLConq.

/^ -"^^ i a

'^'•^'^ ^^-^Vx ^ariie drunk.

/^. ' ^ ^ I -^j \ ^Mi. English

quered
Uie Nor*

^ ....ns, and

^' ^Battel

V '^ -Abbey

^Kvunded.

<"

-y

i ^-^

i

)

• \i

en

\

CHURCH HISTORY

BEITAIN.

CENTURY XI.

ILLIAM doke of Normandy being thus a. d. 1067.
arrived, soon conquered Harold with an I ! 1

English in number, as above them in^^^^^.
temperance*: for the English being revelling before, ^^"^
bad in the morning their brains arrested for the Abbey

» [Not so accordiog to Mat-
thew Paris : " Hatoldus in-
'* terea de pugna Noricorum
" reversQs.cumadventumWil.
" lielmi ct^novisset, rarissimo
" stipatuB milite Hastingas
" pertendit. Nam prieter sti-
" pendiarioB militis et con due
" titios, ex provincialibuB ad-
" modum habehat paucos, ut
" levi uegotio bello possent a
" supervenientibus superari."
Hiat. Ang.p.3. YetThomasof
Walsiti;;;ham, in his Ypodigma
Neu3triEe,p.436, and Gulielmua
Genimeticensis, Hist. Norman,
vii. 35, assert that he collected an
innumerable multitude. Thesn
statements can onljr be recon-
ciled by supposing that these

writers, being Normans, have
exaggerated the numbers of the
tjaxons, or that they allude to
the rude soldiery and peasantry
hastily drawn ti^tner, and
not to regular troops, in which
the Normans most certainly far
exceeded the English. See par-
ticularly Plor.Wigorn. an . 1 066,
and William of j\lalmsbury, f.
53, 56. The statement of this
latter writer deserves attention.
His observations on the state
of the English at the time of
the Norman invasion more
clearly shew than the relation
of any single act, the real
causes of their defeat. Their

inds c

of Gildas s description of the

10

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1067. arrearages of the indigested fumes of the former
I "^' night, and were no better than drunk when they

Britons' at the time of the
coining in of the Saxons. After
observing that upon their con-
version to Christianity , through-
out every grade they were emi-
nent for piety, self-denial^ and
works of charity, he proceeds ;
'' What shall I say of so many
" bishops, hermits, and abbots ?
** Was not the whole island
" resplendent with the relics of
*' native saints, so numerous
" that you can scarce pass any
" village of ordinary account,
*' where you will not hear the
" name of some new saint. And
*' of how many has the me-
'' mory perished, through the
" want of historians ! " But in
a few years previous to the ar-
rival of the Normans, learning
and religion fell into neglect.
The clergy, contented with a
little learning picked up in
haste (literatura tumultuaria),
could scarce stammer forth the
words of the sacraments ; and
he was a prodigy among them
who understood grammar. The
monks made a mockery of the
rules of their order, by the
fineness of their clothes, and
unreserved gratification of
their appetite. The nobles de-
voted to gluttony were not in
the custom of going to church
in the morning, like Christians,
but in their bed-chambers, in
the arms of their wives, tasted
merely with their ears the so-
lemnities of matins and mass,
as they were gabbled over by
the hurrying priest. The com-
mons were a prey to the no-
bles, drained of their property.

or driven into distant lands to
collect wealth for others.

Many had proceeded to such
atrociousness, as publicly to
prostitute, or make slaves of
their handmaids, who had be*
come pregnant by them, as
soon as they had satisfied their
lust. Drunkenness was com-
mon to all classes : in this thev
spent whole nights and days ;
guilty of great profusion,
though living in small and
despicable dwellings; unlike
in this respect to the French
and Normans, who spend
little, while their houses are
great and superb. In the
train of drunkenness followed
those vices which efiTeminate
the minds of man. And
then it was that by one battle,
and that of no great difficulty,
they lost themselves and their
country.

To conclude ; at the time of
the Norman conquest their
dress was light, reaching to the
knee ; they wore their hair
short, their beards shaven; their
arms were laden with golden
armlets, and their skin orna-
mented with punctures. Their
vices of eating to surfeiting,
and drinking till they provoked
vomiting they taught their con.
querors,in other respects adopt-
ing their manners.

The Normans on the con-
trary were costly in their dress
even to emulation ; and nice in
their food : accustomed to war,
and bold in attacking their
enemies, but never scrupling
to gain their ends with deceit

CENT, XI.

of Britain,

11

came to fights But these things belong to the A. d. 1067.

historians of the state to relate ; whilst it is proper \ 1

to us to observe, that king William, to testify his
gratitude to God for the victory, founded in that
place Battel Abbey, endowing it with revenues and
large immunities. The abbot whereof, being a baron
of parliament, carried a pardon in his presence, who
casually coming to the place of execution, had power
to save any malefactor*'. The Abbey church was a
place of safety for any felon or murderer, though
such popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as
unlawful, can find no refuge in scripture precepts, or
precedents for their justification, seeing the very
horns of the altar, by divine command, did push
away those wilful offenders which fled unto them :
and impunity being the greatest motive to impiety,
made their convent the centre of sinners. Here the
monks flourished in all aflluence, as the old world in
the days of Noah, they ate^ they drank^ they haughty
they sold^ would I might add, they married wiveSy
and were given in marriage^ (for want whereof they

or bribery when they could
not succeed by open means.
Superb in their buildings, mo-
derate in their expenses, en-
vious of their equals^ ambitious
of surpassing their superiorst
as earnest in plundering their
own vassals^ as in defending
them from being plundered by
all others. Faithful in general
to their lords; but forgetting
their fidelity upon a slight of-
fence ; and ready for money to
forgive injuries. Most courteous
of all people to strangers, and
taking wives even from their
vassals. Religion, at that time
dead in England, they roused

again into life and being ; re-
paired the churches, and built
new monasteries; so devoted to
their country and its aggran-
dizement, that every rich man
among them thought that he
had lost a day which he had
not made remarkable by some
act of magnificence. 6ul.
Malmsbur. f^ 57.]

^ Mane adhuc ebrii contra
hostes incunctanter procedunt^
M. Paris, [a. 1066. p. 3. See
Malmsb. f. 56, b.]

c Camdens Brit, in Sussex,
[p. 226. See its charter in Sel-
den's notes to Eladmer, p. 165.}

12 The Church Historu book hi.

A.D. 1067. did worse,) till in the days of king Henry the Eighth
— "^' they were all drowned in the general deluge of the

dissolution.
WiiKam 2. Now it was proper to the place of Stiffand,

crowned by r>t

the arch- archbishop of Canterbury, to perform the solemnities
York^ ^ of king William's coronation ; but he declined that
many of employment, pretending William's unlawful title,
the English gj^j loath to pour the sacred oil on his head, whose

dergy fly ^

into Scot- hands had shed so much innocent blood : the other
accounting himself to have a better title to the
crown by conquest, than the archbishop had to his
mitre by simony, disdained his service, and accepted
the crown from the hands of Ealdred, archbishop of
York : who first required an oath of him, to defend
the church, minister justice, and, amongst other
things, to use Englishmen as favourably as Normans.
Notwithstanding which oath, he made the Normans
his darlings, and the English his drudges ; insomuch
as many English bishops and abbots, unable to com-
port themselves with his harshness, and conceiving
it more credit and safety to go than to be driven
away, fearing by degrees they should all be quar-
relled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted
their preferments, and fled into Scotland^. Here
king Malcolm Canmore, who had married Margaret,
niece to Edward the Confessor, freely received them.

^ [How great that oppres- " scilicet Anglia facta est ex-

sion was we learn from the " terorum habitatio et alieni-

bitter complaint of Malmsbury. " genarum dominatio. NuUus

Referring to a prophecy of " hodie Anglus vel dux, vel

king Edward, who had pre- ** pontifex, vel abbas ; advenac

dieted the subjugation of Eng- *^ quoque divitias et viscera

land to the Normans, he adds: *' corrodunt Angliae; nee uUa

Hujus ergo vaticinii veri- " spes est finiendae miseriaj."

C€

*' tatem nos experimur; quod De Gestis, f. 52.]

CENT. XI. of Britain, 18

He himself had formerly lived fourteen years in a. d. 1067.
England; and now of a gratefiil guest, became a ^^•^^:
bountifiil host, and courteously harboured these
exiles. And as at this time England began to turn
France, imitating the language, garb, and manners
thereof, so Scotland began now to turn England;
the families transplanted thither transporting the
English customs, fashions, and civilities along with
them.

3. About this time Doomsday book was made, a. d. 1068.
containing an exact survey of all the houses and book made.
land in the kingdom, unpartially done with rigorous
severity. They omitted nee lucum^ nee lacum^ nee
iocum% so accurate they were in the very fractions of

the land : and therefore it may seem a miracle that
the monks of Croyland should find a courtesy pecu-
liar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their
covent,) that their lands were rated nee ad spatium^
nee ad pretium^^ " neither so much in quantity, nor
" so high in value as indeed they were worth." This
Book of the General Survey of England, though
now begun, did take up some years before it was
completed fi^.

4. King William called a synod of his bishops at a. d. 1070.
Winchester, wherein he was personally present, with p^^in a*^
two cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Sti-^^^^^
gand archbishop of Canterbury was deposed, for^-
several uncanonical exorbitances, and Landfranc, a
lordly Lombard, substituted in his room. Stigand

lived some years after in a prison, and, which was

e Ingulphi Historia, f. 516. anno 1078. [See sir Henry

^ Idem ibid. Ellis Introduction to Dooms-

S Plorentius Wigorniensis day.]
and Higden make it finished

14

Tlie Church History

BOOK III.

A. D, 1070. worse, a prison lived in him, being straitened in his
1 — iJIlown bowels towards himself. For pretending po-
verty, he denied himself necessaries, being afterwards
discovered to carry a key about his neck which
opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish
pity on him, who starved in store, and was wilfully
cruel to himself^.

h [The deprivation of Sti-
gand appears to have been re-
markably unjust ; and was no
doubt occasioned by his non.
compliance with the wishes of
William I., and for having re-
ceived his pall from the anti-
pope Benedict X. The sub-
sequent chroniclers in their
histories of the Norman con-
querors and their proceedings^
either from carelessness or de-
sign^ have omitted some most
material passages, and their
narrations are consequently
most inconsistent. The degra-
dation of Stigand proceeded
from three causes^ says Flor.
Wigorn. a. 1070 : first, for his
holding the archbishopric of
Canterbury in conjunction with
the see of Winton whilst Ro-
bert the archbishop was in ex.
ile, for using Robert's pall in
the celebration of mass, and
lastly, for receiving his own
pall from Benedict an excom-
municated pope. Then con-
tinues the historian ; *^ Ejus
quoque frater Agelmarus
£ast.anglorum episcopus est
degradatus ; abbates etiam
aliqui ibi degradati sunt,
'• operant dante rege ut quam^
" plures ex Anglis suo honore
** privarentur, in quorum locum
sues gentis personas suhro-
garet, ob conjrmationem sci.

4«

€4

Mt

4t

*<

«4

** licet sui, quod noviter acquL
'' sieraty regni" This was the
great offence; for as to the
first charge, both Dunstan and
others not unusually held two
sees, for which they are com-
mended by these monkish
writers. 2dly, Robert having
been banished for his turbulent
conduct, his see was of course
vacant. And lastly, when Sti-
gand received his pall, Bene-
dict was the ackno/vledged
pope; nor was it indeed easy
in the contentions of these am-
bitious pontiffs to discover who
was the legitimate superior. Al-
though Malmsbury is severe in
his censure of Stigand, yet in
other places of his history he
acknowledges that Stigand act-
ed more from error than design :
" Ego conjicio ilium non ju-
*^ dicio sed errore peccasse,
** quod homo illiteratus, sicuti
** plerique et pene omnes tunc
" temporis Anglise episcopi,
" nesciret quantum deliqueret,
" rem ecclesiasticorum nego-
'^ tiorum sicut publicorum acti-
*• tari existimans." De Gestis,
f. 116.

With his usual cunning,
proceeds the Chronicler, Wil-
liam refused to receive the
crown from Stigand's hands,
suborning objectors on the part
of the see apostolic. He did

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

15

c<

«

M

«

«

5, A learned lawyer hath observed, that " the first a.d. 1070.

encroachment of the bishop of Rome upon thel — '. T

liberties of the crown of England was made in the firstiSSpa.
time of king William the Conqueror— For the Con-^^^*
queror came in with the pope's banner, and under England,
it won the battle which got him the garland ; and
" therefore the pope presimied he might boldly pluck
" some flowers from it, being partly gained by his
** countenance and blessing*." Indeed king William
kindly entertained these legates sent from Rome, so
to sweeten the rank savour of his coming in by the
sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending
what he had gotten by power he would keep by a
pious compliance with his holiness. But especially
he did serve the pope to be served by him ; that so
with more ease and less envy he might suppress the
English clergy. But although this politic prince
was courteous in his complimental addresses to the
see apostolic, yet withal he was carefiil of the main
chance to keep the essentials of his crown; as,
amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars
may appear

k

not think fit however to throw
off the mask at once^ but treated
the prelate with the greatest
possible respect^ until the arri.
val of the pope's nuncio, who
calling a council deposed Sti-
gand appealing in vain to the
king's protection. The unfor-
tunate prelate was detained a
prisoner at Winchester for the
rest of his life. See also Ger-
vas Dorobern. in Twysden, p.

13.27O
* Sir John Davys in his Irish

Reports; case of preemunire,

f. 87 and 89. [ed. 1628.]

i<

u

€C

^ [Matt. Paris speaks very
strongly of William's encroach-
ment upon the power and pro-
perty of the ecclesiastics. "A.D.
1070. rex WiUielmus pes-
' simo usus consilio, omnia
Anglorum monasteria auro
spolians et argento insatia-
" biliter appropriavit, et ad
" majora sanctse ecclesiae op-
probria calicibus et feretris
non pepercit. £piscopatus
quoque et abbatias omnes
*' quae baronias tenebant, et
'* eatenus ab omni servitute
" saeculari libertatem habu-

te

«

u

16 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1070. 6. First, he retained the ancient custom of the
t — J^^ Saxon kings, investing bishops and abbots, by deli-
wHiiTin-vering them a ring and a staff, whereby without
d^t^ more ado, they were put into plenary possession of
persons. ^^ powoF and profit of their placed Yea, when
archbishop Landfranc, one so prevalent that he
could persuade king William to any thing, provided
that the king himself thought it fitting, requested
William to bestow on him the donation of the abbey
of St. Augustine in Canterbury ; the king refused,
saying, " that he would keep all pastoral staves in
" his own hand™." Wiser herein than his successors,
who parted with those staves, wherewith they them-
selves were beaten afterward.
And re- 7. Secondly, being demanded to do fealty for his
fe^y to ^^c^^wn of England to Gregory the Seventh, pope of
the pope. Rome, he returned an answer as followeth :

In English :

ExceUentisstmo sanct<B ec- '* To Gregory the most excel-

clesuB pastori Gregorio glo~ " lent pastor of the holy church,

riosusy gratia Dei Anglorum " William by the grace of God,

rex, et dux Normannorum '* king of the English, and duke

WiUlelmus salutem cum ami'- ** of the Normans, wisheth health,

citia, Huhertus legatus '* and desireth his friendship ^,

tuus, religiose pater, ad me " Religious father, your legate

veaiens ex tua parte me ad- " Hubert coming unto me, ad-

monuit, ut quatenus tibi et *' monished me, in your behalf,

successoribus tuisjldelitatem ** inasmuch as I should do fealty

Jacerem, et de pecunia quam " to you and your successors, and

antecessores met ad Roma- " that I should take better care

** erant sub servitute statuit Ang. Sac. I. p. 434.]

** militari, &c." See also Watt's ™ Gervasius Dorobemensis

note on the passage.] MS. cited ibid. [Since printed

I Annal. Eccl. Lichfield MS. in Twysden's X. Scriptores, p.

cited by Mr. Selden in his 1327.]

notes on Eadmerus, p. 142. ^ Or, remembereth his love

[Since published in Wharton's to him.

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

17

futm ecclesiam mitere tole^
hani, melius cogitarem, {7-
y) num adtnisi, aUerum non
admisi. Fidelitatem facere
nolui, nee volo, quia nee ego
promisi^ nee anteeessores
meos antecessoribus tuis, id
Jecisse comperio. Pecunia
tribusjere annis, in GaiUis
me agente, negUgenter coL
lecta est ; nunc vero, divina
misericordia me in regnum
meum reverse, quod coUeo
turn est per prafatum /e-
gaium nUttetur ; et quod re.
liquum est per legatos Lan-
franci, archiepiscopi Jldelis
nostriy cum opportunum fu-^
erity transmittetur. Orate
pro nobis, el pro statu regni
nostri, quia anteeessores
vestros dileximus, et vos pr<B
omnibus sincere diligere et
obedienter audire desidera^
mus^.

a
««
«<

€(

t€
U
U
*(
tt
<€
€t
€f
U
<€
€€
<«
€t
€€
€€
(<
<C
<f

et
ct
t«
u
•«

for the payment of the money A. D. 1070.
which my predecessors were j^_2!!_— .
wont to send to the church of
Rome. One thing I have
granted^ the other I have not
granted. Fealty I would not
do> nor will I, because I neither
promised it> neither do I find
that my predecessors ever did
it to your predecessors. The
money for almost three years
when I was abroad in France
hath been but negligently col"
lected. But now seeing by dl.
vine mercy I am returned into
my kingdom, what is gathered
is sent by the aforesaid legate ;
and the arrears which remain
shall be sent by the messengers
of Landfranc, our faithful arch-
bishop, in time convenient.
Pray for us, and for the good
state of our kingdom, because
we have loved your predeces-
sors, and do desire sincerely to
love, and obediently to hear
you, above all others."

It is strange on what pretence of right the pope
required this fealty; was it because he lent king
William a consecrated bannerP, that under the
colour thereof he endeavoured to display his power
over all England, as if the king must do him homage
as a banneret of his creation, or because he had
lately humbled Henry the Fourth, the German em-

o MS. codex epistolarum also in Landfranc's Works, p.

Lanfranci, cited by sir John 304. ed. Dachery, 1648.]
Davys in his Irish Reports of P [Will, of Malmsbur. f. 56.]
pnemunire, f. 89. [Printed

FULLER) VOL. II.

C

18 The Church History book in.

A.D. io7o.peror, he thought that all kings in like manner must
J!. L-L be slaves unto him, the pope being then in his ver-
tical height, and dog-days of the heat of his power ?
But we need no further inquiry into the cause of his
ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the
Seventh, otherwise Hildebrand, that most active of
all that sat in that chair. Surely he sent this his
demand rather with an intent to spy than hope to
speed therein, so to sound the depth of king Wil-
liam, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to
proceed accordingly ; or else he meant to leave this
demand dormant in the deck, for his successors to
make advantage thereof; who would claim for due
whatsoever they challenged before. However, so
bold an asker never met with a more bold denier.
Soon did king William find his spirits, who formerly
had not lost, but hid them for his private ends.
England's conqueror would not be Rome's vassal,
and he had brain enough to deny what the other
had brow to require, and yet in such wary language,
that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet
politic parity with his holiness.
King wa. 8. Thirdly, king William would in no wise suffer
ctTthe*^*^" any one in his dominion to acknowledge the bishop
rfTOM^d^^ Rome for apostolical without his command, or
ardibishop to rcccivo the popo's letters, except first they had

in his own , , ,

dominion, been showcd imto him P. As for the archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of England, though by his own
authority he might congregate councils of bishops,
and sit president in them, yet the king permitted
him to appoint or prohibit nothing but what was
according to his own will and pleasure, and what the
king had ordained before*?.

P Eadmerus Hist. Nor. p. 6. q Idem ibid.

CENT. XI. of Britain, 19

9. Lastly, king William suffered no bishop to ex- a. d. 1070.
communicate any of his barons or officers for adul- — — L-1
tery, incest, or any such heinous crime, except bytobe'ec-^
the king's command, first made acquainted with the^^^^j^
same. Here the word baron is not to be taken in «v* ^®

king 8 com-

that restrictive sense to which the modem acception mand.
hath confined it, only for such of the higher nobility,
which have place and votes in parliament, but gene-
rally for such who by ttXWXXt en cfieef, or in capites as
they term it, held land immediately of the king'.
And an English poet^ counted the Virgil of his age,
and the Ennius in ours, expresseth as much in his
rhythmes, which we here set down, with all the rust
thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembering how
one John Throgmorton, a justicer of Cheshire in
queen Elizabeth's days, for not exhibiting a judicial
concord, with all the defects of the same, but sup-
plying or filling up what was worn out of the au-
thentical original, was fined for being over-officious*,)
and therefore take them with their faults and all, as
foUoweth :

®be bettte ioa^ tj^at noe man tj^at of ti)e IKing j^ulD ougi)t
Sn 0]^eif ov in cni Sbt\\^i$tt to i^an^ing loeve ibcou$i)t»
i^ote ti)f SStavD^nto of j^oli; ^j^ivcj^ tj^at brougjbt l^im tj^er^to
Sj^e IKing %t\st to j^te i^ailtfe^ ioat jb^ i^ati mtetio^.
9nD loii^D b^cjit ion^ tj^et iooltie to amentim^nt it lictng
9nD bote j^i; iooltie li|; t^tix lebe tioe tjbe iD^anjStng.

And a grave author gives a good reason why the
king must be informed before any of his barons be
excommunicated, " lest otherwise," saith he, " the

«■ J. Selden Spicilegium ad where these lines are printed

Eadmerum, p. 168. somewhat differently.]

8 Robert of Gloucester. [See * Camden's Elizabeth, anno

Hearne's text of Robert of 1584. [Bishop Goodman's Me-

Glouoester, p. 472. ed. 1724, moirs, L 118.]

C 2

90 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1070." king not being certified thereof, should out of ig-

4 OuL I* • • 1

" norance unawares, communicate with persons ex-

" communicated, when such officers of his should
" come to kiss his hand, be called to his council, or
" come to perform any personal attendance about
" him^.'* Hitherto we have seen how careful the
Conqueror was in preserving his own right in church
matters. We will conclude all with the syllogism
which the Oracle of the common-law w frameth in
this matter ;

" It is agreed, that no man only can make any
" appropriation of any church, having cure of
" souls, being a thing ecclesiastical, and to be
" made to some person ecclesiastical, but he
" that hath ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
" But William the First of himself, without any
" other, (as king of England,) made appro-
" priation of churches, with cure to ecclesiastical
" persons, (as by many instances may appear.)
" Wherefore it followeth that he had ecclesiastical

"jurisdiction."
And so much concerning king William's policy in
doing justice to his own power. Proceed we now to
his bounty, confirming old, and conferring new fa-
vours upon the church and clergy.
BiAops'ju- 10. First, whereas before his time the sheriff and

nsdictions ,

firstsevered bishop jointly kept their courts together, especially
taieriffs. at the two solemn times about Easter and Michael-
mas, king William, in favour of the clergy, assigned
the bishops an entire jurisdiction by themselves^
wherein they should have cognizance of all causes

V Radulphus de Diceto^ in part ; de Jure Regis Ecclesi-
anno 1 163. p. 536. astico, f. lo.

w Lord Coke's Reports, fifth

CBKT. XI. of Britain* 21

relating to religion*, I say relating to religion, a a. d. 1070.

latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to —

the mind of him that will stretch it out, and few ec-
clesiastical judges would lose what might be got by
measuring. Now formerly, whilst the power of
sheriff and bishop went hand in hand together in
the same court, neither could much outstrip other :
but since they were severed, the spiritual power far
outwent its old mate, improving his own by im-
pairing the secular courts; and henceforward the
canon law took the firmer footing in England : date
we from hence the squint-eyes of the clergy, whose
sight, single before, was hereafter divided with
double looks betwixt two objects at once; the
pope and the king, to put him first whom they eyed
most, acting hereafter more by foreign than domestic
interest.

11. A learned pen makes a iust complaint, thatTb««>n-

test betwixt

" courts which should distribute peace, do themselves common
" practice duels, whilst it is counted the part of a^, how**
" resolute judge to enlarge the privilege of hisj|^^j^
" courty." A grievance most visible in contest be-
twixt the common and the canon law ; which, as if
they were stars of so different an horizon that the
elevation of the one necessitated the depression of
the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one
against another. So that, whilst both might con-
tinue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such
envious corrivality were deposed, now alternately
those courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a con-

* See this cleared by Mr. vancement of Learning, A pho-

Selden in his notes on Ead- rism 96. p. 463. [Translation

nierus, p. 167. by Wats, 1640.]

y Lord Bacon in his Ad-

C 3

82 The Church History book hi.

A.D.I070' sumption, as their judges find themselves more or
^ "' ' less strengthened with power, or befriended with

favour. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either
that mutual consent, or a predominant power to
both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly
setting down the landmarks thereof, and binding
their proceedings not to exceed their bounds, which
would both advance learning, and expedite the exe-
cution of justice.
KingWii. 12. To retum to kinff William: as he conferred

Ham his °

charter to powor ou, SO he Confirmed profit to the clergy.
^^^' Witness his charter, granting them throughout Eng-
land, tithes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter,
cheese, woods, meadows, mills, &c.'' Which charter
is concluded, ('tis the strong hem keeps all the
cloth from ravelling out,) Qui [decimarn] detinuerit^
per justitiam episcopi, et regis, si necesse fuerity ad
redditionem arguatur^^ : " Who shall detain his tithes,
" by the power of the bishop and king (if need be)
" let him be argued into the payment thereof.*' And
kings' arguments we know are unanswerable, as a6
auihoritate, carrying power and penalties with them.
This charter might seem to give the tenth loaf of all
the bread in the land into the hands of the English
clergy. But the municipal laws, which were after-
wards made, did so chip and pare this loaf, with
their modus dedmandiy that in many places, vicar-
ages especially, a small shiver of bread falls to the
share of the minister, not enough for his necessary
maintenance.

* See it at large in Mr. Sel- den, but confirmed by the Con-
den of Tithes, c. 8. p. 225. queror. See Hoveden, f. 343.]
[A law of Edward the Con- ^sz Others read it adigatur,
fessor, and so quoted by Sel- ** let him be compelled."

CENT. XI. of Britain. 23

13. And here, to make a short, but needful di-A.D. 1070.

gression, I find in eminent writers two contrary cha- 1-1

racters of king William. Some make him an arrant tro^^J-
tyrant, ruling only by the magna charta of his own ^^^.
will, oppressing all English without cause or mea-i^a™-
sure. No author need to be alleged for the avouching
thereof, the thing being author for itself, being so
notoriously known, and generally believed. Others

make him to quit his title by conquest, and hold the
crown, partly by bequest from king Edward the
Confessor, whose good laws he is said to confirm,
{leges boni regis Edvardi qtms Gidielmus hastardus
postea conJirmaviUY ^^^ partly by compact with his
people. Yea, the chronicles of Lichfield make him
to call a parliament in effect ; I mean, a meeting of
his clergy and nobility in a great council ; where, as
if he had turned perfect Englishman, he conformed
his practice to their ancient constitutions.

14. Should I interpose between these opposite 0"«* «"-

,. ^ - deavours to

parties to reconcile them, probably the blows from ompaas
both sides would fall heavy on my charitable indis- ference'
cretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such
confirmation of king Edward's law (if made by king
William) probably was rather oral and verbal, than
real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not
general, but limited to some particular place, as the
province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which
alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather
gotten by them than given unto them. But if any
will contend that this confirmation was general, they
must confess it done in the latter end of his reign.
King William when young loved honour ; when old,

» See Mr. Seldeii, ut supra^ [^p. 224.]

c 4

S4 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1070. ease: when young, to conquer; when old, to enjoy.

^-^ Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to

a better compliance with his people. However, this
his confirmation of king Edward's laws was not such
as either gave general content to, or begat assured
confidence in the English : perchance because but a
personal act, and but partially done, and no whit ob-
ligatory of his posterity. This made the English
press so importunely (though in vain) to William
Rufus, the king's son and successor, for a recon-
firmation of king Edward's laws, which had been
needless (a& being the same with actum agere^ or
rather datum petere) had the former grant from king
William his father been conceived sufficient for their
security.
W^y^' 15. As for king William's particular bounty to
bounty to Battel Abbey in Sussex, which he founded, it bare
bey. ' better proportion to the dignity of the giver, than to
the deserts of the receivers. For, besides those pri-
vileges formerly mentioned'', he gave it all the land
within a league of the site thereof. He ordered
that no foreigner should be obtruded on their abbey,
but in every vacancy one of their own convent should
be elected abbot thereof; except (which heavens
forbid) no fit person should be found therein for that
preferment. Nor should the abbot be forced to ap-
pear at any synod or meeting, except pleased of
himself so to do. These and many more immunities
he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious
style, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future

^ In the first paragraph of and in Rymer's Feed. I. 4.

this book. [See the foundation The fullest information upon

charter in Selden's Appendix all these subjects will be found

to his edition of Eadmer ; in the Monasticon.]

CENT. XI. of Britain. 25

princes (and king Henry the Eighth among the rest) a. d. 1070.
into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Espe-1 —

cially with that clause in his charter, NvUtis succes-
sorum meorum violare pr^esumat But dead kings*
charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet
have no teeth to bite, especially when meeting with
an equal after-power to rescind them.

16. The more the pity, that such drones, lazy His hard
abbey-lubbers, went away with the honey, whilst the with the
industrious bees were almost starved. I mean, theS^^ft?"
scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the
Conqueror, the students in University college (for-
merly fomided by king Alfred) were maintained by
pensions, yearly paid them out of the king^s ex-
chequer : which provision was then conceived both
most honourable, as immediately depending on the
crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready
coin, free from vexatious suits, casualties of tenants,
and other encumbrances. But now kmg WilHam,
who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into,
but not ebb out of his coffers, detained and denied
their exhibitions^. Yea, the king picked a quarrel
with them because they sought to preserve and pro-
pagate the English tongue, which the king designed
to suppress, and to reduce all to the French lan-
guage. And yet the French speech was so far from
final prevailing in this kingdom, that it was fain at
last to come to a composition with the English
tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day.
Save that in terms in law, venery and blazon, the
French seemeth solely to command. The scholars,
thus deprived of their pensions, lived on the charity

c Ex monumentis collegii Universitatis. [Quoted by Twyne,
as below.]

26 The Church History book hi.

A.D. io7o.of such as loved the contmuance of their native

#^ 1 T

J__J_-L tongue^. Their Latin was then maintained by their
English : though surely it was no small disturbance
to their studies merely to depend for their subsist-
ence on the arbitrary alms of others.
AD. 1071. 17. Pass we now from king William unto Land-
most kindly frauc archbishop of Canterbury, next the king, then
S«^.^ the most considerable person in our ecclesiastical
history. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of
York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for con-
firmation from the pope in their preferment. Pope
Alexander treated Landfranc so civilly, that a
stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them,
haply might have mistook Landfranc for the pope,
and the pope for the petitioner. His highness ho-
noiu-ed him as his master, cujiis studio sumus in illis
qiKB scimus imbuti ; " by whose care," said he, " we
" have been instructed in those things whereof we
" have knowledge®."
Hisdiarge 18. Then Laudfrauc charged Thomas in the pre-
^SJJ^as, sence of the pope, as canonically uncapable of that
^j^^^ archbishopric, because the son of a priest. And yet
by Landfranc's leave, no canon can be produced then
in force, to debar priests' sons fit)m preferment,
though some few years after in the council of Cler-
mont such a prohibition was made. And therefore
Eadmerus, speaking of Landfranc, calumniatits est co-
ram papa Thomam^ in the proper acception of his
words, speaks more truth than he was aware of, or
probably did intend^ But Landfranc, being a pri-

^ Br. Twyne in Antiq. Aca- any such canon as that alleged

dem. Oxon. p. 215. by Landfranc can be produced

e [Eadmer, H. N. p. 6.] till the time of the council of

^Novorum p. 7. [Whether Clermont, which was held in

CENT. XI. of Britain. 27

vado to the pope's projects, and as well to the inten- a.d. 1071.

tions as the actions of the church of Rome, might by '—i-

a prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas,
using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which
some years after was constituted a legal obstacle to
exclude any priest's son from promotion. But even
when that canon some years after was made, the
pope was not so cruel as thereby fully and finally to
exclude all priests' sons fi^m church dignity, but
only to shut them out for a time, that they might
stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink
of their money,) and at last be let in when they had
paid dear for a dispensation.

1 9. Landfranc likewise charged Remigius, elect of And
Lincoln, as irregular, because guilty of simony. Yet migius,
he did not tax him with a penny of money, either Lincoln.
paid or contracted for, only charged him that officio
emerat^y by service-simony he had purchased the
place of king William ; so that his officiousness to
comply with the king's pleasiu-e had made him inju-
rious and vexatious unto the people. Here all things
were referred to Landfranc's own arbitration ; whom

the pope, of an accuser made a judge, so far as either
to admit or exclude the aforesaid prelates ; affirming,
that if " any unworthiness crept into English prefer-
" ment, be it charged on Landfranc his account,
" whom he made sole judge of men's merits to any
" promotion."

20. But all is well that ends well ; and so did this Landfranc
contest. Landfranc, having first given them a taste and em-
of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his ^ *^y°*®"*'

the year 1095, is uncertain, bur. De Gestis Pontif. f. 1 17J
See Selden's notes upon Ead- g Eadmerus, ibid,
mer, p. 195. See also Malms-

28

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1071. pity, and favourably accepted them both into their
1— places. Hence they all post homewards, where we

leave Landfranc safely arrived, and soundly employed

in variety of business.

1. In asserting the superiority of his see above
York.

2. In defending his tenants, in what diocese so-
ever, from the visitations of their respective bishops,
which gave the first original to peculiars.

3. In repairing his church of Canterbury, lately
much defaced with fire.

4. In casting out secular priests and substituting
monks in their room**.

5. Lastly, in recovering lands long detained from
his see.

Nor was he affrighted with the height and great-
ness of Odo bishop of Bayeux, though half-brother
to king William, and earl of Kent, but wrestled a
fair fall with him in a legal trial, and cast him flat
on his back, regaining many lordships which Odo
had most unjustly invaded ^ Such as desire more of

^ [According to Eadmer
(H. N. p. to.), and Malms-
bury (De Gest. Pontif. f. 122.)
Walchelinus, bishop ofWinton,
with the concurrence of the
king and the nobles of the
realm, would have restored the
regular clergy, and had indeed
reinstated forty of them in his
diocese; but Landfranc, sup-
ported by pope Alexander,
most violently and most un-
justly expelled them, and ob-
tained from the pope an edict
in his favour (printed in Ead-
mer, p. II.) It is justly ob-
served by Fuller, that the am-
bitious projects of the Roman

pontifs gained greater strength
in the time of William I., than
in any previous periods.

It was provided by the
council of Winchester, held in
the year 1 076, that priests who
were married should not be
compelled to put away their
wives; but that those who were
unmarried should be interdict-
ed from marrying, and that no
one should hereafter be admit-
ted to holy orders without a
previous profession, before his
bishop, that he was not mar-
ried. Wilkins* Cone. I. 367.]

i [Eadmer, H. N. p. 9. Wil-
kins* Concil. I. 323.]

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

29

Landfranc his character, let them consult Eadmerus A.p. 1071.

6 GuL 1.

a monk of Canterbury, and therefore prodigal in
Landiranc's praise, an archbishop of Canterbury, and
great promoter of monastical life^. Indeed there
was a design, driven on by Walkeline bishop of Win-
chester, who had privately wrought the king to abet
it, to reinduce secular priests into monks' places;
till Landiranc, getting notice, defeated the plot;
procuring that all such monks, whom he had first
fastened in their convents, were afterwards rivetted
therein by papal authority^.

21. About this time a constitution was made, that a. d. 1075.
bishops should remove their sees from petty towns sees w^
to populous places. This reason being rendered for^^^g^^
their removal, Ne viksceret episcopalis dignitas^ by°*^*
their long living in so little villages. Such bishops'
churches could not properly be called cathedrals,
who sat not upon chairs, but low stools, so incon-
siderably small were some places of their residences.
A fair candlestick, advantageously set, in some sense
may be said to give light to the candle itself; and
episcopal lustre will be the brighter, if placed in
eminent cities. Besides, bishops having now gotten
canon law, and distinct courts by themselves, much
people repaired unto their consistories, which conve-
niently could not be accommodated in little villages.

^ [See alsd an admirable de-
scription of his character by
Malmsb. De Gest. Pontif. f.
1 1 6 J and tlie Saxon Chron. an.
1 070. sq. He was far superior
in literary qualifications to any
of his predecessors, and one of
the best scholars oi his time,
he shewed in his contro-

as

versy with the celebrated Be.

rengarius. At the same time
he was exceedingly severe and
tyrannical, on one occasion pro-
ceeding even to the infliction
of corporal punishment upon
some monks who opposed his
proceedings. See the remark-
able narrative in the Saxon
Chronicle, ib.]

^ [Eadmer, H. N. p. 10.]

so The Church History book in.

A.D. 1075. but required bigger places for their better entertain-

^ment. In order to this command, the bishop of

Dorchester near Oxford removed to Lincoln"*; as
somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chi-
chester, and Sherborne to Salisbury ; and, not long
after, Thetford to Norwich. Now as these cities to
which they removed, being great before, grew greater
afterwards, so those places which they left, Dor-
chester (and Selsey especially) decayed to con-
temptible villages ; it faring with places as with per-
sons, the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are
daily diminished.
Woistan's 22. As thcse bishops accounted themselves well
saveUi hu busied m removing their bishopncs, so some, I am
bishopnc ^^^.^^ ^ffere ill employed in endeavouring to remove a
good bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his church of
Worcester. As the poets feign of Janus, that he
had two faces, because living before and after the
flood, so this Wolstan may be charactered accord-
ingly, made bishop before, but continuing his place
long after the Norman inundation. But in what
sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he
had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one
to God, and all goodness ; yet his adversaries heaved
at him to cast him out of his bishopric, because an
Englishman of the old stamp ; but he sat safe, right-
poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity.
And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, ensigns
of his episcopacy, he refused to surrender them to

m [William of Malmsbury, mentions the translation of

who has given an abstract of Lichfield to Chester. De Ges-

the proceedings of this council, tis Pont. f. (117.) With

omits all notice of the trans- Malmsbury the other copies of

lation of the see of Dorchester this council agree. See WiU

to Lincoln, and in place of it, kins' Concil. I. 363.

CEKT.Xl.

of Britain.

31

any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the a.d. 1075.

tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he re

ceived them. This his gratitude to his dead patron,
and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his
place, procured him much favour, and occasioned
his peaceable confirmation in his bishopric".

23. At this time several liturries were used in The on-

. ginal <rf J*-

England, which caused confusion, and much dis- eum/um

tuum SO"

rum.

^ [Ailredus Rievall. p. 405.
ed. Twysden.

Thomas archbishop of York
laid claim to the see of Wor-
cester^ which had sometimes
been held in commendam by
other archbishops of York,
According to Malmsbury^ an^
other pretext for removing
Wulstan was his want of learn-
ing. De Gestis^ f. 66^ b. Ang.
Sac. II. 255.

The same writer mentions an
anecdote relating to this con-
tention, which shews the simpli-
city of Wulstan's character. The
king and the archbishop were
not inclined to favour him, and
his opponent Thomas the arch-
bishop^ a Norman of consider-
able learning and ability, was
busily employed in preparing
his cause. Wulstan having
retired for his defence, said to
his clerks : " We have not yet
•• chaunted The Ninth Hour ;
" let us begin it then." His
clerks replied ; " That there
" was sufficient time for it
'* hereafter, and that he should
'* rather attend to the business
" in hand ; for if the king and
" his nobles should hear them,
'' they would only turn them
" into ridicule." The venerable

n

tt

€i

((

prelate replied ; " Let us first
" do the service of God, and
'■ afterwards attend to the liti-
" gations of men. Know ye
'^ not that the Lord hath said ;
" When ye shall he brought he-
" fare governors and kings,
take no thought how or what
ye shall speak, for it shall
he given you in that same hour
what ye shall speak" H aving
performed this service of the
churchy he went into court,
and defended himself with so
much simplicity and honesty,
that he gained his cause^ and
the favour of the king ever
after. This anecdote Malms-
bury heard from a contem-
porary. See Will. Malmsb. de
Vita Wulstani in the Ang.
Sacr. II. p. 241. For this bio-
graphy Malmsbury was much
indebted to Colman a monk,
afterwards prior of Westbury,
who died in 11 13. He com-
posed a life of Wulstan in
Anglo-Saxon, for which he was
well qualified, having been a
disciple of Wulstan, and his
chaplain for fifteen years. An-
other authority was Hamming,
sub-prior of Worcester, Wul-
stan's friend and contempo-
rary.]

3S

The Church History

BOOK I If.

-^•^-jojB.turbed men*8 devotions. Yea, which was worse, a

i8 GuL 1. —7 7

brawl, yea, a battle happened betwixt the English

monks of Glassenbury and Thurstan, their Norman
abbot in their very church obtruding a service upon
them which they disliked. Unfit persons to fight,
being by their profession men of peace, and unfitter
the place for a quarrel. Have ye not hotises to eat
and drink in f saith St. Paul to the Corinthians, or
despise ye the church of God^f Was there no other
room in their convent for them to fall out and fight
in, but their church alone ? Here was an holy war
indeed, when church forms, candlesticks, and cruci-
fixes were used for shields by the monks against the
abbot's armed men, brought in against them. Nor
was holy water only, but much blood spilled in the
place; eight monks being wounded, and two slain
(or if you will) sacrificed near the steps of the high
aJtarP. But this accident, ill in itself, was then con-

^ I Cor. xi. 22.

P Eulogium an ancient and
authentic Chronicle, cited by
Mr. Fox, vol. I. p. 238. [Will,
of Malmsb. f. 62. Fox in his
Martyrology has given an exact
account of this quarrel. '* [This]
*' Thurstanus the said William

[the Conqueror] had brought

out of Normandy from the
'^ abbey of Cadomum [Caen],
'' and placed him abbot of
" Glastenbury. The cause of
** this contentious battle was
^' for that Thurstanus con-
*^ temning their quire service,
'* then called the use of S.
'* 6regory,compelled his monks
" to the use of one William a
" monk of Fiscam in Norman-
'^ dy. Whereupon came strife
'* and contentions amongst

((

<«

" them, first in words, then
^* from words to blows, after
•' blows then to armour, &c."
For his authority he places
in the margin, '* Ex Eulogio
" Historico, lib. 3." but the
above passage is also a literal
version of Florentius Wigom.
third book, a. 1083. (for so it
is divided in the MS. in Cor-
pus Christi College, Oxford),
and differs nothing from Flo-
rence except in the passage
which Fox rightly says, " sa-
'* voureth of some monkish
<^ addition besides the text."
Florence of Worcester says,
two monks were killed and
fourteen wounded ; but the
Saxon Chron. and Mat. Paris,
three killed and eighteen
wounded ; and probably the

C£NT. XI.

of Britain.

SS

ceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a. d. 1083.
a settlement and unifonnity of liturgy all over Eng- '^ ^"^' ^*
land. For hereupon Osmund, bishop of Salisbury,
devised that ordinary or form of service which here-
after was observed in tie whole realm : his church's
practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein
a direction to all others. Henceforward the most
ignorant parish priest in England, though having no
more Latin in all his treasury, yet understood the
meaning of, secundum usum Sarum^ that all service
must be ordered, "according to the course and
^ custom of Salisbury church pp."

24. I find no Jews in England (no deviation, I The Am
hope, from church history to touch at the synagogue) S^j^ws
before the reign of the Conqueror, who brought J^*''^'
many from Roan in Normandy, and settled them in
London, Norwich, Cambridge, Northampton, &c.*i

eight in the text is only a mis-
print for eighteen. The latter
writer also refers this quarrel
to the year 1079. The abbot
was deposed and banished.

This however was not a sin-
gle instance, as might have
been expected. Most of the
Norman abbots had been thrust
upon the monasteries^ as a re-
ward for their services, without
any regard being paid to the
rights of the existing abbots ;
and being generally of warlike
habits, they frequently fell to
fighting with their monks. Thus
Thorald, a monk of Fescamp,
was intruded upon the abbey
of Malmsbury, though Bright-
ric the abbot was still alive.
But as he was continually en-
gaged in squabbling with the
monks, William transferred him

FULLER, VOL. II.

to the abbey of Borough^ which
was indeed very rich, but con-
tinually infested by a band of
marauders, headed by the fa-
mous Hereward the Saxon ; a
very troublesome foe to the
Conqueror ; William adding
these words on the occasion :
•* By the splendor of God," he
says, •* because he shews hiin-
" self more of a soldier than
*' an abbot, I'll find his match
'* for him. Let him go there
" and try his military prowess,
" and find sport in fighting as
" long as he pleases." Vita
Aldhelmi, p. 372. Compare
Sax. Chron. a. 1070.]

PP [See Bromton s Chron.

P-977. I.]

q S tow's Survey of London,

[p. 288.]

34

The Church History

BOOK III.

A D. 1083. In what capacity these Jews came over I find not ;

'— perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed Eng-
lishmen's goods which Christians would not meddle
with. SuflSceth it us to know, that an invasion by
conquest (such as king William then made) is like
an inn entertaining all adventurers ; and it may be
these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with
their coin. These Jews, though forbidden to buy
land in England, grew rich by usury, their con-
sciences being so wide, that they were none at all ;
so that in the barest pasture, in which a Christian
would starve, a Jew would grow fat, he bites so
close unto the ground. And ever bow down their
backs^ is part of God's curse upon the Jews. And
crook-backed men, as they eye the earth, the centre
of wealth, so they quickly see what straight persons
pass by, and easily stoop to take up what they find
thereon; and therefore no wonder if the Jewish
nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetous-
ness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William
favoured them very much ; and Rufus his son much
more ; especially if that speech reported of him be
true, that he should swear by St. Luke's face, his
common oath, " if the Jews could overcome the
" Christians, he himself would become one of their
" sect V

^ Stow's Survey of Lon-
don, p. 288. [From Malmsb.
De Gestis, f. 69, b. Eadmer
accuses Rufus of obliging
converted Jews to renounce
Christianity and return to Ju-
daism ; but this statement is
probably founded on report,
and is in itself incredible. Sel-
den has much praised the nar-

rative of this writer, who is on
the whole judicious and exact.
But as he was the constant
companion of Anselm, and at-
tended that prelate in his ab-
sence from England, whatever
he has related of Rufus, at the
least of the latter years of that
prince's life, must be considered
as resting on hearsay.]

CKKT. XI.

of Britain,

S5

25. Now was the time come of king William's a. d. 1087.

death, ending his days in Normandy. But see the — '-

unhappiness of all human felicity ; for his breath and of kin^
his servants forsook him both together; the latter ^^^'
leaving him, as if his body should bury itself. How ^?*^9j^^
many hundreds held land of him in knights' service !
whereas now, neither knight nor esquire to attend
him. At last, with much ado, his corpse are brought
in mean manner to be interred in Caen. As they
were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids
the burial till satisfaction was made unto him, be-
cause the king had violently taken from him that
ground on which that church was erected. Doth
not Solomon say true, A living dog is better than a
dead lion^ when such a little cur durst snarl at the
corpse of a king and a conqueror ? At last the monks
of Caen made a composition, and the body was
buried*. And as it was long before this king's corpse
could get peaceable possession of a grave, so since,
by a firm ejection, he hath been outed of the same.
When French soldiers, anno Domini 1562, amongst
whom some English were mingled, when Chastillion
conducting the remnant of those which escaped in
the battle of Dreux, took the city of Caen, in his
way (out of pretence forsooth to seek for some trea-

8 [Flor. Wigorn. a. 1087.
Malmsb. f. 63. ** Corpus de-
*' functum Cadomum per Se-
*' quanam delatum magno prse-
** latorum frequentia traditur
«* sepulturse," Mat. Paris.
an. 1087. p. 14. Robert,
the Conqueror's eldest sod,
was engaged in preparation
for a war against his father, in
France. Rufus, before his fa-
ther expired, crossed over into
England ; — to use the dry, sar-

castic language of the chro-
nicler just quoted — *' utiliorem
" sibi earn profectionem fore
** ducens in posterum, quam
*' paternis exsequiis interesse."
Henry Was the only son pre-
sent at the funeral, who paid
the soldier to whom the land
belonged, where his father was
interred, a hundred pounds, to
protect the corpse from insult.
Will, of Malmsbur. f. 63, b.]

D 2

36

The Church History

BOOK III.

A. D. 1087. sure supposed to be hid in his tomb) most barba-

21 1 rously and cowardly brake up his coffin, and cast his

bones out of the same*.
The three 26. William the Conqueror left three sons, Robert,
Conqueror, William, and Henry : and, because hereditary sur-
"Z^^ names were not yet fixed in families, they were thus
denominated and distinguished :

i. The eldest from his goods of fortune, to which
clothes are reduced, Robert Curthose, from the short
hose he wore, not only for fancy, but sometimes for
need, cutting his coat according to his cloth: his
means, all his life long, being scant and necessitous,
ii. The second, from the goods of his body, viz. a
ruddy complexion, William Rufiis, or Red. But,
whether a lovely and amiable, or ireful and choleric
red, the reader on perusal of his life is best able to
decide.

iii. The third, from the goods of his mind, and his
rich abilities of learning, Henry Beauclerk, or, the
good scholar".

The middlemost of these, William Rufus, pre-
suming on his brother Robert's absence in Normandy,
and pretending his father got the crown by conquest,
which by will he bequeathed unto him, (his eldest
brother being then under a cloud of his father's dis-
pleasure,) adventured to possess himself of the king-
dom ^

t Stow's Chron. [p. 127.]
u [He had another son named
Richard^ born after Robert, a
youth of great promise, who
met his death hunting in the
New Forest. Flor. Wigom. a.
1 160. OrdericusVitali8,p. 573.
Malmsb. f. 63, b. Mr. Ste-
venson has printed from MSS.
an epitaph on this prince, writ-

ten by Selro, a contemporary.
Scala Chronica, notes, p. 214.]
V [M. Paris, a. 1086. p. 12.
Gul. Neubrig. I. 2. According
to William of Newbury the
succession undoubtedly per-
tained of right to Robert ;
who was, however, according
to the same testimony, incom-
petent to the task of governing

CBNT. XI.

of Britain.

87

27. On the twenty-sixth of September, Landfranc a. d. 1087.
archbishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, bishop 1^^
of Worcester, assisting him, crowned Rufns king of liam^Ruftw
England, though but his father's second son^. And*^"""*^^'
indeed the known policy of the former, and the re-
puted piety of the latter, were the best supporters of

his title. Jacob, we know, acted with a prophetical
spirit, guiding his hands wittingly^, laid his right on
Ephraim the younger, and his left on Manasseh the
elder brother : but what warrant these bishops had
to invert and transpose nature's method, by preferring
the younger brother before the elder, was best known
to themselves. Under Landfranc he had his edu-
cation, who "made him a knight V' though it had
been more proper for his tutor's profession, yea, and
more for his credit, and his pupil's profit, if he (as
the instrument) had made him a good Christian.

28. He began very bountifully, but on another His covet-
man's cost ; not as a donor, but a dealer thereof, and and^^n-
executor of his father's will. To some churches he ''^^^^^
gave ten mark, to others six, to every country village

five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every

a large kingdom. De Rebus
Angl. I. 3. Rufus was the
favourite of his parents (Malms.
De Pontif. f. 123, b.), was
brought up by them with great
care and attention, giving at a
very early age tokens of great
abi&ty. He would without
doubt have been the most in-
comparable prince of his time>
had he not been eclipsed by
his father's greatness; shew-
ing the greatest anxiety to out-
strip all his rivals in military
exercises; careful in his obe-
dience to his father, to whom

he was attentive on all occa-
sions; as anxious in war to
draw his father's eyes upon
him by feats of arms, as he
was his constant companion in
peace. Malmsb. De Gestis, f.
t'j. b. His character is ad-
mirably drawn by this Chro-
nicler ; and may be trusted, as
he was not prejudiced in favour
of the Normans.]

w [Flor. Wig. a. 1087.]

X Gen. xlviii. 14.

y Mat. Paris, a. 1087. p. 14.
Malmsb. De Gestis, f. 67. b.]

d3

38 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1087. county, to be distributed among the poor*. But

^afterward he proved most parsimonious, though no

man more prodigal of never-performed promises.
Indeed Rehoboam, though simple, was honest, speak-
ing to his subjects, though foolishly, yet truly ac-
cording to his intent, that his finger should be heavier
than his father's loins^: whereas Rufus was false
in his proceedings, who, on the imminence of any
danger or distress, (principally to secure himself
against the claim of his brother Robert,) instantly to
oblige the English, promised them the releasing of
their taxes, and the restoring of the English laws ;
but, on the sinking of the present danger, his per-
formance sunk accordingly ; no letter of the English
laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the re-
turning of the like state-storm occasioned the re-
viving of his promise ; and alternately the clearing
up of the one deaded the performance of the other^
A.D. 1089. 29. This year died Landfranc archbishop of Can-
ing himself tcrbury ; after whose death the king seized the pro-
Uving^^ fits of that see into his own hand, and kept the
church vacant for some years ; knowing the emptiness
of bishoprics caused the fulness of his coffers. Thus
archbishop Rufus, bishop Rufiis, abbot Rufus, for so
he may be called, as well as king RuAis ; keeping at
the same time the archbishopric of Canterbury, the
bishoprics of Winchester and Durham, and thirteen
abbeys in his hand, brought a mass of money into
his exchequer. All places which he parted with was
upon present payment. Simon Magus with his
hands full of money, would carry any thing from

* Chronicon Johannis Brom- Wig. a. 1087.]
ton, p. 983. [Malmsb. f. 63. b. a i Kings xii. 11.
M, Paris, a. 1087. p. 14. Flor. b Malmsb. De Gestis, f. 68.

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

39

Simon Peter, with his silver and gold have I none^.A.D.ioSg.

Yea, John bishop of Wells could not remove his

seat to Bath, nisi cdbo ungiiento manibus regis deli-

batis\ " unless he had moistened the king's hands

" with white ointment ;** though a less proportion,

of a yellow colour, would have been more sovereign

to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remi-

gius bishop of Lincoln about the founding of his

cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace at the

price of a thousand marks®.

30. But in the midst of his mirth, king Rufus, a. d. 1093.

His sick-
coming to Gloucester, fell desperately sick, andnessand

began to bethink himself of his ill Jed life^. As allof amend^

aches and wounds prick and pain most the nearer it ^^^^

draweth to night, so a guilty conscience is most

active to torment men the nearer they conceive

themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon

he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all

c Acts viii. 1 8. iii. 6.

^ M. Paris, p. 1 7. [See the
confirmation by Henry I. of
this transfer, in Rymer I. 8.
dated, 11 11.^

® [Durham was vacated in
the year 1088, by William de
Carilepho, who being guilty
of treason, as it was alleged,
was permitted to withdraw
into Normandy. Mat. Paris.
an. 1088. Landfranc died on
the 24th of March 1089. For
an account of his life, learning,
and munificence, see Mat. Pa-
ris, an. 1089, and the collective
edition of his works and letters
by Du Chesne, Paris, 1646, re-
printed in the Bibliotheca Pa-
trum, Lugd. tom. xviii. p. 62 1.
The see of Canterbury was not
again filled up till the year

1092, when it was conferred
upon Anselm (Mat. Paris, an.
1092.), and the same year
Robert Blois, chancellor, was
promoted to the see of Lincoln,
vacant the year before by the
death of Remigius. This pre-
late gave the king 500/. to se-
cure the freedom of his church,
which Thomas, the archbishop
of York, had laid claim to, as
having been built in his dio-
cese. See Mat. Paris, an. 1085,
1 09 1, 1092. But the king
was grieved above measure,
says this caustic chronicler,
when he had recovered from
his sickness, that he had given
and not sold the bishopric]

^ [M. Paris, a. 1092. p. 17.
Malm. De Pontif. f. 124.]

D 4

40

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1093. persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all empty

places with able pastors. In pursuance hereof he

made Anselm, (the abbot of Beck in Normandy,)
one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, arch-
bishop of Canterbury fi^; which place he was hardly
persuaded, with much importunity, to accept. The
first eminent act of his archiepiscopal office which
we find was, when preaching at the court on Ash-
Wednesday, he denied ashes and absolution to all
those courtiers who affected effeminateness in their
behaviour^; especially in wearing their hair long,
and combed like women. A sin, no doubt; for
whereas TertuUian calls the length of women's hair,
sarcinam suce humilitatisy the same in men (so promis-
cuously worn) may be called, sardna stue superbitB.
Anseim's 31. There passeth a memorable expression of An-
questioned. solm's. Cried up and commended by some for a
masterpiece of devotion, namely, " that he had rather

& [The grant is in Rymer, 1. 5 .
Like his predecessor Landfranc,
Anselm was an Italian : one of
the best scholars and authors of
his time ; and, what was some-
what unusual in those times^
was chiefly indebted to his
mother for his education (Joan.
Sarisbur. p. 155.)' See an ac-
count of him in Orderic.Vitalis,
p. 531. Will, of Malmsb. de
Pontif. f. 123. More complete
narratives of this eminent pre-
late will be found in his life
composed by Eadmer, his fa-
miliar friend and constant com-
panion, (and published in the
collective edition of Anseim's
works, by Gerberon, Paris,
1675.) and by John of Salis-
bury in Wharton's Ang. Sac.
II. 149. Nothing can exceed

the piety of Anseim's devo-
tional works.]

h Eadmerus, H. N. p. 23.
[Malmsbury observes the same
of Wulstan, the primitive bi-
shop of Worcester ; who used
with his own hands to poll
the heads of those who would
submit to it. For which pur-
pose he kept a little knife,
which also served him for
trimming his nails or cleaning
his books. Those who would
not submit to the operation he
lectured for their effeminacy,
and openly threatened them
with God's judgment. Vita
Wulstani in Ang. Sac. II. 254.

In another place this chro-
nicler complains bitterly of the
corruption and effeminacy of
the times. De Gestis, f. 69. b.]

CENT. XI. of Britain, 41

" be in hell without sm, than in heaven with sin^;" a.d. 1093.

which others condemn as an unsavoury speech, " not

" according to scripture phrase, as from one not suf-
" ficiently acquainted with the justification of a
** Christian man^." Indeed, some high-flown ex-
pressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but
yet not with any intention to enter in thereat ; in
which we are more to mind the sense than the
sound of the words. Amongst those may this of
Anselm's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous
detestation of sin ; yea, which charitably may be de-
fended in the very letter thereof. For Adam, we
know, was some while in paradise (heaven's suburbs)
after the eating of the forbidden fruit^, yet was sen-
sible of no pleasure therein, which made him hide
himself, as prosecuted by his guilty conscience : and
some of the ancients conceive that Christ went
locally to hell, yet no pain did seize on him there,
seeing sorrow can arrest none but at the suit of sin
going before.

32. But, to leave Anselm*s words, let us come to Anseim re-
his deeds : who was scarce warm m his arch- send king
bishopric, when the king sent to him for a thousand J^^*
pound ; which sum, being so small in itself, (Rufiis
usually demanding more of less bishoprics,) and that
after his entrance on his see, free from any pre-
contract, might have passed without the suspicion of
simony, imder the notion of a mere gratuity*. How-
ever, Anseim refused to pay it, because he would

i [Joan. Sarisbur. vit. An- first cause of their quarrel was

selmi, p. 157.] the refusal of Anseim to con-

JFoir,Act8andMon.I.p.24o. firm to the king certain lands

k Gen. iii. belonging to the see of Can-

1 [|Mat. Paris^ an. 1094. terbury, which the king had

Joan. Sarisbur. ib. p. 163. The alienated.]

4S The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1093. avoid the appearance of evil. Others say™, that he
-i^!!!!!!L freely sent the king five hundred pounds, with this
compliment ; that though it was the first, it should
not be the last he would present to his majesty:
which the king in choler refused, because short to
the sum he expected. Indeed, RuAis only retained
this of all his archiepiscopal education, (being bred
under Landfranc, as is aforesaid,) that thereby he ex-
perimentally knew the .sweetness of church prefer-
ments ; and in his bargain and sale set a rate upon
them accordingly, being after his recovery from his
sickness far more sordid and sacrilegious than before.
A.D. 1094. 33. Amongst the many simoniacal prelates that
bishop of swarmed in the land, Herbert bishop of Thetford
Ws^c^' must not be forgotten; nicknamed (or sumamed
niacai flat- gjjg^ij J g^y ^ Losifig^ that is, the Flatterer ; our old

English word leasing for l^ing retains some affinity
thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow
a ghzing companion. Though the best persuasive-
ness of his flattery consisted in downright arguments
of gold and silver. For, guilty of the hereditary sin of
simony, his father having formerly bought the abbey
of Ramsey, he purchased the bishopric of Thetford of
the king. But afterward he posted to Rome, con-
fessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt
thereof. Thus, as the leprosy of Naaman was washed
away in Jordan, so that his flesh came again as the
flssh of a little child^ and he was chan^, so this bishop
was persuaded that all his simoniacal corruption was
cleansed in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving him-

^ Eadmerus, H. N. p. 21. chasing the dukedom of Nor-

[This sum was not for his bi- mandy. Malm, de Pont. f. 125.

shopric^ but sent subsequently Mat. Paris> ibid.]

on occasion of the king's pur- ^ 2 Kings v. 14.

CENT. XI. of Britain. 4S

self henceforward to begin on a new account of in-A.D. 1094-
tegrity, especially having, after his return, removed ^ " *'
his episcopal seat from Thetford to Norwich**, where
he first founded the cathedral.

84. Wolstan, the venerable bishop of Worcester, a. d. 1095.
left this life. A bishop of the old edition, un- bishop of
acquainted with Landfranc's Italian additions; notdi^T***'
faulty in his conversation, but country, because an
Englishman bom. It was laid to his charge that he
could not speak French, (no essential quality in a
bishop, as St. Paul describes himP,) sure I am he
could speak the language of Canaan, humble, holy,
heavenly discourse. A mortified man much mace-
rating his body with fasting and watching, if not
overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-
worship therein*!.

35. About this time began the holy war, which Duke Ro-
here we will not repeat, having formerly made an pares^fop
entfa-e work thereof. Robert duke of Normandy, to J^^?'^^
fit himself for that voyage, sold his dukedom to king
William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some ; for
six thousand six hundred sixty-six pounds, that is,
one mark less, say others; haply abating the odd
mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred and
mystical a number. To pay this money, king Rufus
laid a general and grievous tax over all the realm,
extorting it with such severity, that the monks were
fain to sell the church plate and very chalices for
discharging thereof*". Wonder not that the whole

o [April 13th, 1094. Mat. H. N. p. 35, are very remark-
Paris^ an. 1094.] able: " Quae pecunia per An-

P I Tim. iii. 2^ &c. Tit. i. 6^ '' gliam partim data partim

&:c. ** exacta totum regnum in im-

q [Mat. Paris, an. T095.] *' mensum vastavit. Nihil ec-

r [The words of Eadmer, *' clesiarum ornamentis in hac

44

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1095, land should be impoverished with the pajring of so

^ small a sum ; for a little wool is a great deal when

it must be taken from a new-shorn sheep : so pilled
and polled were all people before with constant
exactions. Such whom his hard usage forced beyond
the seas were recalled by his proclamation ; so that
his heavy levies would not suffer them to live here,
and his hard laws would not permit them to depart
hence. And when the clergy complained unto him
to be eased of their burdens, " I beseech you," said
he, " have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead
" men's bones?" intimating that the same treasure
might otherwise be better employed.

86. The streams of discord began now to swell
high betwixt the king and archbishop Anselm ;
flowing principally from this occasion®. At this time
there were two popes together, so that the eagle
with two heads, the arms of the empire, might now
as properly have fitted the papacy for the present.
Of these, the one (Guibertus) I may call the lay
pope, because made by Henry the emperor; the
other (Urban) the clergy-pope, chosen by the con-
clave of cardinals*. Now, because like unto like.

Variance
between
the king
and An-
selm.

i<

€*

CC

'' parte indulsit dominandi cu-
" piditas^ nihil sacris altarium
vasis^ nihil reliquiarum cap-
sis, nihil Euangeliorum libris
auro vel argento paratis."
Malmsbury gives an illnstration
of this ; he says, that in his own
monastery the abbot stripped
off in one day the gold and
silver ornaments from twelve
copies of the Gospel, eight
crosses^ eight scrinia, in which
were contained the ashes of di-
vers saints. See De Pontif.
V. p. 377. ed. Gale.]

s [Eadmer, H. N. p. 25.
Mat. Paris, ib. Joan. Sarisbur.

164.]
t [Of this dispute between

the popes, see Mat. Paris in
the years 1084, 1086, 1087,
1089^ 1094. Hildebrand, who
assumed the name of Gregory
VII. ^ was deposed in the year
1083, and Guibert, who as-
sumed the name of Clement,
was appointed in his steady by
the influence of the emperor.
The cardinals^ disgusted with
this interference^ nominated

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

45

kinsr William sided with the former, whilst Anselm a. d. 1095.

8 Rufus.

as earnestly adhered to Urban in his aflfections, de '-

siring to receive his pall from him, which the king
refused to permit**. Hereupon Anselm appealed to
his pope, whereat king William was highly of-
fended v.

37. But, because none are able so emphatically to Thdr se-
tell their stories and plead their causes as themselves, ings, and
take them in their own words : S^^e-

ment.

The king objected:

" The custom from my
'^ father's time hath been in
" England, that no person
" should appeal to the pope,
** without the king's license.
" He that breaketh the cus-
" toms of my realm, vio-
•' lateth the power and
'* crown of my kingdom.
'^ He that violateth and

Anselm answered:

" The Lord hath discussed this
question. Give unto Casar the
things that are C(Bsar*s, and
'* unto God the things that are
" God's, In such things as be-
" long to the terrene dignities of
" temporal princes, I will pay my
*' obedience ; but Christ said,
Thou art Peter, and upon this
rock I will build my church,

tt

t€

tc

(C

Desiderius, abbot of Cassini,
to the popedom^ under the
name of Victor. But he dying
shortly after, Otho, a Cluniac
monk, bishop of Ostia^ was ap-
pointed to succeed him^ as-
suming the name of Urban H.]

^ [[Eadmer attributes the
siding of Anselm with Urban,
to the fact of this pope having
been previously acknowledged
by ItaJy and France ; and An-
selm was a Norman^ formerly
abbot of Bee. Hist. Novorum.
p. 25. Anselm himself urges
the same argument in his
speech at the synod of Rocking-
ham, where the question of in-
vestiture was debated. lb. p. 26.

It is worthy of notice, that

Urban II., by the suggestion
of Anselm, passed an act at a
council at Rome, that all lay-
men who conferred investiture
(laicos investituros ecclesiarum
more pristino conferentes), and
that all ecclesiastics who re-
ceived investiture from laymen
should be excommunicated.
Mat. Paris, an. 1094. Joan. Sa-
risbur. p. 167.]

v-[In this Anselm was op-
posed by all the bishops, ex-
cept the bishop of Rochester,
a Norman, his personal friend,
who had studied with Anselm
in the monastery of Bee in
Normandy. See Vita Gundulfi
episc. Roffens. in Ang. Sac. II.
p. 280.]

46 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1095. *' taketh away my crown, '* &c. Whose vicar he ought to

8 Rufiis. «( jg ^ traitor and enemy " obey in spiritual matters, and

'* against me." " the fetching of his pall was of

" that nature ^."

At last an expedient was found out, that Anselm
should not want his pall, nor fetch it himself from
Rome, being by the king's consent brought to him
by Gualter, pope Urban's legate, (whom the king at
last was fain to acknowledge,) and so all things for
the present reconciled*.
Theydis- 38. But the wouud bctwixt them was rather
agree again, gj^^^^^ over than perfectly healed ; and afterwards

brake out again, the king taking occasion of dis-
pleasure at Anselm's backwardness to assist him in
his expedition into Wales^. Whereupon Anselm
desired a second journey to Rome, there to bemoan,
and probably to relieve himself by complaint to the
pope. But the king stopped his voyage, affirming
that Anselm had led so pious a life, he need crave
no absolution at Rome ; and was so well stored with
learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel
there. Yea, said the king, " Urban had rather give
" place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Anselm have
" need of Urban." In fine, after much contesting,
Anselm secretly stole out of the realm, and the king
seized all his goods and lands into his own coffers^.
Three years was he in exile, sometimes at Lyons,
sometimes at Rome ; welcome wheresoever he came,
and very serviceable to the church by his pious
living, painful preaching, learned writing, and solid

w [From Malmsb. De Pont. y [Eadmer,H. N. p. 37-41.]

f . 1 24. b. Mat. Paris, ib. Joan. 2 [Kather he demanded leave

Sarisbur. ib. 164. Eadmer> ib.] to depart a third time, and de-

* [Eadmer, H. N. p. 32. parted openly. Joan. Sarisb.

Joan. Sarisb. ib.] ^65.]

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

47

disputing, especially in the general council of Bar", a. D. 1095.

where he was very useful in confiiting and condemn- "

ing the errors of the Greek church about the pro-
cession of the Holy Spirit^.

39. King Rufus was a hunting in New Forest, a.d.i 100.
which was made by king William his father ; not so his death,
much out of pleasure or love of the game, as policy
to clear and secure to himself a fair and large land-
ing-place for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion
did require. Here then was a great devastation of
towns and temples ; the place being turned into a
wilderness for men, to make a paradise for deer.
God seemed displeased hereat; for (amongst other
tragedies of the Conqueror's family acted in this
place) Rufiis was here slain by the glancing of an
arrow shot by sir Walter Tirrel*^. An unhappy name
to the kings of England ; this man casually, and an-
other wilfiilly (sir James Tyrrel employed in the
murdering of king Edward the Fifth) having their

a [Joan. Sarisbur. p. 167.
See a treatise upon this sub-
ject by Anselm, Opera, p. 49.
Ed. G. Gerberon. Par.]

^ [Malm. ib. f. 127.]

c [Doubts existed respecting
the cause of his death at a
very early period : for John of
Salisbury states, that in his
own time it was unknown who
had shot the arrow by which
the king perished. Sir Walter
Tyrrell, he says, who is ac-
cused by many of being the
author of the king's death,
because he was very intimate
with him, and was near him in
the hunt, solemnly protested,
on his hopes of salvation, that
he was guiltless of that deed.

Many persons thought that the
king himself had shot the ar-
row which caused his death, or
that he stumbled and fell upon
it, as Tyrrell constantly af-
firmed, although his assertions
were not credited. Eadmer,
H. N. p. 54. Joan. Sarisbur.
p. 170.

This is confirmed by a writer
quoted in Selden*s notes upon
Eadmer, p. 205. See also
Orsler, Vitalis Hist. Eccl. p.
783. ed. Duchesne.

One of the same name (pro-
bably the same person) is men.
tioned by John of Salisbury as
entertaining archbishop An-
selm. Vita Anselmi, p. 157.]

48 The. Church History book hi.

A.D. 1 100. hands in royal blood. Now it is seasonably remem-

'- bered, that some years since this king William had

a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use
after his recovery ; and therefore now divine justice
would not the second time send him the summons of
a solemn visitation by sickness, but even surprised
him by a sudden and unexpected death.
His burial, 40. Thus died king William Rufiis, leaving no
racter. issue, and was buried, saith my author ^ at Win-
chester, multorum procerum conventUy paticorum vera
planctu ; many noblemen meeting, but few mourning
at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his
death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all
mourners Anselm, though in exile in France, ex-
pressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death.
A valiant and prosperous prince, but condemned by
historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness,
though no woman by name is mentioned for his con-
cubine ; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with
mean and obscure persons. But let it be taken into
serious consideration, that no pen hath originally
written the life of this king, but what was made by
a monkish penknife ; and no wonder, if his picture
seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he
may be supposed to fare the worse for his opposition
to the Romish usurpation ; having this good quality,
to suffer none but himself to abuse his subjects,
stoutly resisting all payments of the pope's imposing.
Yea, as great an enemy as he was conceived to the
church, he gave to the monks called De Charttate^
the great new church of St. Saviour's in Bermondsey,

<i John Bromton^ p. 997. [Eadmer, H. N. p. 54. M. Paris,
a. 1 100. p. 38,]

CENT. XI.

of Britain.

49

with the manor thereof, as also of Charlton inA.D. uoo.
Kent«. '3 ^"^'

41. Henry Beauclerk his brother succeeded him Henry the
in the throne, one that crossed the common proverb, ceedeA Ru-
The greatest clerks are not the wisest men, being ^^^**
one of the most profoundest scholars^, and most
politic princes in his generation. He was crowned

« [Though the vices of this
king have probably been exag-
gerated by the monkish chroni-
clers, to whose order he sliowed
himself no friend^ it is certain
that he was guilty of the gross-
est avarice and extortion^ par-
ticularly in reference to the
church. (See Gul. Neubrigens.

I. 2.)

At his death he held in his
own hands the see of Canter-
bury, of Winchester, and Sa-
rum ; twelve abbies he had
either sold or &rmed (injir^
mam dahat), or held in his own
possession. (Mat. Paris^ an.
uoo. Chron. Waverl. p. 142,
ed. Grale.) Besides these acts
of injustice, he scrupled at no
violence in levying the money
which he had engaged to give
his brother for his dukedom.
See above, p. 43. Eadmer,
H. N. p. 35. In this eager
pursuit of money^ he spared
no class of persons, much less
the monastic bodies ; he scru-
tinized the charters and privi-
leges of the different mona-
steries, subjected them to taxes
and the temporal sword, and
withstood the aggressions of
the monks with a spirit even

f eater than his father*s. See
admer, ib. p. 14. William of
Mahnsb. f. 6*],

Another cause which pro-

FULLEB, VOL. II.

voked their hostility against
him was his love of jesting;
frequently meeting a serious
charge or petition with a joke.
When Anselm first came over
into England, upon some busi-
ness connected with his abbey
in Normandy, he expostu-
lated with the king upon his
conduct, who turned it off
with a laugh, saying, that he
could not prevent the licen-
tiousness of people's tongues,
and that a wise man like An.
selm should not give credit to
vulgar reports. When some
one had stated in his presence
that Anselm was the only man
of his time who had no am-
bition for place or distinction ;
" What," said the king with a
smile, *• not care for the arch-
'* bishopric of Canterbury ? "
When this also was denied, he
said that Anselm would struggle
hand and foot if he could get
the least chance of obtaining
the archbishopric. ** But," he
continued, " by the face of St.
'' Luke, (his usual oath,) he
'' and all his competitors must
** give way, I shall be arch-
" bishop of Canterbury for
" this turn." M&lmsb. De
Pontif. p. 123. b.]

f [_*' Well seen in the seven
liberal sciences." Grafton, p.

32.]

50

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1100. about four days after his brother's death. At that
*^ time the present providing of good swords was ac-

counted more essential to a king's coronation than
the long preparing of gay clothes. Such pre-
paratory pomp as was used in after-ages at this
ceremony, was now conceived not only useless, but
dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy
of the throne. To ingratiate himself to the English,
he instantly and actually repealed (for his brother
William had put all the land out of love and liking
of fair promises) the cruel Norman laws. Laws
written in blood, made more in favour of deer than
of men ; more to manifest the power and pleasure of
the imposer, than for the good and protection of the
subject ; wherein sometimes men's mischances were
punished for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner
king Henry gave eyes to the blind in winter nights ;
I mean, light to them who formerly lived (though in
their own houses) in uncomfortable darkness after
eight o'clock ; when heretofore the curfew bell did
ring the knell of all the fire and candle-light in
English families. But now these rigorous edicts
were totally repealed ; the good and gentle laws of
Edward the Confessor generally revived fi^; the late
king's extorting publicans (whereof Ranulf Flambard
bishop of Durham the principal) closely imprisoned ;

8r [See the Charter of Liber-
ties granted by Henry I. in
Mat. Paris^ ibid., and in the
Authentic Collection of the
Statutes. He was driven to
these concessions from fear of
his brother Robert. On the
death of Rufus a diversion
was contemplated in favour
of Robert ; to prevent which.

Henry invited Anselm into
England, who by his per-
sonal influence gained over
many of the discontented no-
bles to Henry's side. On one
occasion, when Robert had
landed in England, and many
were meditating a revolt, An-
selm harangued the people
from an eminence. He pro-

CENT. XI. <»f Britain. 51

the court coniiption, by the king's command, stu-A.D. uoo.
diously reformed; adultery (then grown common) ^
with the loss of virility severely punished ; Anselm
from exile speedily recalled ; after his return, by the
king heartily welcomed ; by the clergy solemnly and
ceremoniously received ; he to his church ; his lands
and goods to him fully restored ; English and Nor-
mans lovingly reconciled ; all interests and persons
seemingly pleased ; Robert, the king's elder brother
(though absent in the Holy Land) yet scarcely missed ;
and so this century, with the first year of king
Henry's reign, seasonably concluded^.

mised in the Raine of tbe king pletely, that Robert was coni-

redress of all the injuries and pelled to sue for peaee. Malms^

evil government which they De Pontif. f. 127.]
had suffered under Rufus ; and ^ [See Malmsb. f. 88.]
gained over the people so com-

£ 2

THE TWELFTH CENTURY.

JOHANNI FITZJAMES,

DE LEtJSTON, IN COM. DORSET. ARMIO.i

Non desunt in hoc nostra acecnlo, qui librorum dedicationeg
pene ducunt mperslUiosum, plane superfiuum ; sic entm
argululi ratiocinaiitur. Liber, si bonus, Patrono non
indiget, suo marie pergat ; sin malus, Patrono ne sit
dedecori, suo merito pereat.

Habeo tamen quod huic dilemmati possim regerere. Liber
mens, nee bonus nee malus, sed quiddam medium inter
utrumque. Sonum, ipse non ausum pronuntiare, cum
plurimis mendis labaret ; malum, alii spero non d0u-
dicenl, cum legentihus possit esse usui.

Sub hoc dubia conditione, vet adversariis nostrisjudicibus,
opus hoc nostrum, Pntronum sibi asciscere, et potest et
debet , et sub alts clienteltE tuce qui tarn Marte prcBstas
quam Mercurio, foveri serio triumphat.

\ RAVE ANSELM, archbishop of Can-
terbury, espoused and married Maud
(daughter of Malcolm king of the
Scots, and St. Margaret his wife) to
Henry king of England. She had been
a professed votary, and was pressed by the impor-

B [Anna. Azure. A dolphin part of the Temple churcfa,

embowed. Argent. John Pitz- London, where a gravestone

James of Lewaton, county Dor- waa inscribed to his memory.

set, esq., was son and heir to Sir John himself died soon

Lewston Fitzjames, esq., by his after, as an act was passed 33

wife Eleanor, daughter of sir Car. II. to enable his two

Henry Winston, of Standish, daughters and coheiresses to

county Gloucester, knight. He alienate part of the property.

was descended of an ancient The bulk of his estate went to

family long seated at Lewston, his daughter Grace, wife of sir

which they inherited from a fe- George Strode, whose repre-

male ancestor of that name. At sentative is the present duke

the Restoration he received the of Northumberland, B. See

honour of knighthood, 9 July, Lloyd's Worthies, I. 1 25, for

1660. His only son, John Fitz- some account of the ancestors

janies, dying in 1669, vUa pa- of this family.]
tris, was buried in the circular

CBNT. XII. The Church History of Britain.

58

tunity of her parents and friends, for politic ends, toA.D.i.oi.
this marriage; insomuch as in the bitterness of l^er I^^lL
sbuly (able to appal the writer hereof, seeing his ink
out-blacked with her expression,) she devoted the
fruit of her body to the devil, because they would
not permit her to perform her promise of virginity.
Thus Matthew Paris ^. But the reader reserveth his
other ear for the relation of Eadmerus, reporting
this story after a different, yea contrary manner, as
followeth :

2. The aforesaid Maud, when a girl, lived under The story
the tuition and correction of Christian her aunt, and ^^by***
abbess of Wilton, at what time the Norman soldiers Eadmerus,
conquering the kingdom, did much destroy, and s^O an eye
more endanger virgins by their violence. Christian :;S'«r
therefore to preserve this her niece, clapped a black
cloth on her head, in imitation of a nun's veil,
which she imwillingly ware in the presence of her
axmt, but in her absence off it went from above her
head to imder her heels; so that in a despiteful
manner, she used to tread and trample upon it. Yea,
if Malcolm her father chanced to behold her wearing
that mock veil, with rage he would rend it off,
cursing the causers of it, and avowing that he in-
tended her no votary, but a wife to count Alan.
Besides, two grave archdeacons, sent down to Wilton

^ Anno iioi. p. 58. [The
account of Mat. Paris^ and the
expression attributed to Ma-
tilda, seem much more in ac-
cordance with her character
as described by Malmsbury,
than is that of Eadmer> who
was probably desirous of re-
moving any thing like scandal
from the conduct of his patron

Anselm^ which would in such
an age have attached to any
who should venture to persuade
a nun^ even had she not regu-
larly taken the veil, to leave
her holy retirement, and ap-
pear again in the world.

Matilda's character is ex-
tremely well drawn by Malms-
bury, f. 93.]

E 3

64 The Church HUtory book hi.

A.D. iioi.to inquire into the matter reported, that for ought
^ they could learn jfrom the nuns there, this Maud was

never solemnly entered into their order. Hereupon
a council was called of the English clergy, wherein
some grave men attested of their own knowledge,
that at the Norman conquest, to avoid the fiiry of
the soldiery, many maids out of fear, not affection ;
for protection, not piety ; made a cloister their re-
fuge, not their choice ; were mms in their own de-
fence, running their heads (but without their hearts)
into a veil. And in this case it was resolved by
learned Landfranc, that such virgins were bound by
an extraordinary obligation above other women,

Debitam casfitati reverentiam exhibere,
Nullam religionis continenUam servare^*

which is in effect, that they must be chaste wives,
though they need not be constant maids. These
things being alleged and proved, Anselm pronounced
the nunship of Maud of none effect, and solemnly
married her to king Henry. However, some infer
the unlawfulness of this match, from the unhappiness
of their children, all their issue male coming to im-
timely deaths. But sad events may sometimes be
improved by men's censures, further than they were
intended by God's justice : and it is more wisdom
seriously to observe them to the instructing of our-
selves, than rigidly to apply them to the condemning
of others. The rather, because Maud the empress,

c Eadmer, H,N. p. 57, 58. " manifestae rei ostensione a-

[The passage in Eadmer, which "mare testatse fuerant, debi-

Fuller has thus strangely mis- *' tam fiiagis revereDtiam judi-

apprehended, stands thus : *'At "Jcaret exhibendam, quam ul.

'* ipse [Lanfrancus] qusestio- " lam servandse religionis con.

" nem ipsam consilio generalis " tinentiam^ nisi propria illam

" concilii taliter solvit, ut eis, " voluntate appeterent, violen-

'* pro castitate quam se tam " ter ingerendam."

CENT. XII. of Britain. ^

their sole surviving child, seemed by her happiness a. d.i 102.
to make reparation for the infelicity of all the rest. 1-1

3. Next year a more solemn synod was summoned a grand
by Anselm, with the king's consent, held at West- dergy and
minster; whereat, besides bishops, were present Bi^J^^^
Anselm's request, from the king, the chief lay lords ^^
of the land ; and this reason rendered : " Forasmuch
" as that whatsoever should be determined by the
" authority of the said council, might be ratified and
" observed by the joint care and solicitousness of
" both estates^." But whether the lords were present
as bare spectators and witnesses to attest the fair
transaction of matters, (which some will conceive
too little,) or whether they had a power to vote
therein, (which others will adjudge too much,) is not
clearly delivered. Here we insert the institutions
of this synod. And let none say that it is vain to
look after the cobwebs, when the besom of reforma-
tion hath swept them away ; seeing the knowledge
of them conduces much to the understanding of
that age®.

i. That the heresy of simony be severely punished,
for which several abbots were then and there de-
posed.

ii. That bishops undertake not the office of secular
pleas, wearing an habit beseeming religious persons,
and not be like laymen in their garments ; and that
always, and everywhere, they have honest persons
witnesses of their conversation.

iii. That no archdeaconries be let out to farm.

d [Malm. De Pontif. f. 129. cisions of the council of Cler-

b.] mont in Auvergne, at which

e Eadmer, H. N. p. 67, 68. Urban presided in the year

[Most of these injunctions are 1095. The sum of them will

merely a repetition of the de- be found in M. Paris, p. 15.]

E 4

56

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1 103.
3 Hen. i .

iy. That all archdeacons be deacons.

V. That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, or canon'

marry a wife, or retain one being married unto him :

and that every sub-deacon, who is not a canon, if he

have married after his profession made of chastity,

be bound by the same rule.

Hear what a grave author, almost of the same age, saith of
this constitution. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum
estf quibusdam pericuhsum^ ne dum munditias viribus
majores [sacerdote8'\ appeterentf in immunditias horri-
biles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inci-
derents. And as Jordan wanting a vent or influx (like
other rivers) into the ocean, loseth its current at last in
a filthy lake, or dead sea of its own making, so it was
to be feared that these men, now debarred that remedy
for their weakness, which God, who best knew the
constitution of his own creatures, hath provided, set-
tled themselves in some unclean ways, and most mortal
filthiness occasioned by this prohibition.

vi. That a priest so long as he keeps unlawful con-
versation with a woman (understand his own wife) is

' AHter being canonical.

S Henricus Huntindon, Hist,
f. 217. [The words of Mat-
thew Paris, a. 1074. p. 9,
otherwise no enemy of the
popes, on this policy of Gre-
gory VII., deserve attention: —
*' uxoratos sacerdotes a divino
" removit [Gregorius] officio^
^' et laicis missas eorum audire
•' interdixit^ novo exemplo et, .
" ut multis visum est, inconsi-
*• derato judicio, contra sane-
" torum patrum sententiam."
— — '^ Ex qua re, tarn grave
'* oritur scandalum, ut nullius
" haresis tempore, sancta ec-
" clesia graviori sit schismate

•' discissa" *^ Ad haec, hac

*^ opportunitate laicis insur-

" gentibus contra sacros ordi-
'^ nes, et se ab omni ecclesia-
" stica subjectione excutienti-
" bus, laid sacra mysteria te-
" merant, et de his disputant ;
^' infantes baptizant, sordido
" aurium humore pro sacro
'^ chrismate utentes et oleo ;
" in extremo vitae viaticum do-
*' minicum et usitatum eccle-
^* sise obsequum sepulturie, a
** presbyteris uxoratis acci-
'* pere parvipendunt. Decimas
'' etiam presbyteris debitas,
" igne cremant^ corpus Domini
*' a presbyteris uxoratis conse-
" cratum pedibus saepe con-
" culcant, et sanguinem Do-
^^ mini voluntarie frequenter
'^ in terram effundunt."

CENT. XII. of Britain, 67

not legal, nor rightly celebrateth the mass; nor isA.D. noa.
his mass to be heard if he celebrate it. ^ ^' ''

Tii. That none be admitted to the order of sub-
deacon, or upwards, without the profession of
chastity.

viii. That the sons of priests be not made heirs to
the church of their fathers.

ix. That no clerks be provosts or proctors of secular

matters, or judges in blood.

This is the reason, saith the Appendix to Harpsfield^,
(reporting is no approving of his judgment,) why
bishops being arraigned for their lives, are not to be
- tried by their peers, but by a jury of ordinary men ;
because debarred by their canons to be judges of lay-
peers in like cases, and therefore it was conceived un-
fitting that they should receive that honour which they
could not return.

X. That priests should not go to public drinkings,
nee ad pinnas bihant, nor drink at pins.

This was a Dutch trick (but now used in England) of
artificial drunkenness, out of a cup marked with cer-
tain pins, and he accounted the man who could nick
the pin, drinking even unto it ; whereas to go above or
beneath it was a forfeiture^.

xi. That the garments of clergymen be of one
colour, and their shoes according to order.

xii. That monks and clerks that have cast off their
order, either return thereto or be excommunicated.

^ Hist. Ecd. p. 746. cessive drinking which was

^ Hence prohably the pro- common in his days^ he ordered

verb^ He is in a merry pin. It little studs of gold or silver to

seems to me that this custom be fastened in the different

was of an earlier date, and owed drinking vessels^ to which^ and

its origin to an order of St. no further, the monks were per-

Danstan* To prevent the ex- mitted to drink. Malms, f. 3 1 •]

58 The Church History book hi.

A.D. iioa. xiii. That clerks have crowns patent, so that their
'— shaving be conspicuous to the beholder.

xiv. That tithes be given to none but to churches.

XV. That churches or prebends be not bought.

xvi. That new chapels be not made without the
consent of the bishop.

xvii. That no church be consecrated until neces-
saries be provided for the priest and church.

xviii. That abbots make no knights, and that they

eat and sleep in the same house with their monks,

except some necessity forbid.

It appeareth it was the ancient custom of abbots in this age
to make knights. Thus Brando^, the abbot of St. Ed-
round's-bury, knighted Hereward his nephew, having
first confessed his sins, and received absolution. Indeed
in those days men^s minds were so possessed, that they
thought nothing well and fortunately done, but what
came from churchmen. Whereupon he that was to be
made a knight first o£Pered his sword upon the altar,
and after the Gospel read, the priest put the sword first
hallowed upon the knight'^s neck with his benedicium\
and so having heard mass again, and received the
sacrament, he became a lawful knight. And seeing
the holy war now was begun, no wonder if churchmen
made knights : and that age conceived that a knight^s
sword dipped in holy water was well tempered, and
became true metal indeed. Why abbots were now pro-
hibited to confer this honour, the cause is not ren-
dered ; whether because it made knighthood too con-
mon, or that this privilege was reserved only for higher
prelates, such as bishops and archbishops were, or that
it was an encroachment upon the royal dignity, it being
as proper for kings to ordain priests, as for abbots to
dub knights. This is most sure, that notwithstanding

k Inguifus, f. 5 1 2. b. 1 Camden's Brit. p. 1 26.

CENT. XII. of Britain. 69

this canon^ king Henry the First some years after a. D. 1 102.
granted, and king John confirmed to the abbot of ^ ^^- '•
Reading the power of knighting persons, with some
cautions of their behaviour therein"*.

xix. That monks enjoin no penance to any, with-
out pennission of their abbot, and that only to such
persons whereof they have cure of souls.

XX. That monks and nuns be not godfathers or
godmothers.

xxi. That monks hold no lands in farm,
xxii. That monks take no churches by the bishops,
and that they spoil not such as are given unto them
of the revenues, but so that the priests serving in
those cures, and the churches might be provided
with necessaries^.

xxiii. That faith in way of marriage, pledged se-
cretly and without witness, betwixt man and woman,
be of no effect if either party do deny it.

xxiv. That criniti, such as wear long hair, be so
shaven, that part of their ears may appear, and their
eyes not be covered.

Criniti are opposed to tonsi^ extended to all lay-persons.
If any demand how it came within the cognizance of
the church to provide about their trimming, (which
might well have been left to the party's pleasure, and
his barber^s skill,) know this canon was built on the
apostle'^s words. Doth not even nature itself teach you,
that^ if a man have long hair^ it is a shame unto
him^f And the church forbad whatsoever was a tres-
pass againt Christian decency. Gildas giveth this
character of the Picts : Furciferos magis vultus pilis

™ J. Selden ad Eadmer. Spi- *' exspolient suis redditibus ut

cilegiun], p. 207. ^' presbyteri ibi servientes in

^ [These are the words of " iis quae sibi et ecclesiis ne-

the canon : *' Ne monachi ec- " cessaria sunt penuriam pa-

*' clesias nisi per episcopos ac- *' tiantur."]
*' cipiant, neque sibi datas ita <> 1 Cor. xi. 14.

60 The Church History book hi.

A. D. I io«. quam carporum pudenda vestibus iegenfesP^ " that

3 ^^' '• " they covered rather their thievish eyes with their

^^ hair, than their shame with clothes;" which ruffian-
like custom of long hair now used by the Normans,
was here justly restrained.

XXV. That parties akin to the seventh generation
be not coupled in marriage; and that persons so
coupled remain not in marriage ; and if any be privy
to this incest, and not declare it, let him know him-
self to be guilty of the same crime.

This brought much grist to the pope's mill for dispensa-
tions. As secular princes used to stop travellers on
common bridges, or at the entrance of gates, not with
intent finally to forbid their going further, but to re-
ceive toll or custom for their passing by ; so the pope
prohibited these degrees in marriage, not absolutely to
hinder such matches, but to receive large sums of money
for his leave; after whose faculties obtained, if such
marriage were against the law of God, men did sin not
with less guiltiness, but more expenses.

xxvi. That the bodies of the dead be not carried
to be buried out of their own parishes, so that the
parish priest should lose his due unto him.

xxvii. That none out of a rash novelty (which we
know to have happened) exhibit reverence of holiness
to any bodies of the dead, fountains or other things,
without authority from the bishop.

xxviii. That none presume hereafter (what hitherto
men used in England) to sell men like brute beasts.
This constitution, as all others which concerned the sub-
ject's civil right, found not general obedience in the
kingdom. For the proceedings of the canon law were
never wholly received into practice in the land ; but so
as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to

P [Hist, eh. XV.]

CENT. xir. of Britain. 61

secular laws and national customs. And the laity, at a.d. 1102.
pleasure, limited canons in this behalf. Nor were such ^h^-'*
sales of servants, being men's proper goods, so weak-
ened with this prohibition, but that long after they re-
mained legal according to the laws of the land^.

xxix. That the sin of sodometry, both in clergy
and laity, should be punished with heavy censures.
Remarkable that the same synod which forbad priests^
marriage, found it needful to punish sodometry, an
Italian vice, beginning now to be naturalized in Eng-
land ^ For those who endeavour to make the way to
heaven narrower than God hath made it, by prohibit-
ing what he permits, do in event make the way to hell
wider, occasioning the committing of such sins, which
God hath forbidden. We may further observe, that
the plaister now applied to the rotten sore of sodometry,
was too gentle, too narrow, and too Uttle time laid on.
Too gentle ; for whereas the sin is conceived to deserve
death, it was only slubbered over, that the party con-
vict of this wickedness, if in orders, was admitted to no
higher honour, and deposed from what he had, till
restored again on his repentance. Too narrow, if it
be true what one observes, that monks (as neither
merely lay nor priests) were not threatened with this
curse, where all was hidden in cloisters^. Lastly, too
little time laid on ; for whereas at first it was consti-
tuted, that such excommunication of sodomites con-
victed, should solemnly be renewed every Lord'*s day ;
this short-lived canon did die in the birth thereof, and
Ansel m himself, postponi concessit ^^ suflTered it to be
omitted, on pretence that it put beastly thoughts into
many men'^s minds, whose corruption abused the punish-
ment of sin in the provocation thereof; whilst others

q See Mr. Selden, Spicileg. H. N. p. 24.]

ad Eadmerum, p. 208. » Bale's Acts of English

r [See Fuller's remarks on Votaries, part 11. f. 63. b. [ed.

the fifth rule of these consti- 1551*]

tutions. And see Eadmer, ^ Eadmerus ut prius.

6^ The Church History book hi.

A. D.I 102. conceive this relaxation indulged, in favour to some
3^^"- '• great oflTenders, who, hardened in conscience, but tender

in credit, could not endure to be so solemnly, publicly,
and frequently grated with the shame of the sin they
had committed.

So much for the constitutions of that synod,
wherein though canons were provided for priests,
cap a piS, from the shaving to the shoes, yet not a
syllable of their instructing the people and preaching
God's word unto them. We must not forget, that
men guilty of simony in the first canon, are not
taken in the vulgar acception for such as were pro-
moted to their places by money, but in a new coined
sense of that word ; for those who were advanced to
their dignities by investiture from the king, which
gave occasion to the long and hot broil, happening
betwixt king Henry and Anselm, which now we
come to relate.
Anselm re- 4. The kiuff Commanded him to consecrate such

fuseth to ^

consecrate bishops as he lately had invested ; namely, William
bishops; of Winchester, Roger of Hereford, &c., which An-
selm refused, because flatly against the canon newly
made in the coimcil of Rome by pope Urban, that
any who had their entrance by the authority of tem-
poral princes should be admitted to bishoprics^.
Hereupon the king enjoined Gerard archbishop of
York to consecrate them ; who out of opposition to
Anselm his competitor, was as officious to comply

▼ [Eadmer, H. N. p. 69. who refused. Reinelmus, the

Malm. De Pontif. f. 128. Ro- queen's chancellor, succeeded

ger of Hereford had been in- him, and was at this time bi-

vested by the king, but never shop of Hereford. See Eadmer,

consecrated by the archbishop: H. N. p. 68, and Mat. Par. a.

on his deathbed he requested 1102.]
Anselm to perform that office.

CENT. XII. of Britain, 63

with the king, as the other was backward, hoping a. d.i 105.

thereby to hitch his church a degree the higher, by ^'''.

help of the royal favour. Here happened an unex-
pected accident : for William bishop of Winchester
refused consecration jfrom the archbishop of York,
and resigned his staff and ring back again to the
king, as illegally from him^. This discomposed
all the rest. For whereas more than the moiety of
ecclesiastical persons in Ikigland were all in the
same condemnation, as invested by the king, the
very multitude of offenders would have excused the
offence, if loyal to their own cause. Whereas now
this defection of the bishop of Winchester so brake
the ranks, and maimed their entireness, that their
cause thereby was cast by their own confession, and
so a party raised among them against themselves.

5. Soon after, the king was contented that Anselm Anseim
should go to Rome, to know the pope's pleasure ^^
herein*. But one, none of the conclave, without a
prophetical spirit, might easily have foretold the re-
solution of his holiness herein, never to part with
power, whereof (how injuriously soever) though but
pretendedly. possessed. Anselm. for his compliance
with the pope herein, is forbidden to return into
England, while the king seizeth on his temporalities y.

6. However, not long after, by mediation of friends, a.d. 1107.

they are reconciled ; the king disclaiming his right Jj^^^

of investitures, a weak and timorous act of so wise ?*^ invest-
ing of

and valiant a prince, whose predecessors before theWshopa.
conquest held this power (though some time loosely)
in their own hands ; and his predecessors since the

^ [Reinelnius, elected to staff. Malmsb. ib.]
Hereford, resigned the ring * [Joan. Sarisbur. p. 170.]
and staff; William only the 7 [Eadmer, H. N. p. 76.]

61

BOOK III.

A.D. 1 107. eoDqiiefit gneped it faR in their fisC in defiance of
Iff^JLsach pcfKS » voold finccr it firom them. Wliereas
now he let it go <m of hk hand, whilst his snocessors
in Tain, though whh a long aim. readied after it to
leeoTer it'. And now Ansefan. who fonnerlv re-
fosedf eonsemted all the bishops ^ Tacant sees;
amongst whom. Roger of Saltshmr was a prime
person, first pieferred to the king*s notice, because
he began prayeis quickly, and ended than speedily ;
for which qnalitr he was cfmxmeaded as fittest for a

X [The king dudiiiiied bis
It of inrestitiire on eon-
ditioQ tint DO prdate dwold
be deprired for doing booage
to tbe king. Bat be it re-
corded to tbe bonoor of tbe
Endiith dergr, tbat tbej seal-
cNuTf opposed tbis surrender
<yf tbe rojBl pririkge, and
tbroogb tbe entire strng^ op-
posed Anselm's nnoonstita-
tional aggressions. SeeEIadmery
H. N. p« 91* Flor. Wigom. et
Mat. Paris, an. 1107. We owe
tbe sabjection of our cborch, to
tbe papal nsorpatiocs, cbieflj
to the Normans and otber fo-
reigners wbo were promoted
to tbe tee of Canterbuy.
Landfranc and Ansebn, both
Italians by birth^ idolized by
the pope^ were eager enough
to advance the power of tbe
papal see, and their own influ-
ence with it. And they used
these opportunities at this par-
ticular time, whilst three par-
ties, the king, the prelates^ and
the nobles, were contending in
the state, all nearly equal in
strength, and when the union
o£ any two of them would be

more tbaa a match for the
third. Had Henry then at this
time opp o ec d tbe pope's un-
just aggrfSKionSt be would have
snbfected himself and bis land
to an interdict, and so have
girem immense advantages to
bis opponents, particularly his
brother Robert, with whom
many of tbe nobles bad already
taken part, but Anselm and
tbe dogy, and tbe English
portion of bis subjects, had
firmly opposed. Hence Hen.
ry's constant endeavour to
temporise with Anselm, and
to gain time by sending fre-
quently to Rome. He dared
not openly reject Anselm, who
would then at once have pro-
nounced sentence of excom.
munication against the king.
And the pope and the prelates
on their parts would not pro-
ceed to such lengths against
the king at once, through fear
of his power and determina-
tion. Therefore both parties
avoided as long as they could
coming to an open teial of
strength.]

OENT.Xil.

4af Britain.

65

chaplam in the camp^ and was not unwelcome to the A.D. 1107.
court on the same account*. — ^lll

7- Ansehn having divested the king of investing Anseim for-
bishops, (one of the fairest robes in the wardrobe,) marri»ge.
did soon after deprive the clergy of one half of them*-
selves. For, in a solemn synod he forbade priests'
marriage ; wherein, as charitably we believe, his in-
tentions pious and commendable, and patiently be^
hold his pretences, specious and plausible, «o we
cannot but pronounce his performance for the pr^
sent injurious and culpable, and the effects thereof
for the futia-e pernicious and damnable. And here
we will a little enlarge ourselves on this subject of
so high concernment.

8. It is confessed on all sides, that there is no Only by a
express in scripture to prohibit priests' marriage. ^^.
Thomas* «,nd Scotus*, commonly cross, (as if reason
enough for the latter to deny, because the former
affirmed it,) do both (such the strength of truth)
agree herein. Only ecclesiastical constitutions forbid
them marriage^ And, though many popes tampered
hereat, none effectually did drive the nail to the
head, till Hfldebrand, <dias Gregory the Seventh^
(the better man the better deed,) finally interdicted
priests' marriage. However, his constitutions, though
observed in Italy and Prance, were not generally
obeyed in England ; till Anseim at last forbade

* [See Oul. Neubrigens.'^.
6. William of Malmsbury is
far more favourable to this pre-
late's character; ^ooimending
him greatly^ amongst other
things^ for his magnificence,
his restoring and adorning the
church of Salisbury, f. 91.^

FULLER, VOL. II.

a In 2^* 2^. qusest. IxxxvSS.
art. II. [p. 167. ed. 1604.]

^ Lib. vii. de Justitia quses^.
6. artic. 2^0. (?) [For an account
•x>f the proceedings touching
the forbidding of the clergy to
marry, see Eadmer, H. N. p.
67, 83, 85, 94, 105.]

66 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1107. married priests to officiate, or any lay-people, under

'— pain of censure, to be present at their church-service.

Grounded 9- Herein he proceeded on two erroneous prin-
enw. ciples. One, that all men have, or may have, (if
using the means,) the gift of continency. Wherein
they do not distinguish betwixt,

i. Common gifts, which God bestoweth on all his
servants ; Jude ver. 3, "common salvation."

ii. Proper gifts, thus the apostle ^ when he had
wished all like himself, that is, able to contain, he
immediately addeth, But every man hath his proper*
gift of God^ one after this manner^ and another
after that.

His other false supposition is, that marriage is
either inconsistent with, or at least impeditive to the
purity of priestly profession.
Paramount 10. The felseucss whereof appeareth by the prece-
a married deut of Euoch, in whom met the threefold capacity
^^"- of king, priest, and prophet. Yet his marriage re-
mitted not the reins of his princely power, hindered
not the performance of his sacerdotal function, re-
bated not the edge of his prophetical spirit ; for, He
walked with God^ and begat sons and daughters \ He
made not a prayer the less for having a child the
more : and let us be but alike holy with Enoch, and
let others be more holy with Anselm.
St. Paul 11. Wherefore when the apostle saith. He that is
erpoun . ^^^^^^ caretk for the things which are of this worlds
how he may please his wife% therein he describeth,
not that height of God-pleasing which marriage
ought, and in itself may, and by Enoch was im-
proved, but expresseth such faults which through

« I Cor. vii. 7. d Gen. v. 22. c i Cor. vii. 33.

CSNT* XII. of Britain. 67

human coiruption too commonly come to pass. a. d. 1107.

Which aire vita mariti^ f^on matrimonii ; tuvoris^ nan ^-

u^oraius, flowing neither from the essence, nor from
the exercise of marriage, but only from the depraved
use thereof, which by God's assistance, and man's
best endeavours^ may be rectified and amended.

Ifi. It is therefore falsely charged on marriage. And mar.
qtm marriage^ that it is an hinderance to hospitality ; fended,
starving the poor to feed a family. It is confessed it
would break marriage, if, cceteris 'paribus^ she should
oflfer to vie bounty with virginity; only she may
equal virginity in cheerfiilness of her giving, and in
the discreet choice of fit objects whereon to bestow
it. Yet give me leave to say, in a married family
there be commonly most mouths, and where most
mouths, there probably most bread is eaten, and
where most bread is eaten, there certainly most
crumbs fall beneath the table, so that the poor are
feasted by those fragments. If any rejoin, that single
folk bestow their alms not by crumbs, but whole
loaves, the worst I wish is, that poor people may find
the truth thereof. Nor doth the having of children,
qua children, make men covetous, seeing Solomon
saw a man who had neither child nor brother^ yet his
eye was not satisfied with riches^. On the other side,
I find two in one and the same chapter^ professing
they had enough, viz. Esau and Jacob, both of them
married, both of them parents of many children.

13. And here well may we wonder at the partiality a monk's

verses mt

of the papists, over-exalting marriage in the laity to bald u his
a sacrament, and too much depressing the same in ^^^^^'
priests, as no better than refined fornication. Yea,

f Eccles. IV. 8. ? Gen. xxxiii. 9, 1 1.

F 2

68 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1 107. some have made virginity the com, and marriage the

^atlL cockle ; which is a wonder that they should be of

several kinds, seeing virginity is but the fruit, and
marriage the root thereof. But, amongst all the foul
mouths belibelling marriage, one railing rhythmer,
of Anselm*s age, bore away the bell, (drinking surely
of Styx instead of Helicon,) and I am confident my
translation is good enough for his bald verses.

O male viventes, versus audite sequentes;
Uxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas,
Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui morte trophanam.
Quod 81 non facitis, infemi claustra petetis :
Christi sponsa jubet ne presbyter ille ministret
Qui tenet uxorem, Domini quia perdit amorem.
Contradicentem fore dicimus insipientem^
Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore^^

O je that ill live» attention giye« unto my following rhythmes ;

Your wives^ those dear mates, whom the highest power hates«
see that ye leave them betimes.

Leave them for his sake, who a conquest did make, and a crown
and a cross did acquire.

If any say no, I give them to know^ they must all unto hell for
their hire.

The spouse of Christ forbids that priest his ministerial function^

Because he did part with Christ in his hearty at his marriage-
conjunction.

We count them all mad, if any so bad, as daring herein to
contest ;

N(H' is it of apite that this I indite, but out of pure love^ I
protest.

Where did this railing monk ever read that God
hated the wives of priests ? And did not the church
of Rome at this time come under the character of

^ Found in Ramsey abbey^ the English Votaries^ p. 11.
in a treatise De Monicatu^ f. 6o^bu ed. 1551.]
cited by -John Bale, [Acts of

CENT. XII* of Britain. 69

that defection described by the apostle? That in the A. D.iioj.
latter times some shotdd depart from the faith^ for" ^''

bidding to marry ^ &fc}

14. These endeavour (as they are deeply con-Anffl
cemed) to wipe off from themselves this badge of
antichrist, by pleading that,

i. They forbid marriage to no man.

ii. They force priesthood on no man.
Only they require of those who freely enter into the
priesthood to vow virginity, and command such to
part with their wives who were formerly entered
into orders.

15. All which is alleged by them but in vain, WeU itop-
seeing marriage may be forbidden, either directly or^"^'
consequentially. For the first ; none, well in their

wits, consulting their credit, did ever point-blank
forbid marriage to all people. Such would be held
as, hostes humani generis, " enemies of mankind," in
their destructive doctrines. Nor did any ever abso-
lutely (as it foUoweth in the same text) command all
to abstain from meats. This were the way to empty
the world of men, as the simple forbidding of mar-
riage would fill it with bastards. And, although
some silly heretics, as Tatian, Marcion, and Mani-
cheus, are said absolutely to forbid marriage, yet
they never mounted high, nor spread broad, nor
lasted long. Surely some more considerable mark
is the aim of the apostle's reproof, even the church
of Rome, who by an oblique line, and consequen-
tially, prohibit marriage to the priests, a most con-
siderable proportion of men within the pale of the
church.

16. Notwithstanding the premises, it is fit thatMwriage-

bedmay be
J i Tim. iv. I.

f3

70 The Church History book hi.

A. D.I 107. the embraces of marriaire should on some occasion

^-^for a time be forborne, for the advance of piety;

for a tune, first, when private dalliance is to yield to public
febiddSf dolefulness : Let the bridegroom go out of his cham-
ber^ and the bride out of her dosetK For though by
the Levitical law one might not be forced to fight
in the first year of his marriage, yet might he on
just occasion be pressed to fast on the first day
thereof. It is not said. Let the bridegroom go out
of his bridegroom-ship, but only out of his chamber;
and that also with intention to return when the
solemnity of sorrow is overpast. Secondly, when
such absence is betwixt them mutually agreed on ;
Defraud ye not one another^ ewcefpt it be with consent
for a time^ that ye may give yourselves to fasting and
prayer, and come together again, that Satan tempt you
not for your incontinencyK Here indeed is an inter-
diction of the marriage bed, but it is voluntary, by
mutual consent of the parties ; and temporary, only
durante eorum beneplacito, not as the popish pro-
hibition, impulsive, by the power of others, and per-
petual, to continue during their lives.
H. Hunt- 17. Hear what Henry of Huntingdon™ expressly
15otsw« of saith of Anselm's carriage herein. " He prohibited
Ansdm. « English priests to have vrives, who before time
" were not prohibited ; which as some thought to be
" a matter of greatest purity, so others again took it
" to be most perilous, lest while by this means they
" aimed at cleanliness above their power, they should
" fall into horrible uncleanness, to the exceeding
" great shame of Christianity."
Ansdm 18. But Ausclm died before he could finish his

dieth re in-

^ Joel ii. I F. 1 I Cor. vii. ^ [Hist. f. 217, a.]

CENT. XII.

of Britain.

71

project of priests' divorces, who had he deceased be- a. d. i 109.
fore he began it, his memory had been left less ^ ®^'*

fecta of

stained to posterity". His two next successors, Ra- pnests' di-
dulphus and William Curbuil, went on vigorously ^^"*^
with the design, but met with many and great ob-
structions. Other bishops found the like opposition,
but chiefly the bishop of Norwich, whose obstinate
clergy would keep their wives in defiance of his
endeavours against them.

19. Indeed Norfolk men are charactered in Jure The numt-
mumcipcUi versatisstmt^ and are not easily ejected Norwich
out of that whereof they had long prescription and ^*'^*
present possession ; no wonder therefore if they
stickled for their wives, and would not let go a
moiety of themselves. Besides, Herbert Losing of
Norwich needed not to be so fierce and furious
against them, if remembering his own extraction,
being the son of an abbot. These married priests
traversed their cause with scripture and reason, and
desired but justice to be done unto them. But jus-
tice made more use of her sword than of her balance
in this case, not weighing their arguments, but pe-
remptorily and powerfully enjoining them to forego
their wives, notwithstanding that there were in Eng-

^ [He died on Wednesday,
2 1 st of April, 1 1 09. Flor.
Wigom., Sym. Dunelm., in
an. 11 09. After his death,
the see of Canterbury re-
mained vacant for five years.
When the king was admonish-
ed not to leave the mother of
the churches so long a widow;
he answered, that Landfranc
and Anselm had been such ex.
cellent archbishops, that he
could tind no successor equal

to them, and felt reluctant to
make a worse choice than his
father. *' Talia responsa vide-
" bantur plura juris et sequi et
*^ erant plane," says Malms-
bury, in his panegyric upon
Anselm. De Pontif. f. 130, b.
The honest chronicler seems
not to have penetrated very
deeply into the king's policy.
Radulphus de Turbine suc-
ceeded in II 15, and William
in 1 1 23.]

F 4

1ft The Church History sook hi.

A. D.I 1 15. land at this time many married priests, signal for

sanctity and abilities.

Leuned 20. Amongst the many eminent married priests
^^^^„,, flourishing for learning and piety, one Ealphegus
was now living, or but netvly dead. His residence
was at Plymouth in Devonshire. Mr. Camden® «aith
he was ervditus et conjugatus^ but the word conjugatus
is by the indea? e^vpurgatorius^ commanded to be
deleted^
A virgin- 21. To ordor the refractory married clergy, the
^^^^^" bishops were fain to call in the aid of the pope.
John de Crema, an Italian cardinal, jolly with his
youthful blood and gallant equipage, came over into
England with his bigness and bravery to bluster the
clergy out of theif wives. He made a most gaudy
oration in the commendation of virginity, as one who
in his own person knew well how to value such a
jewel by the loss thereof. Most true it is that the
same night at London he was caught abed with an
harlot, whereat he may be presumed to blush as red
as his cardinal's hat, if any remorse of conscience re-
mained in him**. What saith Deborah, In the days
of Shamgar^ when the highways were unoccupied^
(obstructed by the^ Philistines,) travellers walked
through by-paths^. The stopping the way of mar-
riage, God's ordinances, made them frequent such
base by-paths, that my pen is both afraid and
ashamed to follow them. Cardinal Crema his mis-
chance (or rather misdeed) not a little advantaged
the reputation of married priests.

« Brit, in Devon, [p. 145.} proceedings of the synod at

P Printed an. 161 2v p. 383. (?) which this cardinal presided

q Roger Hoveden, [f. 274,n.] will be found in Flor. Wigorn.

and Hen.^ Huntingdon, [f. an. 1125. Wilkins, I.^ 406.]
219, a* An account of the "^ Judges v. 6.

CENT. xiT. of Britain. 73

22. Bishops, archbishops, and cardinal, all of them a. d.i 126.
almost tired out with the stubbornness of the recu- ^^
sant clergy ; the king at last took his turn to reduce Sei> own^
them. William Curbuil, archbishop of Canterbury, ^^^®''
willingly resigned the work into the king^s hand,
hoping he would use some exemplary severity against

them ; but all ended in a money matter ; the king
taking a fine of married priests, permitted them to
enjoy their wives, as well they might, who bought
that which was their own before'.

23. About this time the old abbey of Ely wasEiy-abbey
advanced into a new bishoprick, and Cambridgeshire bishopric
assigned for its diocese, taken from the bishopric of
Lincoln ; out of which Henry the First carved one
(Ely), and Henry the last two (Oxford and Peter-
borough) bishoprics, and yet left Lincoln, the largest
diocese in England. Spaldwick manor in Hunting,
denshire was given to Lincoln, in reparation of the
jurisdiction taken from it and bestowed on Ely*.

24. One Herveus was made first bishop of Ely: And en.
one who had been undone, if not undone, banished royalties!
by the tumultuous Welsh, from the beggarly bishop-
ric of Bangor ; and now (in pity to his poverty and
patience) made the rich bishop of Ely. It is given

to parents to be most fond of and indulgent to their
youngest, which some perchance may render bb a
reason why this bishopric, a^ last bom, wbs best
beloved by the king. Surely he bestowed upon it
vast privileges ; and his successors cockering this see
for their darling, conferred some of their own royal-
ties thereon.

25. Bernard, chaplain to the kinff, and chancellor ^^ i>avid'g

^ O' contest

^ [Malmsb. f. 99.] Ang. Sac. I. 615. Mat. Paris,

t [In 1 1 09. See Wharton's an. 1 1 09.]

74 The Church HUtary book hi*

A. D. 1 1 16. to the queen, was the first Nonnan made bishop of
^^ ^''' St. David's. Presuming on his master's favour and
JJ^j^' his own merit, he denied subjection to Canterbury,
and would be (as anciently had been) an absolute
archbishop of himself. Indeed St. David's was
Christian some hundred of years, whilst Canterbury
was yet pagan ; and could shew good cards (if but
permitted fairly to play them) for archiepiscopal
jurisdiction, even in some respect equal to Rome
itself. Witness the ancient rhythming verse about
the proportions of pardons given to pilgrims for their
visiting religious places,

Roma semel quantum bis dat Menevia tantum.

Not that St. David's gives a peck of pardons where
Rome gives but a gallon (as the words at the first
blush may seem to import), but that two pilgrimages
to St. David's should be equal in merit to one pil-
grimage to Rome, such was the conceived holiness
of that place.
imparcon^ 26. Giraldus Cambrensis states the case truly and
briefly*. That Canterbury hath long prescription,
plenty of lawyers to plead her title, and store of
money to pay them. Whereas St. David's is poor,
remote out of the road of preferment ; intimating no
less, that if equally accommodated she could set on
foot as good an archiepiscopal title as Canterbury
itself. But he addeth, that except some great alter-
ation happeneth, (understand him, except Wales
recover again into an absolute principality,) St. Da-
vid's is not likely to regain her ancient dignity.
William archbishop of Canterbury, aided by the
pope, at last humbled the bishop of St. David's into

t [De jure et statu Menevensis eccU^iae, p. 534. Printed in
tlie second volume of Wharton's Anglia Sacra.]

CENT. XII. of Britak/n. 75

a submission; who vexed hereat, wreaked his spleen a. d.i 135.

on the Welsh clergy ; furiously forcing them to '—

forego their wives. The successors of this bishop
would have been more thankful to his memory had
he laboured less for the honour, and more preserved
the profits of his see, whose lands he dilapidated
with this his expensive suit, and on other designs
for his own preferments

27. King Henry died in Normandy of a surfeit by King Hen-
eating lampreys^. An unwholesome fish, insomuch dLth.
that Galen, speaking of eels in general, (whereto
lampreys may be reduced,) expostulates with the
gods for giving them so delicious a taste, and so
malignant and dangerous an operation. But grant
them never so good, excess is a venomous string in
the most wholesome flesh, fish, and fowl, and it was
too great a quantity caused a surfeit. I find him
generally commended for temperance in his diet ^;
only his palate (his servant in all other meats) was
commonly his master in this dish. He was buried
at Reading^, leaving but one daughter (the sea
having swallowed his sons) survivmg him.

u [The causes of St. David's suffragans without making sub-
losing its archiepiscopal title jection to any other church ;
were briefly these : Samson, and thus it continued till the
its archbishop during the raging subjection of that country by
of a yellow pest {ictericia), at Henry I. Girald. Cambrensis^
the solicitation of his country- p. 534. ib. Gul. Neubrigens.
men passed over into Britanny. I. 3. n.]
The see of Dole being then ^ Mat. Paris, []ai 11 35.]
vacant, he was elected to it, ^ [By Malmsbury, De Gest.
and the bishops who succeeded f. 91, b. and 100. A short ac-
him retained his pall. But count of his sickness is given
though St. David's was thus by Peter, abbot of Cluny, in a
deprived of its ancient dignity, contemporary letter to Adela.
the bishops of Wales were al- Marrier Bibliotheca Cluniacen-
ways consecrated by the arch- sis, p. 635. ed. 16 14.]
bishop of St. David's, as he * [Where he erected an ab-
was always consecrated by his bey of Cluuiac monks. One

76 The Church History book iit.

A.D. 1135. 28. Stephen earl of Bologne hearing of Henry his

death, hasteth over into England, and seizeth on the

ufurpeth cTown^. All his title unto it wag this ; first, Maud,
on aS^ the true heir thereof was a female* Secondly, absent
^^ beyond the seas. Thirdly, married to a foreigner.
Fourthly, no very potent prince, viz. Gfeoflfty Planta-
genet earl of Anjou, whose land-lock-situation ren-
dered him less formidable for any effectual impression
on this island. Lastly, he was son to Adela, daughter
to king William the Conqueror, (though a male,
deriving his title from a female,) conceiving himself
the daughter's son, to be preferred before Maud, the
son's daughter. Indeed Stephen had an elder bro-
ther, Theobald earl of Blois, but he chose a quiet
coimty before a cumbersome kingdom; the enjoy-
ment of his own, rather than invasion of another^s
inheritance, seeing Maud was the undoubted heir of
the English crown*.
Maud the 28. This Maud I may call Maud the Fourth ; yea,
England had no queen of another name since the
Conquest which left any issue.

i. Maud the First, wife to king William the
Conqueror.

ii. Maud the Second, (daughter to Malcolm king
of ScotSy) wife to king Henry the First,
iii. Maud the Third, wife to king Stephen,
iv. Maud the Fourth, daughter to king Henry the
First, and in right queen of England.

of the first establishments of *' genii." Upon which account

that order in England. Malmsb. his mother set him aside, and

ib. See however the Mona- inspired her younger son Ste-

sticon, I. 417.] phen with the ambitious hopes

7 [Trivet. I. 4. Mat. Paris, of succeeding to his uncle's

a. 1 135.] throner Trivet. I. 4., and Gul.

» [Rather Theobald was of Neubrig. i. 4.]
a tame spirit, ^* remissions in-

Fourth.

€ENT. Xil.

of Britain.

n

TTiis last Maud was first married to Henry theA.D. 1135.
Fourth, emperor of Grermany, and after his death -^ — Lf^
was constantly called the empress, by the courtesy
of Christendom, though married to earl Geof&y, her
second husband. To her all the clergy and nobility
had sworn fealty in her father's lifetime*.

29. William archbishop of Canterbury*', notwith- The per.
standing his oath to Maud, solenmly crowned Ste-SS^.
phen, and in the same act shewed himself perjured
to his God, disloyal to his princess, and ungrateful to
his patroness, by whose special fiivour he had been
preferred. The rest of the bishops to their shame
followed his example; dealing with oaths as seamen
with the points in the compass, saying them forwards
and backwards. Indeed covetousness and pride
prompted this disloyalty unto them, hoping to obtain
of an usurper what they despaired to get from a lawful
king. For their modesty (and that little enough) in
askmg was all Stephen's measure in giving ; resolving
with himsetlf for the present to grant what should
please them, and at leisure to perform what should
please himself. Let him now get but the stump of
a crown, and with wise watering thereof, it would
sprout afterwards. Hence was it that he granted
the bishops liberty to build and hold many castles;
freedom in forests ; investiture from the pope^; with

A [''Quam [[Matildam] quam-
** vis esset admodum juvencula
" anno gratise MCX uxorem
" duxit Imperator Henricus
** quintus> quern i][uidam quar-
'* turn dicunt non numerantes
** Henricum primum^ eo qaod
^* benedictionem imperialem
" fuerit minime assecutus."
Nic. Trivet. I. 3. The oath

of fealty was made to Maud an
the 27th year of her father's
reign. She married her second
husband^ Oeotfry Plantagenet^
in I i 29, three years after the
death of her first. Trivet, ib.]

* [WiUiam CurbuU. See Tri.
vet. I. ^, Gul. Neubrig. I. 4.]

c [His title was confirmed
by pope Innocent. Symeonis

78 The Church Historjf Book lit*

A. D.I 135. many other immunities which hitherto the clergy
1—^ — 1 never obtained. All things thus seemingly settled^
yet great was the difference of judgments in the
English concerning king Stephen, which afterwards
discovered themselves in the variety of men's
practices.
Variety of SO. Somo actod vigorously for Stephen, conceiving
^^s. possession of a crown createth a right unto it. Where
shall private persons (unable of themselves to trace
the intricacies of princes' titles) fix their loyalty
more safely than on him whom success tendereth
unto them for their sovereign ? God doth not now (as
anciently) visibly or audibly discover himself; we
must therefore now only look and listen to what he
sheweth and saith by his voice in the success of
things, whereby alone he expresseth his pleasure
what he owneth or disclaimeth. This their judgment
was crossed by others, who distinguished betwixt
heaven's permission and consent ; God sometimes
suffering them to have power to compel, to whom he
never gave authority to command.
Pn>and 31. But somo uTgod, that Stephen was declared
2^*ste. lawful king by popular consent, which at this time
i**^ could alone form a legal right to any in this island.
For Maud, Stephen's corrival, in vain pretended suc-
cession, seeing the crown since the conquest never
observed a regular, but an imcertain and desultory
motion. Nor was it directed to go on by the straight
line of primogeniture, which leaped over the Con-
queror's eldest to his second son : then taking a new

Dunehn. Con tin. a. 1136. Ste- laity. See Malmsb. f. 101. He

phen was not joined by the was indebted for his success to

clergy until he had been acknow- Henry his brother^ then the

ledged by the nobility and pope's legate in England.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 79

rise, from the eldest still surviving, to Henry his a. d. 1135.

third son. Here no chain of succession could be ^

pleaded, where no two links followed in order. But
others answered, that such popular election of Ste-
phen had been of validity, if the electors had been
at liberty ; whereas they being preengaged to Maud
by a former oath, could not again dispose of those
their votes, which formerly they had passed away.

32. Others conceived that the stain of Stephen a second
his usurpation in getting the crown was afterward their op-
scoured clean out by his long (more than eighteen ''^*^'
years) enjoying thereof. For, suppose Providence

for a time may wink and connive, yet it cannot be
conceived in so long a slumber, yea, a sleep, yea, a
lethargy, as to permit one peaceably so long to
possess a throne, except heaven had particularly
designed him for the same. To this others answered,
that Stephen all that time rather possessed than
enjoyed the crown, (alarmed all his life long by
Maud and her son,) so that he had as little quiet in,
as right to the kingdom. But grant his possession
thereof never so peaceable, what at first was found-
ered in the foundation, could not be made firm by
any height of superstructure thereupon. An error
by continuance of time can never become a truth,
but the more inveterate error.

33. A third sort maintained, that sul^ecte' loyalty a third
is founded on their sovereign's protection, so that
both sink together. Seeing therefore Maud was
unable to afford her people protection, hep people
were bound to no longer allegiance. But this position
was disproved by such, who bottoming allegiance
only on conscience, make protection but the encou-
ragement, not the cause thereof. They distinguished

80 The Church History book iii.

A.D. 1135. also betwixt a prince's wilfiil desertmff his people,

I Stephen. , ,^. . ,.,. i 1 ^ \.

and nis mability to protect them ; not through his

own default, but the forcible prevailing of others.
Thus the conjugal tie is only dissolved by the parties*
voluntary uncleanness, and not by his or her adven-
titious impotency to render due benevolence.

A fourth 34,. A fourth party avouched that Maud, though

with theirs. , r J 'a

not actually and openly, yet tacitly and interpre-
tatively, released the English from their allegiimce
unto her. For what prince can be presumed so
tyrannical, as to tie up people to the strict terms of
loyalty unto him, when the same is apparently de-
structive unto them, and no whit advantageous to
himself? But others disliked this position ; for where
did any such relaxation appear? It cancelleth not
the obligation of a debtor to £EUicy to himself an
acquittance from his creditor, which cannot be pro-
duced.
Some act ^^' Somo actod at the commands, though not for
Sn^^s^^*^ the commands, of king Stephen, namely, in such
phen's things whcreiu his injunctions concurred with equity,
charity, and order, consistent with the principles of
public utiUty and self preservation. These, havmg
the happiness to be commanded by an usurper to do
that which otherwise they would have dene of them-
selves, did not discover themselves to act out of
their own inclinations, w^hilst it passed unsuspected
in the notion of their obedience to king Stejdien.
Thus many thousands, under the happy conduct (or
at leastwise contrivance) of Thurstan, archbishop of
York, though in their hearts well affected to Maud
her title, unanimously resisted David king of Scots^^

^ [Trivet I. 6. Gul. J^eub. i. 5^ Sym. Cont. J 137-8.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 81

though he pretended recuperative arms in queen a. p. 1 135.

Maud her behalf; under which specious title he bar-

barously committed abominable cruelties, till nettled
therewith, both Stephanists and Maudists jointly bad
him battle, and overthrew him nigh Alerton in
Yorkshire®.

SQ. All generally bare the burdens, and no less Politic

1..11 .1 •111 . -I patience.

pohticly than patiently, paid all taxes imposed upon
them. Recusancy in this kind had but armed king
Stephen with a specious pretence to take all from
them for refusing to give a part. Nor scrupled they
hereat, because thereby they strengthened his usurpa-
tion against the rightful heir, because done against
their wills, and to prevent a greater mischief: mean-
time they had a reservation of their loyalty, and,
erecting a throne in their hearts, with their prayers
and tears mounted queen Maud on the same.

37. Robert earl of Gloucester (the queen's half- Robert eari
brother) may even make up a form by himself, cester sin-
finding none other before or after him of the same ^^'
opinion. Who conditionally did homage to king
Stephen, scilicet si dignitatem suam sibi servaret illi-
datam^, namely, "So long as he preserved this Robert's

dignity (for so I understand the pronoun's recipro-
cation) to be inviolated."

38. A few there were whose relucting consciences Highiycon-

scientious.

remonstrated against the least compliance with king
Stephen; whose high loyalty to Maud interpreted
all passiveness under an usurper to be activity against

e [The cause of Maud was cruelty, as quickly to estrange
chiefly espoused by the Lon- from her the hearts of her par-
doners, but when upon the tisans. See Symeon Dunelm.
capture of Stepen in 1 142, she cont. p. 270. Gul. Neubrig.
was raised to the throne, she i. 9.]
showed so much pride and ^ [M.Paris, p. 75. an. 1 136.]

FULLER, VOL, II. G

82 The Church History book hi.

A.D. ii36the right heir. These even quitted their lands in
^ ' England to the temi)est of times, and secretly con-

veyed themselves, with the most incorporeal of their
estates, (as occupying the least room in their waftage
over,) into Normandy.
An honest 39. Tlic clcrgy, percciviug that king Stephen per-
the d«Tjy. formed little of his large promises unto them, were
not formerly so forward in setting him up, but now
more fierce in plucking him down, and sided effectu-
ally with Maud against him. An act which the ju-
dicious behold, not as a crooked deed, bowing them
from their last, but as an upright one, straightening
them to their first and best oath, made to this Maud
in the lifetime of her father. But Stephen (resolved
to hold with a strong what he had got with a wrong
hand) fell violently on the bishops, who then were
most powerful in the land, (every prime one having,
as a cathedral for his devotion, so many manors for
his profit, parks for his pleasure, and castles for his
protection,) and he uncastled Roger of Salisbury,
Alexander of Lincoln, and Nigellus of Ely, taking
also a great mass of treasure from them^f.
A. D.I 1 37. 40. Most fiercely fell the fury of king Stephen
Pau?" * on the dean and canons of Paul's, for crossing him in
^j^^^ the choice of their bishop. For he sent and took
their Focarias^, and cast them into London Tower;
where they continued many days, not without much
scorn and disgrace, till at last those canons ransomed
their liberty at a great rate.
What Fo- 41. What these Focariae were, we conceive it no
'• disgrace to confess our ignorance, the word not ap-

g [Mat. Paris, a. 1139. Trivet, I. 7. Gul. Neub. i. 6.]
h Rad. de Diceto, [p. 506.]

cariae were.

CENT. XII.

of Britain,

88

pearing in any classical author, and we must byA.D. 1137.
degrees screw ourselves into the sense thereof. '-

i. It signifieth some female persons, the gender of
the word discovering so much.

ii. They were near to the canons, who had an high
courtesy for them, as appears by procuring their
liberty at so dear a price.

iii. Yet the word speaks not the least relation of
affinity or consanguinity unto them.

iv. All the light we can get in this Focariae, is
from some sparks of fire which we behold in the
word, so as if these shes were nymphs of the chim-
ney, or fire-makers to these canons.

If so, surely they had their holyday clothes on
when sent to the Tower, (kitchen-stuflF doth not use
to be tried in that place,) and were considerable (if
not in themselves) in the affections of others. And
now, well fare the heart of Roger Hoveden, who
plainly tells us that these Focariae were these canons*
concubines*. See here the fruit of forbidding mar-
riage to the clergy, against the law of God and
nature. What saith the apostle? It is better to
marry than to burn^^; or, which is the same in effect.
It is better to have a wife than a fire-maker.

i [Hist. f. 430. The term
focarice occurs in the Chro-
nicon de Lanercost^ in con-
nection with others, as to leave
its meaning no longer doubt-
ful. " Praecepit etiam rex mi-
nistris suis quod concubinas
et focarias et amasias pres-
byterorum et clericorum in-
ventas comprehenderent.*'
p. 4. For the use of tliis work
I am indebted to its editor,
Joseph Stevenson, esq., lately

««

e€

t€

*€

one of the sub-commissioners
of records. The manner in
which he has executed his task
is as creditable to his talents
and industry, as the publication
of the MS. is to the liberality
and judgment of the Bannatyne
and Maitland clubs. It is one
of the most valuable modern
contributions to English his-
tory.]

i* I Cor. vii. 9.

G 2

84 The Church History book hi.

A. D.I 1 36. 42. Albericus bishop, of Hostia came post from
l!^Rome, sent by pope Innocent the Second mto Eng-
WeiLnZ land ; called a synod at Westminster, where eighteen

«tt»r,

bishops and thirty abbots met together^. Here was
concluded; That no priest, deacon, or sub-deacon
should hold a wife or woman within his house,
under pain of degrading from his Christendom, and
plain sending to hell. That no priests' son should
claim any spiritual living by heritage. That none
should take a benefice of any layman. That none
were admitted to cure which had not the letters of
his orders. That priests should do no bodily labour :
and that their transubstantiated god should dwell
but eight days in the box, for fear of worm-eating,
moulding, or stinking, with such like. In this synod
Theobald abbot of Becco was chosen archbishop of
Canterbury in the place of William lately deceased.
A. D. 1139. 43. The most considerable clergyman of England
wSttterin this age for birth, wealth, and learning, was
w^^iate. Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester, and brother
to king Stephen^. He was by the pope made his
legate for Britain, and outshined Theobald the arch-
bishop of Canterbury. For although Theobald just
at this time was augmented with the title of legatus
natus^ (which from him was entailed on his successors

J [Symeonis Dunelm. cont. 1143* at which Stephen was

p. 264. 327. Wilkins, I. 416. present. Trivet, 12]
Trivet. I. 7. The first council ^ [This Henry was the

was assembled by Albericus at fourth^ as Stephen was the

London in 1138, when Theo- third son of Adela^ daughter

dore abbot of Bee was conse- of William the Conqueror,

crated archbishop of Canter- He was originally a Cluniac

bury (Trivet. 7,). The second monk, and abbot of Glasten-

in 1 139, by Henry bishop of bury, the rich revenues of

Winton, at Winchester (Malm, which place he was allowed to

f. 103.), and a third in the hold in conjunction with the

same place in 1142 (Malm. f. see of Winchester. Trivet. I.

106, b.) Another at London in 4, 5. Gul. Neubrigens. i. 4.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 86

in that see,) yet this Henry of Blois, beinff for theA.D. 1136.

. 7 >• , , . , ^4 Stephen.

present kgatus facttts^ out-lustered the other as far

as an extraordinary ambassador doth a leger of the
same nation. In this Henry two interests did meet
and contend ; that of a brother, and that of a bishop ;
but the latter clearly got the conquest, as may appear
by the council he called at Winchester, wherein the
king himself was summoned to appear^. Yea, some
make Stephen personally appearing therein, (a dan-
gerous precedent, to plead the cause of the crown
before a conventicle of his own subjects,) so that to
secure Rome of supremacy in appeals, he suffered a
recovery thereof against his own person in a court of
record, losing of himself to save the crown thereby
unto himself. But William of Malmsbury, present
at the council, (and therefore his testimony is to be
preferred before others,) mentions only three parties
in the place present there with their attendance :

i. Roger of Salisbury, with the rest of the bishops,
grievously complaining of their castles taken from
them.

ii. Henry bishop of Winchester, the pope's legate,
and president of the council ; with Theobald arch-
bishop of Canterbury pretending to umpire matters
in a moderate way.

iii. Hugh archbishop of Rouen, and Aubery de
Vere, (ancestor to the earl of Oxford,) as advocate
for king Stephen.

This Aubery de Vere seems learned in the laws, •
being charactered by my author, homo camarum

1 [Stephen was present at a tion or compulsion ; '* benigne

synod held in London in 1 143, '* interfuit et favoris regii suf-

which probably Fuller has mis- *' fragium non negavit." Gul.

taken for Winchester ; not ap- Neubrigens. i. 10. See also

parently on account of any cita- Wilkins' Cone. I. 421. sq.]

G 3

86 The Church History book hi.

A.v.iisg,varietatibu8 e^ercitatusj "a man well versed in the

^^""^ " windings of causes- "

The itme- 44. Jn this svnod, first the commission of pope

lets issue ,

of the synod Innocent the Second was read, empowering the said
Chester.' Hemj bishop of Winchester with a legative au-
thority. Then the legate made a sermon; Latia-
riter^ which is, as I conceive, " in the Latin tongue."
We find not his text ; but know this was the subject
of his discourse, to inveigh against king Stephen
depriving those bishops of their castles. Sermon
ended, the king's advocates, or true sulgects rather,
(many making them to speak only out of the dictates
of their own loyalty, and not plead by deputation
from the king,) made his defence, that bishops could
not canonically hold castles, and that the king had
despoiled them of their treasure, not as episcopal
persons, but as they were his lay-offices, advised
thereto by his own security. The bishops returned
much for themselves, and in fine, the synod brake
A. D.I 140 up without any extraordinary matter effected. For
soon after came queen Maud with her navy and
army out of Normandy, which turned debates into
deeds, and consultations into actions : but we leave
the readers to be satisfied about the alternation of
success betwixt king Stephen and Maud to the
historians of our state. There may they read of
Maud her strange escapes, when avoiding death, by
being believed dead, (otherwise she had proved in
her grave, if not pretended in a coffin,) when getting
out in white linen, under the protection of snow ° : I
say, how afterwards both king Stephen and Robert

m Willielm. Malms, f. 103. Paris, an. 11 39. sq. Gul. Neu-
n [Trivet. I. 9, 10, 11. Mat. brig. i. 9, 10.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 87

earl of Gloucester were taken prisoners, and given in a.d. 1141.
exchange, the one for the liberty of the other ; with — ^ — 1
many such memorable passages the reader may stock
himself from the pens of the civil historians, the
proper relators thereof.

45. It is strange to conceive how men could be at Why
leisure in the troublesome reign of king ^Stephen to ^^L*8
build and endow so many religious foundations, jj^'^^*®"*
Except any will say, that men being (as mortal in ^^^^^
peace) most dying in war, the devotions of those

days (maintaining such deeds meritorious for their
souls) made all in that martial age most active
in such employments. Not to speak of the mona-
stery of St. Mary de Pratis, founded by Robert earl a.d. 1144.
of LeicesterP, and many others of this time: the
goodly hospital of St. Katharine's nigh London was
founded by Maud wife to king Stephen, though others
assign the same to Robert bishop of Lincoln, as
founder thereof. So stately was the choir of this
hospital, that it was not much inferior to that of St.
Paul's in London, when taken down in the days of
queen Elizabeth by Dr. Thomas Wilson, the master
thereof, and secretary of state'.

46. Yea, king Stephen himself was a very great Religious
founder. St. Stephen was his tutelary saint, (though founded by
he never learned his usurpation from the patient p^gn. ^"
example of that martyr,) whose name he bore, on
whose day he was crowned, to whose honour he
erected St. Stephen's chapel in Westminster, near

the place where lately the court of request was kept.
He built also the Cistercian's monastery in Fever-

P [R. de B08SU.] brig. i. 14, 15, 16.]

q [Robert de Chesney. See ^ Stow's Survey of London,
other instances in Gul. Neu- p. 117.

G 4

88

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. ii44«8ham ; with an hospital near the west gate in York.

And whereas formerly there were paid out of every

plough-land in England, betwixt Trent and Edin-

burgh-Frith, twenty-four oat sheaves for the king's

hounds'; Stejihen converted this rent-charge to his

new built liosi)ital in York. A good deed no doubt ;

for though it bo unlawful to take the children's bread

and to cast it unto the dogs\ it is lawful to take the

dog's bread, and to give it unto the children.

A.D. 1 150. 47. The king being desirous to settle sovereignty

utoncy of ou liis SOU Eustace, earnestly urged Theobald arch-

archhihop bishop of Canterbury to crown him^. For Stephen

cf Canter- g^^^^ ^^mt fcalty, barely sworn to Maud in her father's

lifetime, was afterwards broken : and therefore, (his

own guilt making him the more suspicious,) for the

better assurance of his son's succession, he would go

one step further, endeavouring to make him actual

king in his own lifetime. But the archbishop stoutly

refused, though proscribed for the same, and forced

to fly the land, till after some time he was reconciled

to the king.

The sea- ^g Eustaco the kiuff's son died of a phrensy, as

sonahle o r j-f

8 Stow's Chron. p. 146, 148.
Of the foundation of Fever-
sham, see the Monasticon^ I.

687.]

t Mark vii. 27.

V [Eustace was not Stephen's
only son, as our author ap-
pears to think. He had an-
other named William, who did
homage to Henry by his fa-
ther's order, and to whom, in
1 157, Henry II. gave the
same lands which Stephen his
father held under Henry I.,
in return for the castles of Pe-
vensey and Norwich, which

this William possessed. See
Trivet. I. 34. Besides this
son, he had a daughter, named
Mary, abbess of Romsey, who
was in 1 1 60 married to Mat-
thew son of the earl of Flan-
ders, ib. 39. The alliance of
Eustace with France, he
having married Constance, a
sister of that king, and his
own high spirit and courage,
prevented Stephen from enter-
ing into any agreement with
Henry. Gul. Neubrig. i. 30.
ii. 10.]

CENT. XII. of Britain, 89

going to plunder the lands of Bury-abbey^. A death a. d. 1152.
untimely in reference to his youthful years, but'^ ^ ^'
timely and seasonably in relation to the good of the p^n^e Eu-
land. If conjecture may be made from his turbulent ***^
spirit, coming to the crown he would have added
tyranny to his usurpation. His father Stephen begins
now to consider, how he himself was old, his son
deceased, his subjects wearied, his land wasted with
war : which considerations, improved by the endea-
vours of Theobald archbishop of Canterbury, and
God's blessing on both, produced an agreement
between king Stephen and Henry duke of Nor-A.D. 1153.
mandy, the former holding the crown for his life,
and after his death settling the same on Henry, his
adopted son and successor*.

49. We have now gotten, (to our great credit and An Eng-
comfort no doubt,) an Englishman pope; namely. p^^'*
Nicholas Breakspeare, alias Adrian the Fourth.
Bom, saith my author y, nigh Uxbridge in Middlesex,
of the ancient and martial family of the Break-
speares ; though others make him no better than a
bastard of an abbot of St. Alban's^. The abbot of

"^ Mat. Paris, s. a. [Trivet, a monk of St. Alban's, in his

I. 22.] history of the abbots of that

* [See the charter of their church, this Nicholas was bom

convention in Rymer's Feed, at Langley* not far from the

I. 18. (ed. 1816.) abbey of St. Alban's, and was

y Camden in Middlesex, [p. the son of Robert de Camera,

302.] who retired from the world in

2 Bale*s Acts of the English the infancy of his son, and be-
Votaries, [part 11. f. 85, ed. came a monk of St. Alban's,
155 1. Nicholas Breakspeare (qui honeste vivens, in saeculo
was elected to the popedom literatus aliquantulum, habi-
1 7 Dec. 1 1 54, in the first year tum religionis in domo S. Al-
of the reign of Henry II., ac- bani suscepit, p. 70.) The fa-
cording to Gul. Neubrig. ii. 6. ther, desirous that Nicholas
(See also Trivet. I. 24.) Ac should be admitted into the
cording to Mat. Paris, himself cloister, addressed himself to

90

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1 155. which convent he confirmed the first, in place of all
L—L—in England. If I miscount not, we never had but
four popes and a half (I mean cardinal Pool, pope
elect) of our nation. And yet of them, one too
manj, will the papists say, if pope Joan, as some
esteem her, were an Englishwoman. Yea, lately
(the elected following the plurality of the electors)
they have almost engrossed the papacy to the Ita-
lians. Our Adrian had but bad success, choked to
death with a fly in his throat\ Thus any thing next
nothing, be it but advantageously planted, is big
enough to batter man's life down to the ground.
Oeftejr 50. GeflS^y ap Arthur (commonly called from his

defended, native place, Geffrey of Monmouth) was now bishop
of St. Asaph ^. He is the Welsh Herodotus, the

his superior for that purpose,
who granted his request, on
condition that his son should
be found competent. ''Qui
'^ cum examinatus et insuf-
" ficiens inveniretur, dixit ei
'* abbas satis civiliter ; * Ex-
'* pecta, fill, et adhuc scholam
** exerce ; ut aptior habearis.'
" Unde ipse clericus verecun-
dus reputans talem dilatio-
nem repulsam^ abiit ; et Pa-
" risios adiens, ibique scholaris
'* vigilantissimus effectus om-
** nes socios discendo supera-
'* vit." ib. p. 66. He was after-
wards made canon^ and subse-
quently abbot of St. Rufus
near Valence. Afterwards ob-
taining a great reputation for
prudence and learning in three
several embassies upon which
he was sent to Rome^ and for
his missionary labours in con-
verting the Norwegians, he was
made bishop of Albania upon

€t

<«

the vacancy of that see (Mat.
Paris, ib. 70.), and a cardinal
by Eugenius III. Upon the
death of Anastasius IV. he was
raised to the popedom, and
died 1 1 60. Gul. Neubrig. ii. 9.
See also Hist. Maj. 9I9 and
Trivet. I. 25. John of Salis-
bury has detailed a very in-
teresting conversation which
he held with this pope, (when
he resided three months with
him at Beneventum,) upon the
abuses of the popes and the
church of Rome. Policraticus,
vi. 24.]

A [But according to Mat.
Paris, ib. p. 74, he was poi-
soned because he refused, from
conscientious motives, to give a
bishopric to the son of a power-
ful Roman citizen.]

^ [He was elected a. 1151.
For some account of him, see
M. Paris, in an., and GuL Neu-
brigens. in prsef. Hist.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 91

father of ancient history and fahles ; for, he who will a. d. 115^.
have the first, must have the latter. Polydore Virgil I — 3_
accuseth him of many falsehoods, (so hard it is to
halt before a cripple,) who, notwithstanding, by
others is defended, because but a translator, and not
the original reporter. For a translator tells a lie in
telling no lie, if wilfiilly varying from that copy
which he promiseth faithfully to render. And if he
truly translates what he finds, his duty is done, and
is to be charged no further. Otherwise the credit of
the best translator may be cracked, if himself become
security for the truth of all that he takes on trust
from the pens of others.

51. King Stephen ended his troublesome life®. AA.D.1154.
prince, who if he had come in by the door, the best of king
room in the house had not been too good to enter- ^'^p^®'**
tain him. Whereas now the addition Usurper (af-
fixed generally to his name) corrupts his valour into
cruelty, devotion into hypocrisy, bounty into flattery

and design. Yet, be it known to all, though he
lived an usurper, he died a lawful king ; for what
formerly he held from the rightful heir by violence,
at his death he held under him by a mutual compo-
sition. He was buried with his son and wife at
Feversham in Kent, in a monastery of his own build-
ing^. At the demolishing whereof, in the reign of
king Henry the Eighth, some, to gain the lead
wherein he was wrapped, cast his corpse into the sea*.
Thus sacrilege will not only feast on gold and silver,
but (when sharp set) will feed on meaner metals.

52. Henry the Second succeeded him, known bywiwtlK^

c [Mat. Paris, and Trivet, meon. ib. 280, but by Stephen, ^**'^®*

in an.] according to Qui. Neubrigens.

<J [Built by his wife Maud^ i« 32.]
according to Trivet. I. 24. Sy- « Stow's Chron. 148.

9i The Church History book hi.

A.D.I 155. a triple surname, two personal and ending bj him-
1-1 self, Fitz-empress and Shortmantle ; the other here-
ditary, fetched from Geffrey his father, and trans-
mitted to his posterity, Plantagenet, or Plantaga-
nest'. This name was one of the sobriquets or
{penitential nick-names which great persons about
this time, posting to the holy war in Palestine, either
assumed to themselves, or had by the pope or their
confessors imposed upon them, purposely to disguise
and obscure their lustre therewith. See more of the
same kind :

i. Berger, a shepherd.

ii. Grise-GoncUe, greycoat.

iii. Teste d' Estoupe, head of tow.

iv. Arbust, a shrub.

V. Martel, a hammer.

vi. Grand-Boeufe, ox-face.

vii. La-Zouch, a branch upon a stem.

viii. Iloulet, a sheephook.

ix. Hapkin, a hatchet.

X. Chapell, a hood.

xi. Sans-terr, lack-land.

xii. Malduit, ill-taught.

xiii. Juvencas, Geffard, or heifer.

xiv. Fitz de Flaw, son of a flail.

XV. Plantagenist, stalk of a broom.
Thus these great persons accoimted the penance
of their pilgrimage, with the merit thereof, doubled,
when passing for poor inconsiderable fellows, they
denied their own places and persons. But be it
reported to others, whether this be proper, and
kindly evangelical self-denial, so often commended
to the practice of Christians. However some of

^ Alias Plantagenist.

CENT. XII.

of Britain.

9S

these by-names, assumed by their fancifii] devotion, a. 0.1155.
remained many years after to them and theirs ; ^
amongst which, Plantagenist was entailed on the
royal blood of England.

53. This king Henry was wise, valiant, and gene- KingHemy
rally forturiatefi^. His faults were such as speak himr^.
man, rather than a vicious one. Wisdom enough he

had for his work, and work enough for his wisdom,
being troubled in all his relations. His wife queen
Eleanor brought a great portion, (fair provinces in
France,) and a great stomach with her ; so that it is
questionable, whether her froward spirit more drove
her husband from her chaste, or Rosamond's fair
face more drew him to her wanton embraces. His
sons (having much of the mother in them) grew up,
as in age, in obstinacy against him. His subjects,
but especially the bishops, (being the greatest castle-
mongers in that age,) very stubborn, and not easily
to be ordered^.

54. Meantime one may justly admire, that no what be-
mention in authors is made of, nor provisions for^®/^^
Maud the king's mother, (surviving some years after ®™p^***-
her son's coronation,) in whom during her life lay

the real right to the crown. Yet say not king
Henry's policy was little in preferring to take his
title from an usurper by adoption, rather than from
his own mother (the rightful heir) by succession,

S QSee a description of his
person and character by Peter
of Blois, archdeacon of Bath^
who was personally acquainted
with the king, in his letter to
Walter archbishop of Palermo,
(Petri Blesens. Op. epist. 66.),
quoted also by Trivet. I. 25.
See also Neubrigens. iii. 26.]

^ [The building of castles
had grown to a great excess
during the disturbances of Ste-
phen's reign ; after that prince
had made a composition with
Henry, he destroyed great
part of them. Their number
was eleven hundred and fifteen,
according to M. Paris, a. 1 1 53.]

94 The Church History book hi.

A.D. ii55.and his piety less, in not attending his mother's

1—1 death; but snatching the sceptre out of her hand,

seeing no writer ever chargeth him with the least
degree of undutifulness unto her. Which leadeth
us to believe that this Maud, worn out with age and
afflictions, willingly waved the crown, and reigned
in her own contentment, in seeing her son reign
before her^
The body 55. Thoso who wero most able to advise them-
oommon sclves, are most willing to be advised by others, as
pned!**"" appeared by this politic prince. Presently he chooseth
a privy council of clergy and temporalty, and refineth
the common law ; yea, towards the end of his reign
began the use of our itinerant judges^. The plat-
form hereof he fetched from France, where he had
his education, and where Charles the Bald, some
hundreds of years before, had divided his land into
twelve parts, assigning several judges for administra-
tion of justice therein. Our Henry parcelled England
into six divisions, and appointed three judges to

i [Yet Maud certainly en- proved from records in the ex-
joyed some degree of authority, chequer (Mad. 96.), that there
For in the year 1 1 55 the ex- had been justices itinerant to

Sedition for the conquest of hear causes in 18 Hen. I. The

reland was put off because first appointment of them was

she was not agreeable to it. probably made by Hen. I., in

See Trivet. I. 31. It is pro- imitation of a similar institu-

bable from the words of the tion introduced by Louis le

same author, p. 24, that Maud Gros ; that it fell into disuse

waved her right in favour of in the troublous reign of Ste-

her son. She did not die till phen, and was revived and

Sept. 109 1 1 67. See Trivet. I. fixed by Hen. II. See Reeve's

50.] Hist, of English Law, I. 54.

^ [It has been a general Gul. Neubrigens. also seems

opinion, that Justices itinerant by his language to attribute

were first appointed in the the revival only, and not the

great council at Nottingham origin of these institutions to

or Northampton, held 22 Hen. Henry. Hist. Angl. ii* i«]
IL an. 1176. It is however

CEKT.XII.

of Britain.

95

every circuit, annuallj to visit the same. Succeeding a. ix 1155.

kings (though changing the limits) have kept the 1

same number of circuits; and let the skilful in
arithmetic cast it up, whether our nation receiveth
any loss, by the change of three judges every year,
according to Henry the Second's institution, into
two judges twice a year, as long since hath been
accustomed.

56. The laws thus settled, king Henry cast his a. 0.1156.

I'-niTA i Castles de-

eye on the numerous castles m England. As a good moUshed.

reason of state formerly persuaded the building, so a

better pleaded now for the demolishing of them^

William the Conqueror built most of them, and then

put them hito the custody of his Norman lords,

thereby to awe the Emglish into obedience. But

these Norman lords in the next generation, by

breathing in English air, and wedding with English

wives, became so perfectly Anglized, and lovers of

liberty, that they would stand on their guard against

the king on any petty discontentment. If their

castles (which were of proof against bows and arrows,

the artillery of that age) could but bear the brunt of

a sudden assault, they were privileged from any

solemn siege, by their meanness and multitude, as

whose several beleaguerings would not compensate

the cost thereof. Thus as in foul bodies, the physic

in process of time groweth so friendly and familiar

1 [Trivet. I. 28. Among
other means employed by
Henry to reduce these castles
and strongholds^ he command-
ed all who held any of the
royal domains to produce their
charters which they had pro-
cured from his predecessor^

and then seized them into his
own hands on the plea that
grants made by an invader
were null and void : '* quoniam
*' chartee invasoris juri l^timi
** principis praejudicium ^Eu^re
" minime debuerunt." Gul.
Neubrig. ii. 2.]

96 The Church History book hi.

A. D.I 156. with the disease, that they at last side together, and
^^^•"' both take part against nature in the patient ; so here
it came to pass, that these castles, intended for the
quenching, in continuance of time occasioned the
kindling of rebellion. To prevent further mischief,
king Henry razed most of them to the ground, and
secured the rest of greater consequence into the
hands of his confidents. If any ask how these castles
belong to our Church-history, know that bishops of
all in that age were the greatest traders in such
fortifications.
Thomas 57. Thomas Becket, bom in London, and (though
dS^Uor^^ yet but a deacon) archdeacon of Canterbury,
of England, doctor of cauou law, bred in the imiversities of
Oxford, Paris, Bononia, was by the king made lord
A.D. 1 157. chancellor of England. During which his oflSce,
who braver than Becket? None in the court wore
more costly clothes, mounted more stately steeds,
made more sumptuous feasts, kept more jovial com-
pany, brake more merry jests, used more pleasant
pastimes™. In a word, he was so perfect a layman,
that his parsonages of Bromfield, and St. Mary-hill
in London, with other ecclesiastical cures, whereof
he was pastor, might even look all to themselves, he
A. D. 1158.*^''^^^? no care to discharge them. This is that
Becket whose mention is so much in English, and
miracles so many in popish writers. We will con-
tract his acts in proportion to our history, remitting
the reader to be satisfied in the rest from other
authors.
His great 58. Four years after, upon the death of Theobald,
^^made Bccket was made by the king archbishop of Canter-

™ [Trivet. I. 34. Gul. Neubrig. ii. 16. He had also a prebend
in St. Paul's^ and at Lincoln. Stephanides, p. 12, 14.3

CENT. XII.

of Jiriiain,

97

bury". The first Enfflishman since the Conquest a. d. 1162.

8 Hen II

(and he but a mongrel, for his mother was a Syrian**, !_1

the intercourse of the holy war in that age making ^cant»?
matches betwixt many strangers) who was preferred **"'^-
to that place. And now (if the monks their writing
his life may be believed) followed in him a great
and strange metamorphosis p. Instantly his clothes
were reformed to gravity, his diet reduced to neces-
sity, his company confined to the clergy, his expenses
contracted to frugality, his mirth retrenched to
austerity ; all his pastimes so devoured by his piety,
that none could see the former chancellor Becket in
the present archbishop Becket. Yea, they report,
that his clothes were built three stories high ; next
his skin he was a hermit, and wore sackcloth ; in the
mid he had the habit of a monk ; and above all wore
the garments of an archbishop. Now, that he might
the more effectually attend his archiepiscopal charge,
he resigned his chancellor's place, whereat the king
was not a little offended. It added to his anger,
that his patience was daily pressed with the impor-
tunate petitions of people complaining that Becket
injured them. Though generally, he did but recover
to his church such possessions as by their covetous-
ness, and his predecessors' connivance, had formerly
been detained from it.

^ [Theobald died April 18.
I 161, according to Trivet. I.
41. Thomas a Becket was
elected to Canterbury 1162.
ib. 42. See Gul. Neubrigens.
H. 12 and 16. M. Paris, in an.]

o [A very romantic account of
his mother is told in theQuadri-
Iogus,chap. 2. Yet William Ste-
phanides describes Becket him-
self (in his Epist. p. 167.) and
his parents as respectable citi-

FULLER, VOL. II.

zens of London. VitaS.Thomae,
p. I o, and this writer deserves
much credit ; being, as he says,
concivis, clericus, et convictor
of Thomas a Becket ; his ail-
viser when chancellor, sub-
deacon of his chapel^ his reader
and an\anuensis, the advocate
in his causes, and an eye-wit-
ness of his passion. Ib. p. i .]

P [Stephanides, p. 24. Mat.
Paris, a. 1 162. Trivet. I. 42.]

H

98 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1 163. 59* But the main matter incensing the king against
' him was, his stubborn defending the clergy from the
5^,^^!^ secular power: and particularly (what a great fire
^^J^'*™ doth a small spark kindle !) that a clerk, having
■gBintt killed and stolen a deer, ought not to be brought

wcular ma* r>* t

giitratef. boforc the civil magistrate for his punishment. Such
impunities breeding impieties, turned the hotise of
God into a den of thieves : many rapes, riots, rob-
beries, murders, were then committed by the clergy.
If it be rendered as a reason of the viciousness of
Adonijah, that his father never said unto him. Why
dost thou so ^f No wonder if the clergy of this age
were guilty of great crimes, whom neither the king
nor his judges durst call to an account. And seeing
ecclesiastical censures extend not to the taking away
of life or limb, such clerks as were guilty of capital
faults were eithw altogether acquitted, or had only
penance inflicted upon them ; a punishment far
lighter than the offence did deserve. Indeed, it is
most meet in matters merely ecclesiastical, (touching
the word and sacraments,) clergymen be only answer-
able for their faults to their spiritual superiors, as
most proper, and best able to discern and censure
the same. And in cases criminal, it is unfit that
ministers should be summoned before each proud,
pettish, petulant, pragmatical, secular under officer.
However, in such causes to be wholly exempted from
civil power, is a privilege which with reason cannot
be desired of them, nor with justice indulged unto
them. Sure I am, Abiathar (though high-priest)
was convented before, and deposed by Solomon for
his practising of treason. And St. Paul saith. Let
evert/ soul be subject to the higher* powers^.

4 1 Kings ]. 6. produced by the dissensions in

r Rom. xiii. 1 , [The evils Stephen's time had not yet

CENT. XII.

of Britain.

99

60. To retrench these enormities of the clergy, a. d.i 165.
the king called a parliament at Clarendon near Sa-

He incurs

lisbury, (and not in Normandy, as Mr. Fox will have the king's
it,) intending, with the consent of his great council, ^"^^^^^^^
to confirm some severe laws of his grandfather king
Henry the First. To these laws, sixteen in number*,
Becket, with the rest of the bishops, consented and
subscribed them. But afterwards recanting his own
act, renounced the same. Let not therefore the
crime of inconstancy be laid too heavily to the
charge of archbishop Cranmer, first subscribing, then
revoking popish articles presented unto him : seeing
this his namesake Thomas, and predecessor Becket,
without any stain to his saintship, retracted his own
act, upon pretence of better information. But so

ceased; they had secularized
the clergy ; and the licentious-
ness of the late reign which
had diffused itself among all
classes^ though now checked in
the laity by the severity and
judicial enactments of Henry,
was still fatally spreading un-
controlled among the clergy.
The bishops, according to Gul.
Neubrigens. (a writer whose
judgment and candour are un-
questionable), were more in-
dustrious in defending the pri-
vileges, than in correcting the
vices of the clergy, conceiving
that they did their duty to God
and the church by supporting
their order against the secular
arm, whilst they neglected to
restrain their vices with the ri-
gour of ecclesiastical discipline.
The picture this writer draws
of the time« is appalling : '*Regi
" circa curam regni satagenti
*' et malefactores sine delectu
** exterminari jubenti a judi-

<t

K

<(

tC

** cibus intimatum est, quod
" multa contra disciplinam
** publicam, scilicet furta, ra-
pinse, homicidia, a clericis
ssepius committerentur, ad
** quos scilicet laicx non pos-
** set jurisdictionis vigor ex-
" tendi. Denique ipso audi-
'* ente declaratura dicitur, plus-
*' quam centum homicidia intra
fines Anglise a clericis sub
regno ejus commissa." Hist.
Ang. ii. 16. See also Stepha.
nides, p. 28. Although the zeal
of the king in correcting these
abuses^ in which he was en-
couraged by Becket, may have
exceeded the bounds of mode-
ration, it was hardly befitting
in Becket, however upright his
intentions, to screen from civil
punishment offences committed
by the clergy against the civil
power.]

8 See them at large in Mat.
Paris, in an. [Wilkins, I.

435-]
H 2

100 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1 165. highly was Becket offended with himself for his sub-

Uscription, that, in revenge, for some months he

suspended himself from all divine service, (his pride
and laziness both before and after suspended him
from ever preaching,) and would not be present
thereat. Hereafter let none hope for more favour from
this archbishop than their fact may deserve ; seeing
he cannot rationally be expected to be courteous to
others who was so severe unto himself The best
was, in this his suspension the knot was not tied so
hard as to hurt him ; who, in case of necessity, as
he had bound, so he could loose himself : though, for
the more state of the matter, pope Alexander himself
was pleased solemnly to assoil him from his sus-
pension ^ Meantime Becket, both in his suspension
and absolution, most highly offended king Henry,
who every day the more was alienated from, and in-
censed against him.
The vanity 61. During Bocket's abode about Clarendon, he

of Becket*8

path. is reported every morning to have walked from his
lodging some miles to the king's palace. Where
the ground, say they, called Becket's path, at this
day presenteth itself to the eyes of the beholders, (but
most quick-sighted, if looking through popish spec-
tacles,) with the grass and grain growing thereon in
a different hue and colour from the rest. A thing
having in it more of report than truth ; yet more of
truth than wonder : the discolorations of such veins
of earth being common in grounds elsewhere, which
never had the happiness of Becket his feet to go
upon them.

He flieth 62. But oh ! if Becket's feet had left but the like

beyond sea

* Fox his Mon., see the letter at large^ I. 269. [Mat.
Paris, a. 1 1 64.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 101

impresmon in all the ways he went, how easy had itA.D.1165.
b0en for all men's eyes, and particularly for our pen, i! — — — '•
to have tracked him in all his travels! Who, notk?ngWn*
long after, without the consent of the king, took"®"**
ship, sailed into Flanders, thence travelled into the
southern parts of France, thence to Pontiniac, thence
to Senes, abiding seven years in banishment. But
though he served an apprenticeship in exile, he
learned little humility thereby, only altering his
name (for his more safety) from Becket to Derman ;
but retaining all his old nature, remitting nothing of
his rigid resolutions.

63. Now, to avoid idleness, Becket, in his banish- How em-
ment variously employed himself. First, in making his banish.
and widening breaches between Henry his native ""*"**
sovereign, and Lewis the French king. Secondly,
in writing many voluminous letters of expostulation
to princes and prelates ^ Thirdly, in letting fly his
heavy excommunications against the English clergy ;
namely, against Roger archbishop of York ; Gilbert
Foliot bishop of London (a leameder man than him-
self) ; Joceline bishop of Salisbury, and others. His
chief quarrel with them was their adherence to the
king ; and particularly, because the archbishop pre-
sumed to crown Henry the king's son (made joint
king in the life of his father), a privilege which
Becket claimed, as proper to himself alone. Fourthly,
in receiving comfort from, and returning it to pope
Alexander at Beneventum in Italy. Sameness of
affliction bred sympathy of affection betwixt them,
both being banished ; the pope by Frederic Barba-

V See them exemplified at large in Stapleton, De Tribusi
Thomis, [p. 61. sq. ed. 1612.]

H 3

lOS

The Church Hiitory

BOOK III.

A.D.ii67.rossa the emperor, for his pride and insolency^: as

'^ "*' .'our Becket smarted for the same fault from king

Henry. Here also Becket solemnly resigned his
archbishopric to the pope, as troubled in conscience
that he had formerly took it as illegally from the
king, and the pope again restored it to him, whereby
all scruples in his mind were fully satisfied^.
A. D. 1 1 70. 64. But afterwards by mediation of friends Becket's
died to the reconciliation was wrought, and leave given him to
^^' return into England y. However, the king still re-
tained his temporals in his hand, on weighty consi-
derations. Namely, to show their distinct nature
from the spirituals of the archbishopric, to which
alone the pope could restore him: lay-lands being
separable from the same, as the favour of secular
princes: and Becket's bowed knee must own the
king's bountiful hand before he could receive them.
Besides, it would be a caution for his good be-
haviour.

^ [The emperor supported
the claims of Victor the anti-
pope. See Gul. Neubrigens.
ii. 9.]

X [This also he appears to
have done, though secretly,
when present at the council of
Tours in 1 163. See Gul. Neu-
brigens. ii. 16.]

y [Trivet. I. 55. This re-
conciliation took place at the
instance of the pope and the
king of France in 1 1 70, seven
years after Becket's exile^ Gul.
Neubrigens, ii. 25. The arch-
bishop's conduct was most un-
generous. In his absence, Ro.
ger archbishop of York, at-
tended by others of the bishops>
consecrated^ at the king*s de-
sire, his eldest son prince

Henry. Enraged at this breach
of privilege, Becket secretly
procured letters from the pope^
suspending the bishops from
their function who had assisted
at the ceremony. Immediately
after his reconciliation with
the king, which took place at
Gisors in Normandy, before
the archbishop could reach
England he sent forward those
letters, which were instantly
put in execution, and the bi-
shops suspended. Disgusted at
this stubbornness and want of
temper on Becket's part, the
king uttered some hasty words,
which led to the catastrophe
mentioned in the text. See
Gul. Neubrigens. ii. 25.]

CBVT. XII. of Britain. 103

65. Ccelum non animum. Travellers change cli-A.D.1170.

mates, not conditions. Witness our Becket, stubborn '—

he went over, stubborn he stayed, stubborn he re-obsti^^t
turned. Amongst many things which the kingJ^^JT®"*
desired and he denied, he refused to restore the
excommunicated bishops, pretending he had no
power, (indeed he had no will,) and that they were
excommunicate by his holiness. Yea he, instead of
recalling his old, added new excommunications ; and

that thunder which long before rumbled in his
threatenings, now gave the crack upon all those that
detained his temporal revenues. Roger Hoveden
reports', that upon Christmas-day (the better day
the better deed) he excommunicated Robert de
Broc, because the day before he had cut off one of his
horses' tails. Yea he continued and increased his
insolence against the king and all his subjects.

66. Here the kinff let fell some discontented words, I* ^^^ *»y
which instantly were catched up in the ears of some in his own
courtiers attending him®. He complained that never
sovereign kept such lazy subjects and servants,
neither concerned in their king's credit, nor sensible

of his favours conferred on them, to suffer a proud
prelate so saucily to affront him. Now a low hollow,
and a less clap with the hand, will set fierce dogs on
wonying their prey. A quaternion of courtiers
being present ; namely,

i. Sir Richard Breton, of which name (as I take
it) a good family at this day is extant in North-
amptonshire.

ii. Sir Hugh Morvile of Kirk-Oswald in Cumber-
land, where his sword wherewith he slew Becket

z [Annales, f. 298.] » [Trivet, ib. Stephanides, 78.5

H 4

104 The Church History book hi.

/i.D. 1170. was kept a long time in memorial of his fact**. His

family at this day extmct,

iii. Sir William Tracey, whose heirs at this day
flourish in a worthy and worshipful equipage at To-
dington in Gloucestershire.

iv. Sir Reginald Fitz-Urse, or, Bear's-43on<^. His
posterity was afterwards men of great lands and
command in the county of Monaghan in Ireland,
being there called Mac-mahon, which in Irish signi-
fieth the " son of a bear^."

These four knights, applying the king's general
reproof to themselves, in their preproperous passions
misinteri)reted his complaint, not only for Becket's
legal condemnation, but also for their warrant for
his execution. Presently they post to Canterbury,
where they find Becket in a part of . his church,
(since called the martyrdom,) who, though warned of
their coming, and advised to avoid them, would not
decline them, so that he may seem to have more
mind to be killed than they had to kill him. Here
happened high expostulation, they requiring restitu-
tion of the excommunicated bishops®; whose per-
emptory demands met with his pertinacious denials,
as then not willing to take notice of Solomon his
counsel, A soft answer pacifieth wrath ^. Brawls
breed blows, and all four falling upon him, with the
help of the fifth, an officer of the church called
Hugh, the ill-clerk, each gave him a wound, though
that with the sword dispatched him, which cut off his
crown from the rest of his head 8^.

b Camd. Brit, in Cumber- ^ [^Camden, ibid.]

land, p. 640. e [Gul. Neubrigens, ii. 25.]

c Others call him Walter. ^ Prov. xv. i.

See Camd. Brit, in Ireland, e [Their intention at first

p. 764. was not to have killed the

CEKT. XII.

of Britain.

105

67. A barbarous murder, and which none will goA.D.i.,o.

ill Hon TT

about to excuse, but much heightened both by the 1—1

prose aiid poetry (good and bad) of popish writers in^lJ^J^on
that age. Of the last and worst sort, I account that^^' ^^^
distich (not worthy the translating) one verse whereof,
on each leaf of the door of Canterbury choir, is yet
legible in part ;

Est sacer intra locus, venerabilis atque beatus^
Prsesul ubi sanctus Thomas est martyrizatus ^.

But if he were no truer a martyr than martyrizatus
is true position, his memory might be much sus-
pected. More did the muses smile on the author of
the following verses.

Pro Christi spoiisa, Christi sub tempore, Christi

In templo, Christi verus amator obit.
Quis moritur ? Praesul. Cur ? Pro grege. Qualiter ? Ense.

Quando ? Natali. Quis locus ? Ara Dei.

For Christ his spouse, in Christ's church, at the tide

Of Christ his birth, Christ his true lover died.
Who dies .^ A priest. Why? For's flock. How? By the sword.

When ? At Christ's birth. Where ? Altar of the Lord.

Here I understand not how properly it can be said,

archbishop, evidently, as they
entered without arms, but to
compel him by threats and ex-
postulations to remove the
sentence of excommunication
which he had laid upon the
bishops, as a punishment un-
deserved by them, and a great
indignity to the king. Their
persuasions were vain, and
served only to heighten their
passion, upon which they rush-
ed out^ resolved to And arms,
and to slay the prelate. In the
interval Becket was carried by
his friends into the church,

with the hope that the sanctity
of the place would protect
him. It was the time when
the monks were chanting the
evening service, and just before
the archbishop was preparing
to celebrate vespers (sacrificium
vespertinum), when they fell
upon him, and murdered him
before the altar. This hap-
pened upon Christmas day (in
ipsis Christi natalitiis). Gul.
Neubrigens. ii. 25.]

h William Somner in his
Antiquities of Canterbury, p.
166.

106

The Church HUtary

BOOK ni.

A.D. 117a that Becket died pro grege, " for his flock.** He did

^not die for feeding his flock, for any fundamental

point of religion, or for defending his flock against
the wolf of any dangerous doctrine ; but merely he
died for his flock; namely, that the sheep thereof
(though ever so scabbed) might not be dressed with
tar and other proper (but sharp and smarting) medi-
cines. I mean, that the clergy might not be punished
by the secular power for their criminal enormities.
Sure I am, a learned and moderate writer of that
age passeth this character upon him : Q^{B ah ipso
acta sunt — Umdanda 7iequaqtiam censuerinij licet ea
laudabili zelo processerint '. " Such things as were
" done by him, I conceive not at all to be praised,
" though they proceeded from a laudable zeal." But
Stapleton calls this his judgment : Audacis monachi
censura non tarn politica^ quam plane ethnica^ " The
" censure of a bold monk, not so much politic as
" heathenisW." Should another add of Stapleton,
that this his verdict is the unchristian censure of a
proud and partial Jesuit, railing would but beget
railing, and so it is better to remit all to the day of
the revelation of the righteous judgment of God^.
The heavy 68. Now king Henry, though unable to revive
performed Bcckct, shcwcd as much sorrow himself for his
j^eniTf death as a living man could express; and did the
other as much honour as a dead man could receive^.

i Gulielmus Neubrigensis^
[ii. 15.]

J In tribus Thomis, [p. 37.]

^ Rom. ii. 5.

I [The king was acquitted
of aU guilt by the two legates
of the pope, who in 1172 ar-
rived at Caen in Normandy
with a commission to investi-

gate this murder. *' Et ideo
** de mandato summi pontificis
^* post purgationem canon icam
'* acceptam, publice sententia-
** verunt regem ab hoc cri-
'* mine innoxium esse coram
** Deo £t hominibus." Trivet.
I. 58. "See also Gul. Neubrig.
ii. 25.]

CENT. xu. cf Britain. 107

First, searching after all his kindred, (as most capable a. d. 1170.
of his kindness,) he found out his two sisters. One ! — — — \
Mary, a virgin, not inclinable to marry, whom he
preferred abbess of the rich nimnery of Berking.
His other nameless sister, being married to one of
the Le Botelers, or Butlers, he transplanted, with
her husband and children, into Ireland n^, conferring
upon them high honours and rich revenues; from
whom the earls of Ormond are at this day descended.
He founded also the magnificent abbey called
Thomas-Court in Dublin", (in memory of the said a. d. 1174.
Thomas Becket, and expiation of his murder,) beau-
tifying the same with fair buildings, and enriching it
with large possessions. Nor did only the purse, but
the person of king Henry do penance. Who walking
some miles barefoot, suffered himself to be whipped
on the naked back by the monks of Canterbury^
As for the four knights who murdered him, the pope
pardoned them, but conditionally, to spend the rest
of their lives in the holy war, (where the king, as
part of his penance enjoined by the pope, main-
tained two hundred men for one year on his proper
charges,) to try whether they could be as courageous
in killing of Turks, as they had been cruel in murder-
ing a Christian.

69. And now, being on this subject, once to Becket
dispatch Becket out of our way, just a jubilee ofyea^enf

shrinecL

^ Camden's Brit, in Ireland^ cares and difficulties which

p. 743. then surrounded him, from the

Ti Idem, p. 75 1 . disobedience of his sons and

o [Trivet. I. 65. Henry did rebellions of his nobles, to his

penance at the shrine of Becket participation in Becket's death,

about 1174, apparently trou- See an amusing account of this

bled by a scruple of conscience, penance, and the effect which

or desirous to attribute (in it produced, in Gul. Neubri.

order to remove odium) the gens. ii. 34.]

\.

108 The Church History book hi.

A. D.I 1 74. years after his death, Stephen Langton, his mediate

successor, removed his body from the imder-croft in

Christ Church, where first he was buried, and laid him
at his own charge in a most sumptuous shrine at the
east end of the church. Here the rust of the sword
that killed him was after\i'ards tended to pilgrims to
kiss P. Here many miracles were pretended to be
wrought by this saint, in number two hundred and
seventyn. They might well have been brought up to
four hundred, and made as many as Baal's lying
prophets : though even then, one prophet of the
Lord, one Micaiah, one true miracle were worth
them all.
The blind 70. It is almost incredible what multitudes of
of people, people flocked yearly to Canterbury, (which city
lived by Becket's death,) especially on his jubilee, or
each fifty years after his enshrining. No fewer than
an hundred thousand (we find it at words in length,
and therefore a cipher is not mistaken) of English
and foreigners repaired thither'. And, though great
the odds in hardness between stones and flesh, there
remains at this day in the marble the prints of their
superstition who crept and kneeled to his shrine.
The revenues whereof by people's offerings amounted
to more than six hundred pounds a year. And the
same accomptant, when coming to set down what
then and there was offered to Christ's, or the high
•

P Erasmi Colloquia in Dia- had witnessed.]

log. 1 . Religionis ergo, [p. 330. ^ Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 493 .

ed.i668. This dialogue contains [An account of his miracles is

a most amusing description of prefixed to his Epistolse, &c.,

the shrine of Thomas a Becket, p. 143, by Ch, Lupus. Brux-

and the ceremonies used by ellis, 1682.]

those who went upon a j)il- r Wil. Somner ut prius, p.

grlmage to it. Erasmus doubt- 249.
less narrates what he himself

CENT. XII. of Britain. 109

altar, dispatcheth all with a blank, siimmo altan m/.A.D. 1174.

Yea, whereas before Becket's death the cathedral in '—^

Canterbury was called Christ's Church, it passed
afterwards for the church of St. Thomas ; verifying
therein the complaint of Mary Magdalene, " sustu-
" lerunt Dominum," Thet/ have taken away theLord^.
Though since, by the demolishing of Becket's shrine,
the church (and that justly) hath recovered its true
and ancient name.

8 John xii. 13.

SECT. IL

DOMINO
JOANNI WYRLEY,

DE WYRLEY-HALL,
IN COM. STAFFORD, EQUITI AURATO.*

Lex Mahometica jubefy tit Tnrcarum quisque mechanioB
arti incumbat. Hinc esty qnod^ vel inter Ottomanicos
imperatores, hie faber^ ille sartor^ hie totus est in haU
theorum bullisy ille in sagittarum pennis concinnandisj
proiit quisque sua indole trahaturK

hex mihi partim placet ^ partim displicet. Placet industrial
ne animi otii rubigine obducti sensim torpescerent. Dis-
plicet ingenuas mentes servili operi damnari^ cum hu-
mile nimis sit et abjectum.

At utinam vel leXj vel legis cemula consuetudo, inter An-
glos ohtinerety ut nostrates nobiles, ad unum. omnes,
meliori literatures litarent. Hoc si fiat uberrimos
fructns respublica perceptura esset ab illisy qui nunc
absque musarum cultu penifus sterilescunt.

Tu vero, doctissime milesy es perpaucorum hominum^ qui
ingenium tuum nobilitate premi non sinis^ sed artes

a [Arms. Argent, three
bugle horns sab. stringed vert,
two and one. Sir John Wyrley
of Wyrley-hall, Hampstead,
county Suffolk, was the four-
teenth in lineal descent of an
ancient family seated there as
early as the reign of Edward
the First. He was son and
heir to Humphry Wyrley, esq.,
and, according to a memoran-
dum certified by himself in

the county visitation, 1663,
was born on the 1 2th of April
1607. H® received the honour
of knighthood from king
Charles the First at Whitehall
June 4, 1 641, and married
Mary, daughter of sir Francis
Wolley of Preston, county
Surrey, knight.]

^ Edw. Sandys in suis pere-
grinationibus.

CENT. XII. The Church Htstary of Britain.

Ill

ingenncLSy quas Oxonii dididsti juvenisj vir assidue
colis, Gestit itaque liber noster te patrono ; quo non
alter aut in notandis inendis oculatior^ out in condo-

nandts clementior,

— )

VEN among8t all the stripes given him a.d. 1174.

since the death of Becket, none made '—^

deeper impression in king Henry s soul, tifuineM of
than the undutifulness of Heniy his^^. ^
eldest son, whom he made (the foolish
act of a wise king) joint king with himself in his
lifetime^. And, as the father was indiscreet to put
off so much of his apparel before he went to bed, so
the son was more unnatural, in endeavouring to rend
the rest from his back, and utterly to disrobe him of
all regal power. The clergy were not wanting in
their plentiful censures, to impute this mischance to
the king, as a Divine punishment on Becket's death ;
that his natural son should prove so undutifiil to him,
who himself had been so unmerciful to his spiritual
father^. But this rebellious child passed not un-
punished. For as he honoured not his father, so his
days were few in the land which the Lord gave him.
And as he made little account of his own father, so
English authors make no reckoning of him in the
catalogue of kings. This Henry the Third being

<* [The disobedience of Hen-
ry's sons was a just judgment
upon himself for breaking the
oath imposed upon him by his
father in reference to his bro-
thers. See Gul. Neubrigens.
ii. 7. For an account of the
rebellions of Henry's sons, see
Gul. Neubrigens. ii. 27. sq.
The nobles, and among the
first, Thomas Becket, then
chancellor, swore fealty to him^

a. 1 162. M. Paris, s. a. He
was consecrated and crowned
at London, during his father's
lifetime, in 1 1 70, by Roger
archbishop of York, Thomas a
Becket the archbishop of Can-
terbury being at that time in
France, and not yet reconciled
to the king. Gul. Neubrigens.
ii. 25.]

** [See Gul. Neubrigens. iii.

112

The Churtk Hisionf

III.

A.i>.fi;4. whollv omitted, because dring during the life of his

to Hen. If. r ^L *

father.

UiAmM
nude an

Canter-
kary.

2. But before this Ilenrv's death. Richard prior of
Dover, who divided Kent into three archdeaconries,
was made arch1>isho|> of Canterbury^ Indeed the
place was fir^t proffered to Robert, abbot of Becco
in Normandy, (8ec{uents of three, if he had accepted
it, Anselm, Theobald, and this Robert, who in the
compass of seventy years out of the same abbey
were made archbishops of Canterbury,) but he refused
it, as ominous to succeed Becket in his chair, lest he
should succeed him in his coffin; and preferred a
whole skin before an holy pall. But Richard accept-
ing the place, is commended for a mild and moderate
man, being all for accommodation, and his temper
the best exi>edient betwixt the iK)pe and king;
pleasing the former with presents, the latter with
cx>mpliancc^. This made him connive at GeflBrey
i^lantagenet his holding the bishopric of Lincoln,
though uncanonicalness on imcanonicalness met in
his person. For first, he was a bastard. Secondly,

e [Trivet. I. 59.]

' [He was of so easy a tem-

I)cr, that Peter of Blois wrote
liin a letter expostulating with
him for his remissness, as he
terms it^ but praising his inno-
cence and humility. See Epist.
Blesen. ep. 5. Trivet gives
him this character : ** Fuit iste
'* llicardus vir magnse religio-
" nis et in exteriorum admini-
" stratione industrius ; sed in
*' corrigendis excessibus defen-
'* dendisque ecclesise libertati-
" bus de nimia remissione no-
*' tatus: in tantum quod rex
*' qui eum specialiter diligebat
*' Gt contra turbatores ejus in
" curia Romana se pro eo op-

" ponebat ipsius incuriam ac
*' desidiam secreta tamen cor-
** reptione dicitur arguisse."
I. 64. According to the same
author, he was the first person
who procured the abolition of
a custom which up to his time
prevailed in England. If any
one killed a person in holy
orders, the church was satisfied
merely with excommunicating
the offender, and did not have
recourse to the arm of the law
(*• materialis opem gladii non
'* quaesivit.") ib. I. 68. He
held the see of Canterbury
nine years, forty-five weeks,
and five days. ib. 85.]

CENT. XII.

of Britain,

118

he was never in orders. Thirdly, he was under age ; a. d. 1 174.

all which irregularities were answered in three words, -'

The king's son. This was that Jeffery who used to
protest by the royalty of the king his father, when a
stander by minded him to remember the honesty of
his mothers^.

3, A synod was called at Westminster, the pope's a. d.i 176.
legate being present thereat; on whose right handtro^e«y'
sat Richard archbishop of Canterbury, as in Ws ^^JJ^^^Jj^^j
proper place. When in springs Roger of York, and^^<* ^'o^'^'
finding Canterbury so seated, fairly sits him down on cedency.
Canterbury's lap, (a baby too big to be danced
thereon,) yea, Canterbury his servants dandled this
lap-child with a witness, who plucked him thence,
and buffeted him to purpose^. Hence began the
brawl which often happened betwixt- the two sees
for precedency; though hitherto we have passed
them over in silence, not conceiving ourselves bound
to trouble the reader every time these archbishop's
troubled themselves. And though it matters as
little to the reader as to the writer, whether Roger
beat Richard, or Richard beat Roger ; yet once for
all, we will reckon up the arguments which each see
alleged for its precedency*.

g [Trivet. I. 63. This Jef-
frey» though elected, appears
never to have been consecrated
Inshop of Lincoln. After he
had held the see nine years^
he relinquished it^ and was
made chancellor in 1182, (See
Trivet. I. 82. Gul. Neubri-
gens. ii. 22.) chiefly for taking
part with the king when his
sons rebelled against him. Gi-
rald. Cambrensis in vit. in Ang.
Sacr. II. 380. ibid. 418. Gul.

FULI^B, VOL. II.

Neub. ii. 27 and 32^ and was
afterwards appointed to York
in the first year of his brother
Richard's reign, that see ha v.
ing remained vacant for ten
years from the avarice of
Henry, Gul. Neubrigens, iv. 2,
Hoveden and Gervasius in an.]
^ [Gul. Neubrigens. iii. i.]
^ [The arguments for botli
sides are much more carefully
and explicitly stated by Gul.
Neub. V. 12.]

114

The Church History

BOOK III.

A. D. 1176.
ai Hen. II.

Canterbury's title.

1. No catholic person will
deny but that the pope is the
fountain of spiritual honour^
to place and displace at plea-
sure. He first gave the pri-
macy to Canterbury : yea,
whereas the proper place of
the archbishop of Canterbury
in a general council was next
the bishop of St. Ruffinus;
Anselm and his successors
were advanced by pope Urban
to sit at the pope's right foot^
as aUerius orbis papa.

2. The English kings have
ever allowed the priority to
Canterbury. For a duarchy
in the church {vis. two arch-
bishops equal in power) being
inconsistent with a monarchy
in the. state^ they have ever
countenanced the superiority
of Canterbury, that the church
government might be uniform
with the commonwealth's.

3. Custom hath been ac-
counted a king in all places,
which time out of mind hath
dedded the precedency to Can-
terbury.

York's title.

1 . When Gr^ory the Great
made York and Canterbury ar-
chiepiscopal sees, he affixed
precedency to neither, but that
the archbishops should take
place according to the seni-
ority of their consecrations.
Until Landfranc, chaplain to
king William, (thinking good
reason he should conquer the
whole clergy of England, as
his master had vanquished th-j
nation,) usurped the supe^
riority above the see of York.

2. If antiquity be to be re-
spected, long before Gregory's
time York was the see of an
archbishop, whilst as yet pagan
Canterbury was never dreamed
of for that purpose. Lucius
the first Christian Britain king,
founding a cathedral therein,
and placing Samson in the
same, who had Taurinus, Py-
rannus, Tadiacus, &c., his
successors in that place.

3. If the extent of jurisdic-
tion be measured, York, though
the lesser in England, is the
larger in Britain, as which at
this time had the entire king-
dom of Scotland subject there-
unto ; besides, if the three
bishoprics, (viz. Worcester,
Lichfield, Lincoln,) formerly
injuriously taken from York,
were restored unto it, it would
vie English latitude vdth Can-
terbury itself.

CENT. XII. of Britain, 115

This controversy lasted for many years; it was first a. d T176.

visibly begun (passing by former private grudges) be- '■ —

twixt Landfranc of Canterbury, and Thomas of York,
in the reign of the Conqueror, continued betwixt
William of Canterbury and Thurstan of York, in the
days of king Henry the First; increased betwixt
Theobald of Canterbury and William of York at the
coronation of Henry the Second, and now revived
betwixt Richard of Canterbury and Roger of York
with more than ordinary animosityj.

4. Some will wonder that such spiritual persons How much
should be so spiteful, that they, who should rather the most
have contended de pascendis ovibus^ " which of them *p*"^"*' *
" shoidd better feed their flocks," should fall out de

lana caprina^ about a toy and trifle, only for priority.
Yet such will cease to wonder, when they consider
how much carnality there was in the disciple's them-
selves : witness their unseasonable contest just before
our Saviour's death, quis esset major^y " which of
" them should be the greater," when then the ques-
tion should rather have been, quis esset mcestior^ not
who should be the highest, but who should be the
heaviest for their departing Master.

5. Here the pope interposed, and to end old divi- The pope's

decision

sions, made a new distinction, primate of all England, gives hnai
and primate of England, giving the former to Can- ^^^"* "^^ '***^'
terbury, the latter to York. Thus when two children
cry for the same apple, the indulgent father divides
it betwixt them, yet so that he giveth the bigger
and better part to the child that is his darling. York
is fain to be content therewith, though full ill against
his will, as sensible that a secondary primacy is no

J [See a treatise on the subject in the Ang. Sac. I. 65.]
^ Luke xxii. 24.

i2

\

116 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1176. primacy; and as one stomaching a superior as much
^ 'qq Canterbury disdamed an equal. Yea, on every
little occasion this controversy brake out again. The
last flash which I find of this flame was in the reign
of king Edward the First, when William Wickham,
archbishop of York, at a council at Lambeth for
reformation, would needs have his cross carried before
him, which John Peckham archbishop of Canterbury
would in no case permit to be done in his province.
Wherefore the said Peckham inhibited all fix)m sell-
ing victuals to him or his family, so hoping to allay
his stomach by raising his hunger, and starve him
into a speedy submission, which accordingly came to
pass. Since York was rather quiet than contented,
pleasing itself that as stout came behind as went
before ^ But at this day the clergy, sensible of God's
hand upon them for their pride and other offences,
are resolved on more himiility, and will let it alone
to the laity to fall out about precedency.

The far 6. To rctum to king Henry, never did the branches

extended /• t t% -,, t 1 i.i -i

English of the £inglish monarchy sprout higher, or spread

monarchy i j i /• . • i-i • o *i_ • i •

in this broader before or smce, as m the reign of this king,
1^£ 8^ large and united his command, though in several
capacities ; for by right of inheritance fix)m his
mother Maud, he held England and the dukedom of
Normandy ; by the same title from his father, Jeffery
Plantagenet, he possessed fair lands in Anjou and
Maine ; by match in right of queen Eleanor his wife,
he enjoyed the dukedoms of Aquitane and Guienne,
even to the Pyrenean mountains; by conquest he
lately had subdued Ireland, leaving it to his successors
annexed to the English dominions ; and for a time

1 Mr. Isaacson out of Florilegus, [i. e. Mat. Westmoi^.] in
his Chronologie, anno 1279. [p. 454. ed. 1633.]

CEKT.Xfi. of Britain. 117

was the effectual king of Scotland, whilst keeping a. 0.1177.
William their king a prisoner, and acting at pleasure ^^ ^'
in the southern parts thereof. The rest of Christen-
dom he may be said to have held by way of arbi-
tration, as Christiani orbis arbiter^ so deservedly did
foreign princes esteem his wisdom and integrity, that
in all difficult controversies he was made umpire
betwixt them.

7. Yet all this his greatness could neither preserve Oouia n«t
him from death, nor make him, when living, happy fortimate^in
in his own house ; so that when freest from foreign ^^|™
foes, he was most molested in his own family, his
wife and sons at last siding with the king of France
against him, the sorrow whereat was conceived to
send him the sooner to his grave™. I meet with
this distich as parcel of his epitaph.

™ [See liis letter to the pope, " runt animam meam."

A. D. 1 1 73, imploring his as- He was certainly exposed to

sistance against the malice of much affliction. He was sepa-

his sons. Trivet. I. 62. Petri rated from his wife, who had

Blesen. epist. 136. In this joined his sons in their unna-

letter he says, '' Longe lateque tural rebellion ; which however

'* divulgata est meorum iilio- is not surprising^ since he neg-

*' rum malitia, quos ita in exi- lected her bed, as Gul. Neu-

*' tium patris spiritus iniquita- brigens. expresses it : ** regina

" tis armavit ut gloriam repu- '* pro tempore sufflcienter usus

«•

tent et triumphum patrem '* ad sobolem, ea desinente pa-

•' persequi et filiales afFectus " rere, sectando voluptatem

'^ in omnibus diffiteri. Et '* spurios fecit." iii. 26. (Pet,

'* quod sine lachrymis non dico Blesens. ep. 1 54.)» ^^^ detained
'* contra sanguinem meum et her in custody for ten years
** viscera mea cogor odium (Trivet. I. 75, 97.). His sons,
'* mortale concipere et extra- and particularly his second-
•* neos mihi quaerere succes- bom, Henry, was twice in re-
sores, ne videam de semine bellion against him, and died
meo sedentem super thronum in 1183. ** Mortem vero ejus
meum. lUud prseterea sub '' rex pater inconsolabiliter di-
'* silentio transire non possum, " citur deplorasse." ib. 85.
*' quod amid mei recesserunt Three years after died JefFry
" a me et domestic! mei quse- duke of Britanny, his tliird

I 3

4€

1 18 The Cumh Hisiwy booe ni

A. n. 1 1 j>9. Cui sads ad votum non essent omnia teme
' ^^^ '• Climata, terra modo suffidt octo pedum °.

He whom alive the world would scarce suffice.
When dead, in eight foot earth contented lies.

He died at Cbinon in Normandy, and was buried
with very great solemnity in the nmmery of Font-
Everard in the same country. A religious house of
his own foundation and endowments
iwtwbedi- 8. It is confidently reported p, that when Richard,
▼mired to SOU and succcssor to king Henry, approached his
byw'^^ father's dead corpse, it bled afresh at the nostrils ;
•titioii. whence some collected him the cause of his death.
But whilst nature's night councillors (treading in the
dark causes of hidden qualities) render the reason of
the sallying forth of the blood on such occasions, let
the learned in the laws decide how far such an acci-
dent may be improved for a legal evidence. For
surely that judge is no better than a murderer, who
condemneth one for murder on that proof alone.
However, on the bleeding of the father's nostrils, the
son's heart could not but bleed, as meeting there
with a guilty conscience. And therefore, (according
to the divinity and devotion of those days,) to expiate
his disobedience, he undertook with Philip Augustus,
king of France, a long voyage against Sultan SaJadin,
to recover Christ his grave, and the city of Jeru-
salem, from the Turks in Palestine.

son (ib. 87.), Gul. Neubrigens. was his favourite. See Gul.

iii. 7. His eldest son William Neubrigens. iii. 25.]
died ill 1 156. ^ Mat. Paris, p. 151.

In the end the king died of o [Trivet. I. 95, Gul. Neu-

a fever contracted from grief brigens. iii. 25.]
and vexation at the rebellion P Mat. Paris, ut prius.

of his sons Richard and John^ [Hoveden, f. 372.]
especially of the latter, who

CENT. XII. of Britain. 119

9. Having formerly written an whole book of theA.D.noo.
holy war*!, and particularly of king Richard's achieve- ' ' ' '
ments therein, I intend here no repetition ; only our ^" i^^**'
design is to give a catalogue of some of our English *****^-
nobility who adventured their persons in the holy

war, and whose male posterity is eminently extant
at this day. I have known an excellent musician,
whom no arguments could persuade to play, until
hearing a bungler scrape in the company, he snatched
the instrument out of his hand, (in indignation that
music should be so much abused,) then tuned and
played upon it himself. My project herein is, that
giving in an imperfect list of some few noble families
who engaged themselves in this service, it will so
offend some eminent artist, (hitherto silent in this
kind,) that out of disdain he will put himself upon
so honourable a work, deserving a gentleman who
hath lands, learning, and leisure, to undertake so
costly, intricate, and large a subject, for the honour
of our nation. And be it premised, that to prevent
all cavils about precedency, first come, first served ;
I shall marshal them in no other method, but as
in my studies I have met with the mention of them.

10. To begin with the place of my present habita-
tion ; one Hugh Nevil attended king Richard into Nevii Kii.
the holy war, and anciently lieth buried in a marble perfr

tcrm-

nionument in the church of Waltham Abbey inp'J^^*j^„g
Essex, whereof no remainders at this day. This
Hugh Nevil being one of the king's special familis^rs,
slew a lion in the Holy Land, first driving an arrow
into his breast, and then running him through with
his sword, on whom this verse was made,

[q The Historie of the Holy Warre. Camb. 1639.]

I 4

\ ;

ISO

The Church History

BOOK IK.

A. l). 1190.
I Rich 1.

Viribus Hugonis vires periere leonis.

The strength of Hugh
A lion 8lew<).

If Benaiah the son of Jehoiadah was recounted the

fifth amongst David's worthies for killing a lion in

the midst of a pit in tlie time ofsnow^y surely on the

same reason this bold and brave baron Hugh ought

to be entered into the catalogue of the heroes of his

sovereign. But I cannot give credit to his report,

who conceiveth that the achievement of the man

was translated to his master*; and that on this

occasion king Richard the First got the name of

Coeur de lion, or lion's heart.

Anomtort 11. This Hugh Ncvil gave the manor of Thomdon

»id nu- * to Waltham abbey, and was ancestor of the noble

Ne^il' ^^^ numerous family of the Nevils* ; to which none

4 Mat. PariSi an. 122a. [p.
315. In his history of Wal-
tham-abbey, p. 20, Fuller
speaking of this Hugh Neville
Rays : ** He was interred in
" Waltham abbey, says my au-
•'thor, [Mat. Paris, p. 315.]
" ' in nobili sarcophago mar-
'* moreo et insculpto/ in a
'' noble coffin of marble e»-
** graved. If a coffin be called
'* sarcophagus from consuming
** the corpse, surely sacrilege
" may be named sarcophago^
" phagus, which at this day
'* hath devoured that coffin
*' and all belonging thereunto."
This was written in 1655.]

>* 2 Sam. xxiii. 20.

® Weever's Fun.. Mon. p.
644. [ed. 163T.]

t Registrum Cart. Abbat. de
Waltham. [Of this book Fuller

thus speaks in his Hist, of
Waltham -Abbey, p. 7. " Know,
•* reader, that whatever here.
'' after I allege touching the
'* lands and liberties of Wal-
*' tham, if not otherwise at-
*' tested by some author in the
'* margin, is by me faithfully
" transcribed out of Waltham
" Leger-book, now in the pos-
'* session of the right honour-
•' able James [Hay] earl of
*• Carlisle. This book was
" collected by Robert Fuller,
" the last abbot of Waltham,
" who though he could not
*' keep his abbey from disso-
" lution, did preserve the anti-
" quities thereof from oblivion.
" The book, as appears by
" many inscriptions in the ini-
" tial text-letters, was made
'* by himself, having as happy

CENT. xfi. of Britain, 121

in England equal for honour, wealth, and number, A.D.itpo.
in the latter end of king Henry the Sixth, though at '

this day the lord Abergavenny be the only baron
thereof. He gave for his arms a cross saltier, or the
cross of St. Andrew, probably assuming it in the
holy war. For though I confess this is not the
proper cross of Jerusalem, ret was it highly esteemed
of all those who adventured thither, as may appear,
in that all knights-templars made such saltier cross,
with then- thwarted legs upon their monuments.

12. Giralde de Talbote succeeds in the second oiraide de
place; when articles were drawn up between our whence the
king Richard, in his passage to Palestine, and Tan- swr^
cred king of Sicily, for the mutual observation oi^^^-
many conditions betwixt* them, he put in upon their
oaths for his sureties, a grand jury of his principal
subjects then present, viz. two archbishops, two
bishops, and twenty other of his prime nobility ex-
pressed in his letters patents ^ ; besides many others
whose names were concealed. Of these twenty, the
aforesaid Giralde de Talbote is the first ; whose male

issue and name is extant at this day, flourishing in
the right honourable femily of the earls of Shrews-
bury.

1 3. Next amongst the royal jurors (as I may term Guarin
them) was Guarin Fitz-Gerald, from whom are de- raw, from
scended the Fitz-Geralds in Ireland, (where their ^|^/^®,^
name is in some places provincial,) of whom the earl ^« *"^
of Kildare is chief. A memorial of their service in Windsor.

** a hand in fair and fast writ- his Fun. Mon. 644, under the

*• ing, as some of his surname title of " Registrum Cartarum

" since have been defective " Abbatiae de Waltham."]
" therein." This appears to u R. Hoveden, [Annales,

me to have been the same book f. 385.]]
as that quoted by Weever in

1S2 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1190. Palestine is preserved in their arms, giving argent, a

J LI cross saltier gules. Here it must be remembered,

that the valiant sprightly gentleman Hickman, lord
Windsor, is descended from the same male ancestors
with the Fitz-Geraldsv, (as Robert Glover, a most
exquisite herald doth demonstrate,) though accord-
ing to the fashion of that age, altering his old, and
assuming a new name from Windsor, the place df
his office and command. This lord Windsor carrieth
the badge of his service in his arms, being essentially
the same with the earl of Kildare's, save that the
colours are varied ; the field gules, and cross saltier
argent, betwixt twelve crosses crossed, or: which
coat seemingly surfeited, was conceived in that age,
the more healthful for the same ; the more crossed
the more blessed, being the devotion of those days.
A qiiater. J 4, FoMT Other ffeutlemcn of quality remain men-

mon more ° * "^

of adven- tioucd in that patent, William de Curcy, father to

turcrs

John, the valiant champion and conqueror of Ire-
land ; Robert de Novo Burgo, Hugh le Bruin, and
Amaury de Mountfort ; of all whom formerly in our
alphabetical comment on abbey-roll.
A.D. 1191. 15. At the siege of Acres or Ptolemais, (the grave
de^FleSnes general of the Christian army,) amongst many wor-
hiB poflte- ^jjj^g dying there within the compass of one year ; I
find Ingelram de Fiennes to be slain w, from whom the
lord viscount Say and Seal, and the lord Dacre of
the south derive their descent^. But most visible
are the remains of the holy war in the achievement
of Theophilus Fiennes, alias Clinton, earl of Lincoln,
giving in the lower parts of his shield (in a field

V See Camd. Brit, in Berk- f. 390.]
shire, [p. 209.] » [Camd. Brit, in Sussex,

'^ R. Hoveden, [Annales, p. 225.]

CENT. XII. of Britain. 123

argent) six crosses crossed fitchee sable, denoting a. d.i 191.
the stability and firmness of his ancestors in that — !LLI
service.

16. Also at the aforesaid siege of Acres, Radul- Raduiphus
phus de Alta Bipa, archdeacon of Colchester ended iSpa.
his life^. Now although because a clergyman, he
could not then leave any lawful issue behind him,

yet we may be confident that the ancient family De
Alta Ripa or Dautry, still continuing in Sussex, were
of his allianceyy.

17. Before we leave the siege of Acres, let me a mistake
refresh the reader with my innocent (and give me^."""'
leave to say provable) mistake. I conceived the
noble femily of the lord Dacres took their surname

from some service there performed, confirmed in my
conjecture: 1. Because the name is written with a
local tmesis, D' Acres. 2. Joan daughter to Edward
the First, king of England, is called D' Acres, because
bom there. 3. They gave their arms, gules, three
scallop-shells argent; which scallop-shells (I mean
the nethermost of them, because most concave and
capacious,) smooth within, and artificially plated
without, was ofttimes cup and dish to the pilgrims
in Palestine ; and thereupon their arms often charged
therewith. Since suddenly all is vanished, when I
found Dacor^ a rivulet in Cumberland, so ancient,
that it is mentioned by Bede himself long before the

y [Galf. Vines, f, 279. (ed. sauf. But Trivet quotes se-
Grale.) Rather Richard, canon veral lines from the Itinerary
of the Holy Trinity, London, as written by Richard the
For he is most evidently the canon (p. 97.), which passage
author of the Itinerary of king is found in Gale, II. 302.]
Richard printed by Gale, and yy Camd. Brit. ibid,
attributed by him and most < Camd. Brit, in Cumber-
writers since to Galf, Vine- land, p. 639.

1S4 The Church Huttm/ book hi.

A.D. 1 191- holy war was once dreamed of, which gave the name

-^ '- to Dacre's castle, as that (their prime seat) to that

family.
Craoent 18. Before we go further, be it here observed, that
^y tbe when king Richard the First went into Palestine, he
^^Ru ^^ up f^^ ^8 device in his ensign a crescent and a
^^^ '• '" star, but on what account men variously conjecture,
to the Holy Somo conccivo it done in afiront to the sultan Salar

IjancL

din, the Turk giving the half moon for his arms.
But this seems unlikely, both because a crescent is
not the posture of the Turkish moon, and because
this was a preposterous method with a valiant man
at his bare setting forth, who would rather first vdn
before wear the arms of his enemies. Others make
a modest, yea religious meaning thereof, interpreting
himself and his soldiers by the crescent and star,
expecting to be enlightened from above by the
beams of success from the sun of divine providence.
Indeed it would trouble a wise man, but that a wise
man will not be troubled therewith, to give a
reason of king Richard's fancy ; it being almost as
easy for him to foretell ours, as for us infallibly to
interpret his design herein. However, we may ob-
serve many of the principal persons which attended
the king in this war had their shields becrescented
and bestarred, in relation to this the royal device.
The arms 19. Thus Michacl Minshull, of Minshull in Cheshire,
^ien^f^y serving king Richard in this war, had not only the
ehuii!" crescent and star given him for his arms, but since
also that £Mnily hath borne for their crest, two lions'
paws holding a crescent. And I have seen a patent
lately*, granted by the lord marshal, to a knight

* Viz. July 4, 1642.

C£NT. XI i. of Britain. 1S5

denying himself from a yomiger branch of thatA.D.npi.

family, assigning him for distinction, to change his '—

crest into the sultan kneeling and holding a
crescent*,

20. And thus the noble family of Saint John As aiao of

the noble

(whereof the earl of Bolingbroke, &c.) give for their st. John^i
patemal coat, argent, two stars, or, on a chief gules, vuie^s.
These stars first give us a dim light to discover their
service in the Holy Land, ^vLo since are beholding
for perfecter information to one now scarce counted
a rhythmer, formerly admitted for a poet, acquainting
us with this and another noble family adventuring
in the holy war, namely, the Sackvilles, still flou-
rishing in the right honourable the earl of Dorset.

Sing Slitl^atly fogtb gttl> entent

Co sat cite of ^afe^^ ^^x

®tt mom |)e 0ent aftut Shit ttobatt jbaltebile

Sbix aOtiUiani SSlatetuUe

jbit l^ttibatt anl> Shit Uoiart of 'Sutnl^am

Skit Vetttam )9tanl»e0 anli ^ojbn l)e Ski* 3)oi)nd.

Yet the arms or crest of the Sackvilles give us not
the least intimation of the holy war. And indeed no
rational man can expect an universal conformity in
so much variety of fimcies, that all the arms of the
adventurers thither should speak the same language,
or make some sign of their service therein.

21. I find sir Frederic Tilney knighted at Acres in a.d. 1192.
the Holy Land in the third year of king Richard the ghipfui fa.
First ^; he was a man magruB statures et potens cor-^^^^^
pore ; sixteen knights in a direct line of that name

^ Sir Richard MinshuU of in Heame's copy, though pro-
Burton in Bucks. bably in a MS. used by him.

c Jafes, that is, Joppa in Pa- See his edition, p. 487. n.]
lestine. ^ Hackluit in his first volume

^ Robert of Gloucester. [Not of voyages.

^

126 The Church History book hi.

A.D.I 192. succeeded in that inheritance: whose heir general
^ ' ' ' was married to the duke of Norfolk, whilst a male
branch (if not, which I fear, very lately extinct)
flourished since at Shilleigh in Suffolk.
The matt 22. When I look upon the ancient arms of the
a^J^JJ^ofiioWe family of the Villiers, wherein there is pilgrim
the vuiiei* ^j^ pilgrim, I mean five scallops, or, on the cross of
St. George ; I presently concluded one of that family
attended king Richard in the Holy Land : but on
better inquiry, I find that this family at their first
coming into England, bare sable three cinque-foils
argent; and that sir Nicholas de Villiers, knight,
changed this coat in the reign ^ not of Richard, but
Edward the First, whom he valiantly followed in his
wars in the Holy Land and elsewhere.
The arms 23. I will concludo with the noble family of
Berkeieys. Berkeley, than which none of England now emi-
nently existing was more redoubted in the holy war.
All know their descent from Harding (son to the
king of Denmark), whose arms are said to be, gules,
three Danish axes, or, or as others suppose with
more probability, I conceive only a plain chevron,
though some three hundred years since they have
filled their coat with ten crosses patte, or, in remem-
brance of the achievements of their ancestors in that
service. For I find that Harding of England landed
at Joppa July the third, in the second year of king
Baldwin, with a band of stout soldiers, where he
relieved the Christians besieged therein^.

' Burton in his description marks upon the antiquity of

of Leicestershire, [p. 55. From this family in Clarendon, Re-

whom the celebrated George bel. I. 16.]
Villiers duke of Buckingham S Chronicon Jerusalem, ix.

was descended. See Frank* 11. [In the Gesta Dei per

land's An. 29. See some re- Francos.]

CENT. XII.

of Britain.

127

24. But I have been too tedious, intending only aA.D.1192.

short essay, and to be (let me call it) an honest i LI

decoy, by entering on this subject, to draw others chCi^hmen
into the completing thereof, during the whole extent *^J]^!^**"
of the holy war. The best is, for the present we^^»"«»**
have had good leisure, these martial times affording

but little ecclesiastical matter. For at this present
much of the English church was in Palestine, where
Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, ended his life
before the siege of Acres ; and where Hubert Walter,
bishop of Salisbury, was a most active commander ;
besides many more of the eminent clergy engaged
in that service. Yet many did wish that one clergy-
man moie had been there, (to keep him from doing
mischief at home,) namely, William Longcamp, bishop
of Ely, who played rex in the king's absence: so
intolerable a tyrant was he, by abusing the royal
authority committed unto him. And it is a wonder,
that he, being indeed a Norman bom, but holding so
many and great offices in this land, should not be
able to speak one word of good English, as the
English were not willing to speak one good word of
him^

25. Such as draw up a parallel betwixt this Wil- Longcamp

^ ^ and WoU

Uam Longcamp and Thomas Wolsey, (afterward sey pana.

leled.

^ Godwin [de Prsesul. Angl.
p. 251. He was made chan-
cellor and chief justice of all
England (totius justiciariusreg-
ni). Trivet, I. 98. When John
usurped the crown in the ab-
sence of Richard, Longcamp
was deprived of his authority,
and fled into Normandy, (ib.
114.) His appointment to the
chief authority in the kingdom
during the king's absence gave

great offence to the nobility,
who disliked the obscurity of
his birth. Gul. Neubrigens.
iv. 5. The same writer, who
is however by no means fa-
vourable to prelates in general,
gives him no favourable cha-
racter ; see iv. 14, sq., but
Newbury is also more favour-
able to John the professed
enemy of the bishop, than the
rest of our chroniclers.]

ni.

Ml < ttm ^.

^^qM^wBemammm^ m 1«k4 mtm Xmemt to Meei m many

Foes, wl eke l»wws of their birth,
t&e fOKL 4f at hmfiiw !■■■■, tiie oilier of a

Bttaes of their power,
bach bcsnr the pipe » |pgicr«L and Aeir kings' prin-

ThirAj. hn^ of Aeir pride, Long-

dailr attendants, Wol-
eqnaliiiiig that nmnber
Fomthlr, suddenness
of their &IL and it if hard to saj which of the two
fircd norehsted. or fied les pitied.
]»*fc^ t>» 96l Yet to give W ofec y his doe, he hr exceeded
d»opi^ the other. Longcamp is a ccos c d of coTetousness,
prMDotni^ hs base kindred, to the damage ted detri-
ment oi others : no snrii thii^ charged on Wolsej.
Longcamp's a c tiiiti moTed in the narrow sphere of
Ei^land's dominicMis; whilst W<rfsej might be said
(in some sort) to hare held in his hand the scales of
Chiistendam. Up emperw, down France; and so
aHematehv as he was jdeased to cast in his grains.
Wolsej sat at the stem m<»e than twenty years,
whilst Lcmgcamp's impolitic pride outed him of his
place in less than a quarter of the time. Lastly,
nothing remains of Longcamp, but the memory of
his pride and pcnnp : whilst Christ Chnrch in Oxford,
and other stately edifices, are the lasting monuments
of Wolsey's magnificence, to all posterity.
Vtfi n word 87* But seeing it is just to settle men's memo-
l1!2!!^iv ries on their true bottom, be it known, that one
putteth in a good word in due season, in the excuse
of bishop Longcamp, haply not altogether so bad as
tho pens of monks would persuade us^ It enraged

i Godwin [De Prsesul p. 251.]

C£1«T. XII.

of Britain.

1S9

them against him, becaiuie Hugh Nonant, bishpp ofA.D. 1193.

GoTentry and Lichfield, drove out monks out of i '—

Goventrj, and brought in secular priests in the
room ; which alteration he being not able of himself
to effect, used the assistance of Longcamp bishop of
. Ely ; ordering the same in a synod called at London.
And seeing monks have no medium betwixt not
loving and bitter hating, no wonder if for this cause
they paid him their invectives. But we have done
with him, and are glad of so fair a riddance of him,
on this account, that most of his misdemeanors were
by him committed, not qiui bishop, but qiia viceroy,
and so more properly belonging to the civil his-
torian^.

28. King Richard in his return from Palestine was
taken prisoner by Leopold duke of Austria, and
detained by him in durance, with hard and unprince-
like usage ^ ; whilst the English clergy endeavoured
the utmost for his enlargement. And at last when
a fine certain was set upon him to be paid for his
ransom, they with much ado in two years time dis-
bursed the same.

^ [See Neub. iv. 43. v. 28.]
1 [He was transferred by the
duke to the custody of the
emperor. '^ Imperator allegans
'* regem non debere teneri a
" duce, nee esse indecens si ab
** imper. celsitudine decus re-
" giumteneretur." Neubrigens.
iv. 33. According to the letter
which Richard wrote to Elea.
nor^ he was not harshly treat-
ed : '* honeste autem circa ip-
sum imperatorem moram fa-
cimus, donee ipsius et nostra
" negotia perficiantur et donee
'' ei 70,000 marcarum argenti

FULLER, 70L. II.

€€

t(

" solverimus." He then pro-
ceeds ; " Universum autem au-
" rum et argentum ecclesiarum
" diligenti observatione et
*' script! testimonio ab ipsarum
" ecclesiarum preelatis accipia-
'* tis ; eisque per sacramentum
*' vestrum et aliorum baronum
** nostrorum quos volueritis
" affirmetis quod eis plenarie
" restituentur."(Rymer*sFcBd.
I. 60. Hoveden, f. 413.) This
letter was written however
while he was in the emperor*s
custody.]

130

The Chtnrch Hutory

BOOK III.

AD. 1193. 29* The sum was an hundred and fifty thousand
JL__. marks", to be paid, part to the duke of Austria,
part to Henry the Sixth, sumamed the Sharp, (sure
such our Richard found him,) emperor of Grermany.
Some will wonder that the weight of such a sum
should then sway the back of the whole kingdom,
(putting many churches to the sale of their silver
chalices °,) having seen in our age one city in a few

"» [Trivet says 200,000
marks (i. T27.) ; Hoveden
150^000 (Annales, f.414.), but
according to Avesbury, the
sum was 1 00^000 marks of
silver, of which a third part
was to be paid to the duke of
Austria (iv. 27.)* According
to an anonymous chronicler
cited in the margin of this
last author^ it was 150,000
marks of silver, Cologne weight,
20,000 marks of this money
were to have been given to
the duke of Austria, but were
never paid, he dying just at
the time when the money was
about to be sent to him, and
his country being visited with
great troubles, which the Eng-
lish historians of this period
considered as the judgment of
God upon him for his cruelty
to Richard. Neubrigens, v. 8.
Hoveden, f. 425.

No wonder that when the
monks contemplated the fate
of this man, who had already
been anathematized by the see
of Rome for his avarice, they
should have looked upon it as
something more than human.
His death was produced by a
fall from his horse, which frac-
tured his foot, and produced
mortification. The physicians

declared that amputation was
necessary, yet no one had the
hardihood to venture upon
such an operation, but one of
the duke's bed-chamber men.
While the duke held the edge
of an adze across his foot, his
servant struck it three times
with a mallet, and thus ampu-
tated the foot, but without the
desired effect. The duke find-
ing he was dying sent for the
clergy, and desired remission
from the censures of the
church, but they refused it,
until he made ^11 reparation
for the injuries which he had
done to the king of England.
The duke accordingly released
the hostages which Richard
had left with him as security
for the money due to him.
But the duke's son and suc-
cessor refused to comply with
the dying requests of his fa-
ther, until he was compelled
to do so by his clergy, who re-
fused to perform the funeral
rites over his father*s body
until he had complied.]

^ [See " The History of the
'' Holy War," p. 130. Our
author there observes, in re-
ference to the king*8 imprison,
ment and ransom ; '' Not long
" after the duke sold liim to

CENT. X1T.

of Britain,

ISl

days advance a larger proportion; but let such a.d. 1193.

• , 4 Rich. I.

consider : -

i. The money was never to return, not made over
by bills of exchange, but sent over in specie, which
which made it arise the more heavily. For such
sums may be said in some sort to be but lent, not
lost, (as to the commonwealth,) which are not ex-
ported, but spent therein in the circulation of trading.

<<

r<
«<
«<
cc
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<<

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• <

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Henry the emperor, for his
harsh nature sumamed As'
per ; and it might have been
ScBvus, being but one degree
from a tyrant. He kept king
Richard in bonds, charging
him with a thousand faults
committed by him in Sicily,
Cyprus, and Palestine. The
proofs were as slender as the
crimes gross; and Richard
having an eloquent tongue,
innocent heart, and bold
spirit, acquitted himself in
the judgment of all hearers.
At last he was ransomed for
1 40,000 marks, Cologne
weight*. A sum so vast in
that age, before the Indies
had overflowed all Europe
with their gold and silver,
that to raise it in England
they were forced to sell their
church-plate, to their very
chalices. Whereupon out of
most deep divinity it was
concluded t, that they should
not celebrate the Sacrament
in glass, for the brittleness of
it ; nor in wood, for the
sponginess of it, which would
suck up the blood; nor in
alchymy, because it was sub-

'' ject to rusting ; nor in cop-
" per, because that would pro-
" voke vomiting ; but in cha-
** lices of latten, which belike
" was a metal without ex.
" ception. And such were used
" in England for some hun-
*' dred years after J: until at
'* last John Stafford, archbishop
** of Canterbury, when the land
*' was more replenished with
*' silver, inknotteth that priest
" in the greater excommuni-
" cation that should consecrate
*' poculum stanneum." ' Yet
Trivet says that in 1 194, after
the king had returned into
England, finding some of the
churches thus deprived of their
chalices, he ordered others to
be made and given to them in
their place. ("Advertensetiam
'* nonnullas ecclesiarum cam-
" pestrium argenteis car ere ca-
" licibus, cum didicisset eos
" suee redemptionis occasione
** sublatos, sibi tanquam reo
imputans ad culpam, divina
minus digne in hac parte ce-
lebrari, jussit fieri per loca
'' di versa calices quamplurimos
" eosque ecclesiis indigentibus
" distribui sine mora.") p. 1 29.]

t(

t€

«

* Mat. Paris, p. 1 75.
i. f. 6. ed. Paris, 1505.

•f* Lyndewode^s Provincials, De Sum. Trin.
X Fox, I. 322.

k2

18S

The Church History

BOOK III.

A. D. 1 194. ii. A third of silver went then more to make a

J !_ mark than nowadays, witness their groats, worth our

sixpence in the intrinsic value.

iii. Before trading to the East and West Indies,
some hundred and fifty years since, very little the
silver of England, in comparison to the banks of
modem merchants^.

However, Hubert archbishop of Canterbury, with
much diligence perfected the work, and on his ransom
paid, king Richard returned into England p.
King Ri- 30. Now lest his majesty should suffer any dimi-
for af. nution by his long late imprisonment, king Richard
was crowned again by Hubert archbishop of Canter-
bury, at Winchester, with great solemnity ; and one
may say that his durance was well bestowed on him,
seeing after the same he was improved in all his
relations.

« [The process of tliis col-
lection is well described by
Newbury, employing the em-
phatic words of the prophet
Joel: thai which the palmer-
worm hath left halh the loctisl
eaten; and that which the lo~
cust hath left hath the canker-
worm eaten; and that which
the carikerworm hath left hath
the caterpillar eaten. He ob-
serves, that after three several
exactions, the collective sums
were still found insufficient;
and this, as it was thought,
was occasioned by the fraud of
the coUectors, who made this
raising of the king's ransom a
cloak for all kinds of disho-
nesty and extortion, iv. 38.

Richard was liberated in Ja-
nuary, 1 1 95, and reached Sand-
wich in the March following.
Neub. iv. 41.]

P [At the time when this
collection was first set on foot
for the king, Hubert was only
bishop of Salisbury (Neubrig.
iv. 33.), but shortly after, and
while he was still a prisoner,
Richard wrote from Germany
to the bishops and others to
fill up the vacancy of the me-
tropolitan see, and recom.
mended to them Hubert, who
was accordingly elected. Bald-
win his predecessor had died in
the east during the crusades.
Neub. iv. 36. v. i.

He exacted from the Cister.
cians the profits of all their
wool for two years, twenty
shillings on every knight's fee,
a fourth part of the revenues
of the clergy and laity, and all
the treasures of the church.
Neub. V. I. Hoved. f. 416.]

CENT. XII. of Britain, 1S8

Son. For though he could not revive his deadA.D. 1194.
fisitber, yet on all occasions he expressed sorrow for ^
his undutiftdiless.

Husband. Hereafter prizing the company of Be-
rengaria his queen, daughter to Sanctius king of Na-
varre, whom formerly he slighted and neglected pp.

Brother. Freely and fiiUy pardoning the practices
of his brother John aspiring to the crown in his
absence ; and being better to his base brother Gef-
frey, archbishop of York, than his tumultuous nature
did deserve*!.

Man. Being more strict in ordering his own con-
versation.

King. In endeavouring the amendment of many
things in the land, in whose days a council was kept
at York for reformation, but little effected.

31. Hubert Walter, archbishop of Canterbury, had a.d. 1 198.
almost finished a fair convent for monks at Lambeth, convent,
begun by Baldwin his predecessor *". But instantly ^^i^^J^
the monks of Canterbury are all up in anger against
him ; they feared that in process of time Lambeth
would prove Canterbury, (viz. the principal place of
the archbishop's residence,) to the great impairing of
their privileges ; the vicinity of Lambeth to the

PP [Hoveden, f. 428. b.] was of no further service, by
4 [John was condemned by the mediation of his mother
the solemn judgment of his was taken by his brother into
peers, and deprived of his for- favour : " a quo satis fraterne
mer privileges. Nftub. iv. 42. " susceptus ei de csetero contra
After which he still continued " regem Francorum fideliter et
in hostility against his brother, ** fortiter militavit, priores ex-
and served against him under *' cessus novis ofiiciis expians
Philip king of France, till the ** et fraternam in se charitatem
truce between that prince and ** ad plenum reformans." Neub.
the king of England ; when v. 5. Hoved. f. 248.]
John finding no longer any >■ [Xrivet. I. 91, 134. Hoved.
countenance from the king of f. 443. This church was found-
France, as an instrument which ed in honour of St. Thomas.]

k3

134 The Church History book lu.

A. D.I 199. court increased their jealousy : and now they ply the

. ^pope with petitions, and with what makes petitions

to take effect in the court of Rome ; never content
till they had obtained (contrary to the king's and
archbishop's desire) that the convent at Lambeth
was utterly demolished; many bemoaning the un-
timely end thereof before it was ended, murdered, as
one may say, by malicious emulation.
KingRi- 32. The death of king Richard is variously re-
death, ported, but this relation generally received, that he
lost his life on this sad occasion. A viscount in
France", subject to king Richard, having found a vast
treasure, (hid probably by some prince, the king's
predecessor,) sent part thereof to king Richard, re-
serving the rest to himself; who, could he have con-
cealed all, had made no discovery, and had he sent
all, had got no displeasure; whilst hoping by this
middle way to pleasure the king, and profit himself,
he did neither. King Richard disdains to take part
for a gift, where all was due ; and blame him not, if
having lately bled so much money, he desired to fill
his empty veins again. The viscount fled into Poictou,
whither the king following, straitly besieged him.
By a poi- 33. The castlo beinff reduced to distress, a soldier
arrow. shoots a poisoned arrow, contrary to the law of arms,
being a sharp arrow from a strong bow is poison
enough of itself, without any other addition. But
those laws of arms are only mutually observed in
orderly armies, (if such to be found,) and such laws
outlawed by extremity ; when the half-femished
soldier, rather for spite than hunger, will champ a

^ [Widomarus, vicecomes de niclers he was wounded in the

Limoges. Hoveden, f. 449. shoulder, not the eye. See also

Annales Burton, 255. Accord- Hemingford, ch. 93.]
ing to these and other chro-

CENT. XII. of Britain. 185

bullet. The arrow hits king Richard in the eye, who a.d. 1199.

died some days after on the anguish thereof, having '-

first forgiven the soldier that wounded him.

34. By will he made a tripartite division of his Jhe thrw-
body, and our author takes upon him to render a of his
reason thereof*. His heart he bequeathed to Roan,"**^^
because he had ever found that city hearty and
cordial unto him: his body to be buried at Font-
Evreux, at his fether's feet, in token of his sorrow

and submission, that he desired to be as it were his
father^s footstool : his bowels to be buried in the parish
church in the province of Poictou, where he died,
not for any bowels of affection he bare unto them,
but because he would leave his filth and excrements
to so base and treacherous a place. Others more
charitably conceive them to be buried there, because
conveniently not to be carried thence, whose cor-
ruption required speedy interment. Another monk
telleth us, that his heart was grossitvdine prcestans^^
" gross for the greatness thereof;" which is contrary
to the received opinion, that that part is the least in
a valiant man, and the heart of a lion (this Richard
we know was called Coeur de lion, or lion-hearted)
less than the heart of an hare.

35. I find two epitaphs made upon him, the first hu double

epitaph and

(better for the conceit than the poetry thereof) thus suooessor.
concludeth :

Sic loca per trina se sparsit tanta ruina.

Nee fuit hoc fun us cui sufBceret locus unus^.

Three places thus are sharers of his fall,
Too little, one, for such a funeral.

t Mat. Paris, p- 195. [Hove- p. 1628. QTwysden.]
den and Hemingf., as above.] ^ Mille's Catalogue of Ho-

^ Gervasius Dorobernensis, nour, p. 120.

K 4

186

The Church History

BOOIt III.

^•^'?'"*® ^^^^ "*y P^ ^'*'* * ^°^ P*®*® **^ P°®**7 in

lo Ridi. I. . , .

that age;

Hie Ricarde jaoes, sed mors si cederet armis
Victa timore tui oederet ipsa tuis*.

Richard thou liest here, but were death afraid
Of any arms, thy arms had death dismayed.

Dying issueless, the crown after his death should
have descended to Arthur, duke of Bretagne, as son
to Geflfrey, fourth son to Henry the Second, in whose
minority John, fifth son to the said king, seized on
the crown, keeping his nephew Arthur in prison till
he died therein. Thus climbing the throne against
conscience, no wonder if he sat thereon without
comfort, as in the following century, God willing,
shall appear y.

X Camden's Brit, in Oxford-
shire, [p. 269.]

y [According to Trivet, Ri-
chard appointed John to be
his heir, Annal. i. 135. (" Hae-
res legitimus^*' R. de Diceto,
p. 705.) And the first oc-
casion of animosity between
the uncle and nephew was from
Arthur's aspiring to the throne
and seizing upon the country
of Anjou, for which he did
fealty to Philip king of France
at the city of Le Mans, in
1199. ib. 139. In 1201 a dis-
sension falling between the
kings of France and England,
Philip, in order to find em-
ployment for his opponent, put
Bretagne into the hands of
Arthur, exhorting him at the
same time to seize upon Poic-
tou and Anjou, which it ap-
pears he had lost; for the pro-
motion of which object Philip

gave him two hundred men,
and a large sum of money.
John then leavhfig his foreign
enemies, turned his arms
against Arthur and his ad-
herents, defeated them, and
sent Arthur prisoner to Rouen,
(ib. 143.) where he died in
1203. ** De cujus morte regem
" Johannem quidam ejus eemuli
*' infamarunt," such are the
remarkable words of Trivet.
144. Compare also Annales
Burton, p. 256.

According to Matthew Paris,
in the vear 1200, when Ar-
thur was thirteen years of age,
Philip and John were recon-
ciled. John is permitted to
hold without disturbance his
Norman possessions, for which
he does homage to Philip,
whilst Arthur does homage to
John for his lands in Bretagne
and elsewhere, but fearing to

CENT. XII.

of Britain.

137

be betrayed by John remains in
the custody of Philip (Hist.
Angl. p. 200.)

1 202. The friendship is but
ill-patched between the two
kings. At a conference be-
tween them at Guletnne,
** Rex Francorum contra re-
'* gem Anglorum mortali ar-
<* matus odio/' indignantly or-
dered (praecepit) king John
to restore to Arthur earl of
Bretagne all the lands which
he held (transmarinis partibus),
sc. Normandy, Touraine^ An-
jou, Poictou^ and others, and
made many other demands
with which John refused to
comply. The next day Philip
attacks Butavant and other
castles belonging to John, and
returning to Paris, ** Arthurum
'' sub tutoribus deputavit ;" de-
livers him two hundred French
soldiers^ to make an attack upon
Poictou, and subjugate that and
the other countries to his own
power. The nobility of Poic-
tou join Arthur^ and beleaguer
queen Eleanor at the castle of
Mirabel. Eleanor sends mes-
sengers to John earnestly re-
questing assistance. The king

goes to her relief; a battle A. D. 1 199.
takes place ; Arthur and the i John.
French are defeated and taken ;
Arthur is put under strict
guard at Falaise. At Falaise
the king has an interview with
his nephew, and endeavours by
kind words and promises to
induce him to withdraw from
the king of France and remain
in his allegiance. Arthur fool-
ishly (stulto usus consilio) an-
swered the king with indigna-
tion and threats ; demands of
John that he should restore him
the kingdom with all the lands
which king Richard held at the
day of his death. And inasmuch
as all these things were his
just inheritance, he swore that
unless he speedily restored
them the king should never en.
joy a durable peace. At these
words John was greatly disturb-
ed : and gave orders that Arthur
should be sent to Rouen,
where he was detained in closer
custody. " Sed non multo
" post idem Arthurus subito
" evanuit modo fere omnibus
*^ ignorato : utinam non ut
" fama refert invida." 207-8.]

THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.

TO

MR. JOHN ROBINSON

OF

MILK STREET IN LONDON. MERCHANT.a

Divines generaJly excuse the dumb man^ cured by Christy
Jbr publishing the same^ tJumgh contrary to his command,
Theophylact goes Jkirther in his comment on the text,
biba<rK6fjL€0a ivT€vO€V^ Krjpi(r(r€iv Koi <prifJLt(€iv tovs iyaOo-
TToirja^ivras k&v iK€ivot jut^ OiktacriVj '* Hence we are taught ^
saith hCf " to proclaim and spread the Jame qfotir bene-

* [Arms vert, on a chevron
or three trefoils of the first,
between three bucks passant of
the second. This Mr. Robin-
son^ who was an alderman^ was
a great friend to the loyal
cl^rgj) ^^^ befriended the ce-
lebrated Anthony Farindon, by
procuring him the living of
St. Mary Magdalen, Milk-
street» Cheapside. He was
afterwards knighted, accord-
ing to Wood, (Athenae,!!. 226,
who calls him kinsman to
Dr. Laud.) There was a John
Robinson alderman and lord
mayor, who was lieutenant oi
the Tower in 1660, and made
a baronet the same year. He

was the son of Dr. William
Robinson, prebendary of West-
minster, half-brother to arch-
bishop Laud (Heylyn's Life of
Laud, p. 46.), and is the same
person to whom Heylyn dedi-
cated his Life of Laud. I have
little doubt but that these two
sir John's were one and the
same person, though my friend
Mr. Barham informs me that
the coat of the latter was en-
tirely different from the former,
viz. Vert, a buck at gaze, or; — '
the coat still borne by my
friend Mr. Robinson of Hart-
street, Bloomsbury.]
^ Mark vii, 36.

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 139

"JactoTi, though they themselves be unwilling^ On
which account I tafely may, and Justly must, publicly
acknowledge your bounty to me.

IS Chriatmas king John kept at Guild- a. d. 1199.

ford, where he bestowed many new^! ^L

holyday-liverieB on his guard, and Hu-i„dJ]|^
hert the archbishop gave the like to^^*^^
his eervants at Canterbury ; who of-
fended the king not a little, that the mitre should
ape the crown, and the chaplain vie gallantry with
his patron. To make some amends, when the king
and queen the Easter following were crowned at
Canterbury, Hubert made them magnificent, yea,
superfluous cheer''. Yet his offence herein carried
an excuse in it ; and superfluity at that time seemed
but needful to do penance for his former profuse-
ness ; and to shew that his loyalty in entertaining of
the king should surpass his late vanity, in ostentation
of his wealth. However, when king John had di-
gested the archbishop's dainty cheer, the memory of
his servants' coats still stuck in his stomach. Surely
if clergymen had left all emulation with the laity in
outward pomp, and applied themselves only to piety
and painAilness in their calling, they had found as
many to honour, as now they made to envy them.

2. But now we enter on one of the saddest tra-A.D. 1105.
gedies that ever was acted in England, occasioned by betwixt the
the monks of Canterbury, after the decease of Hu- '^^,^-,
bertS about the election of a new archbishop. O thatT"*^"*^
their monkish controversies had been confined to ad^ngmnu
cloister, or else so enjoined a single life, that their

•i Mat. Parrs, Hist. Ang. in = [He died this year. Chron.
mno 1 201 . Lanercost. 1 ]

140 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1305. local discords might never have begotten any national

^ dissensions. Behold (saith the apostle) how great a

matter a little fire kindleth\ especially after a long
drought, when every thing it meets is tinder for it
All things at home (besides foreign concurrences)
conspired to inflame the difference : king John, rather
stubborn than valiant, was unwilling to lose, yet
unable to keep his right; the nobility potent and
fitctious ; the clergy looking at London, but rowing
to Rome : carrying Italian hearts in English bodies :
the commons pressed with present grievances, gene-
rally desirous of change; conceiving any alteration
must be for their advantage, barely because an
alteration. All improved the discord so long, till
Normandy was lost ; England embroiled ; the crown
thereof envassalled ; the king's person destroyed ; his
posterity endangered ; foreigners fetched in to insult,
and native subjects made slaves to their insolencies.
Two arch- 3. The youngcr of the monks of Canterbury, in
chown^by the night time, without the king's knowledge or
of Canter! couscut, chosc Reginald their sub-prior to be arch-
bury, and bishop®. The seniors of their convent solemnly, at

the pope ^ ^^

propound, a Canonical hour, with the approbation, yea commen-
dation of the king, chose John de Gray bishop of
Norwich for the place ; and both sides post to Rome
for the pope's confirmation. He finding them violent
in their ways, to prevent further faction, advised

A.D. 1207. them to pitch on a third man; Stephen Langton,
bom in England, but bred in France, lately chan-

d James iii. 5. him the 17th of June. Upon

« [Trivet, i. 149. According which John^ who favoured the

to Trivet the pope appoint- bishop of Norwich, expelled

ed Langton to the see, '* pos- the monks from their mon-

" tulantibus monachis ejusdem astery, and forbade Langton to

*' ecclesise/' and consecrated enter England, 151.]

CENT. XIII, of Britain. 141

cellor of the university of Paris, and sithence made a. d. 1207.
cardinal of St. Chrysogone. Which expedient or "*

middle way, though carrying a plausible pretence of
peace, would by the consequence thereof improve
the pope's power, by invading the imdoubted privi-
leges of king John. The monks soberly excused
themselves, that they durst not proceed to an election
without the king's consent, but affiighted at last
with the high threats of his holiness menacing them
with excommunication, Stephen Langton was chosen
accordingly. One that wanted not ability for the
place, but rather had too much, as king John con-
ceived, having his high spirit in suspicion, that he
would be hardly managed.

4. Then two letters were dispatched from the pope The pope

sends two

to the king^. The first had nothing of business, but letters of
compliment, and four gold rings with several stones ; S^^^^to
desiring him rather to mind the mystery, than value ^^ ^^^'
the worth of the present ; wherein the round form
signified eternity, their square number constancy,
the green smaragd faith, the clear sapphire hope, the
red granite charity, the bright topaz good works.
How precious these stones were in themselves is
imcertain ; most sure it is they proved dear to king
John, who might beshrew his own fingers for ever
wearing those rings, and, a« my author saith soon
after, gemmce commviatcB in gemittis^. For in the
second letter the pope recommended Stephen Lang-
ton to the king's acceptance, closely couching threats
in case he refused him.

5. Banff John returned an answer full of stomach King

® John's

and animosity, that this was an intolerable encroach- return,

e [See the Foedera, I. 93.] ^ Mat. Paris in anno 1207. p. 223.

14ft The Church HiMiary book hi.

A. D, 1 207. meat on his crown and dignity, which he neither

8 John*

could nor would digest, to have a stranger, unknown

roisioir bis

j^uu^ounto him, bred in foreign parts, fiimiliar with the
uVIl French king his sworn enemj, obtruded upon him
for an archbishop. He minded the pope that he
had plenty of prelates in the kingdom of England
sufficiently provided in all kind of knowledge, and
that he need not to go abroad to seek for judgment
and justice, intimating an intended defection from
Rome in case he was wronged. Other passages
were in his letter which deserved memory, had they
been as vigorously acted as valiantly spoken. Whereas
now (because he foully failed at last) judicious ears
hearken to his words no otherwise, than to the
empty brags of impotent anger, and the vain evapo-
rations of his discontentment. However, he began
high, not only banishing the monks of Canterbury
for their contempt out of his kingdom, but also
forbidding Stephen Langton from once entering into
England.
A. D. 1208. 6. Hereupon pope Innocent the Third employed
shops by' three bishops, William of London, Eustace of Ely,
J^^^°^^ and Mauger of Worcester, to give the king a serious
pope inter- admonition, and upon his denial or delaying to
whole king- receive Stephen Langton for archbishop, to proceed
to interdict the kingdom of all ecclesiastical service,
saving baptism of children, confession and the eu-
charist to the djdng in case of necessity : which by
them was performed accordingly 8f. No sooner had
they interdicted the kingdom, but with Joceline
bishop of Bath, and Giles of Hereford, they as
speedily as secretly got them out of the land, like
adventurous empirics, imwilling to wait the working

8f [Ann. de Margan. et Ann. Waverl. in an. 1208.]

CENT. XIII. of Britain, 143

of their desperate physic; except any will compare a. d.hos.

them to fearful hoys, which at the first trial set fire

to their squihs with their fia^es backwards, and make
fiaust away from them. But the worst was, they
must leave their lands and considerable moveables in
the kingdom behind them.

1. See now on a sudden the sad face of the Eng- England*!
lish church, A face without a tongue ; no singing und»hi.
of service, no saying of mass, no reading of prayers ; *®^*^®°-
as for preaching of sermons, the laziness and igno-
rance of those times had long before interdicted
them. None need pity the living, (hearing the im-
patient complaints of lovers, for whose marriage no
license could be procured,) when he looks on the
dead, who were buried in ditches, like dogs, without
any prayers said upon them^. True, a well informed
Christian knows ftdl well that a corpse, though cast
in a bog, shall not stick there at the day of judg-
ment ; thrown into a wood, shall then find out the
way ; buried by the highway's side, is in the ready
road to the resurrection. In a word, that where-
soever a body be put or placed, it will equally take
the alarum at the last trumpet. Yet seeing these
people believed that a grave in consecrated ground
was a good step to heaven, and were taught that
prayers after their death were essential to their sal-
vation, it must needs put strange fears into the
heads and hearts, both of such which deceased, and
their friends which survived them. And although
afterwards at the entreaty of Stephen Langton the

^ '* Corpora quoque defiinc- " tionibus et sacerdotum min-

'• torum de civitatibus et villis " isterio sepeliebantur." Mat.

" efferebantur, et more canum Paris, p. 226.
" in biviis et fossatis sine ora-

144

Tlie Church History

BOOK iir.

A.D. 1 208. pope indulged to conventual churches to have service

!ll« once a w^eek, yet parish churches, where the people's

need was as much, and number far more, of fik>uls, as
dear in God's sight, were debarred of that benefit^
^o grand g. Somo pricsts woro well pleased that the inter-
wrwight by dictiou for a time should continue, as which would

thif inter- 1 1 • 1 1 •

diction, render then* persons and places m more reputation,
and procure a higher valuation of holy mysteries.
Yea, this fasting would be wholesome to some souls,
who afterwards would feed on divine service with
greater appetite. Hereby two grand effects were
generally produced in the kingdom. One, a terrible
impression made in men's minds of the pope's power,
which they had often heard o^ and now saw and
felt, whose long arm could reach from Bbme all over
England, and lock the doors of all churches there ;
an emblem, that in like mann^ he had, or might
have bolted the gates of heaven against them. The
second, an alienation of the people's hearts from king
John, all behig ready to complain ; O cruel tyrant
over the souls of his subjects, whose wUftdness ile-
priveth them of the means of their salvation !

KingJohn'8 Q. Howcver, if things be well weighed, king

innocence t i •!! 1 • • v»

and the Johu Will appear merely passive m this matter,

jiXjein" suffering unjustly, because he would not willingly

^^P"*- part with his undoubted right. Besides, suppose

him guilty, what equity was it, that so many thou-

i [Parker;] Antiq. Brit. p.
237. [But the Chronicon de
Lanercost represents it some-
what differently, that divine ser-
vice was performed only once a
week in the abbey-churches,
all laymen being religiously
excluded. " Quo anno [sc.
'* 1 209.] ob mitigatiouem data

" est licentia a domino papa
'* in abbatiis per Angliam se-
'' mel in hebdomada divina ce-
*' lebrare, voce submissa, januis
" clausis, exclusis seculari-
'' bus." p. 5. Shortly after
the pope also permitted the
eucharist to be administered to
persons in extremity. lb. 6.]

Sect.xiik of Britain. 145

sands in England, who in this particular case might a. d. 1208.
better answer to the name of Innocent than hi8_£-l^
holiness himself, should be involved in his pimish-
ment ? God indeed sometimes most justly punisheth
subjects for the defaults of their sovereigns, as in the
case of the plague, destroying the people for David's
numbering of them. But it appears in the text^
that formerly they had been offenders and guilty
before God, as all men at all times are. But seeing
the English at this present had not injured his holi-
ness by any personal offence against him, the pope
by interdicting the whole realm, discovered as much
emptiness of charity as plenitude of power. But some
will say, his bounty is to be praised that he permitted
the people some sacraments, who might have denied
them all, in rigour, and with as much right ; yea, it
is well he interdicted not Ireland also, as a country
under king John's dominion, deserving to smart for
the perverseness of their prince placed over it.

10. But after the continuance of this interdiction, a. d. mo.

- - - King John

a year and upwards, the horror thereof began to by name
abate. Use made ease, and the weight was the^|™S^^"
lighter, borne by many shoulders. Yea, the pope
perceived that king John would never be weary with
his single share in a general burden, and therefore
proceeded nominatim to excommunicate him I For
now his holiness had his hand in, having about this
time excommunicated Otho the German emperor;
and if the imperial cedar had so lately been blasted

k Compare the 2 Sam. xxiv. p. 5, and a remarkable dia-

1. with the I Chron. xxi. i. logue between the king and

J [Trivet. I. 1 54. See an Pandulphus, in the Ann. of

account of this excommuni. Waverley and Burton, a.

cation in Chron. de Lanercost, 1 2 1 1 .]

FULLER, VOL. II. L

146 The Ckmwdk MKaimy book hi.

A.p.iito.wilh his thundetbcdtSs no wonder if the TCngliali oak

.i^! f^lt the sune fire. He mbo asmled sU Kngliftli gnb-

jects firom their lU^rimee to king Jc^m, and gave
not onlT liceifese bat eDeoungement to any foreigners
to invade the land, so that it shoold not onlj be no
sin in th^oo. bnt an eiqpwting of all th^ other sins
to conquer England. Thus the ipcffe gaye them a
title; and let their own swoids by knigfat-^ervice get
thMDi a tenuie**.
Y«t ^ 11. FiTe ^neais JSd king John He under this sen-

fM4«w«M»ti»(ice of exrommnnieation. in which time we find
y^ ^ him mcMt^ fortunate in hi$ nardal afiirs than either
'i***^ be&>w or after* For he made a sacceasful Toyage
into In4and^ as gfeedy a giaTe for KngBrfi corps as
a K4tottik^ Va^ for their coin : and was Tery tri-
AiVinuum)>ham in a Wel$h expedition, and stood on
koiiouiahle tenagi in aU forei^ leiations. For as he
k^^ In^lMid under hfe foel;. and Wales under his
^bow^ $ii> he ^^htaked hauds^ in &t fiienddiip with
Sc^^laud. and kept FVance at aims end witiioat
^TU^ hiihcittL^ any c\>Kideiahle adrantage against
KiiUv TW w\w^ w;fe$w wit daring to rqiose trust in
hi$ ^mt^ecf^ he w;a$^ foire«l lo euiiHtain fordgn^rs,
which 0m^ hb c\wi$tant anxieCT: as those n»ther
$<aiiH) $iif^ uikW ^^ :$a£^ wW nw^t more to a staff than
tW^v k«u vi«i iImw k^ IW^ale^ m |hit these mer-
<viKMy ^4JKw^ he impdisi^ umcon^ioiiible taxes,
KmK vi«i thi^ Ki9^:&h v^^'^^^ e^pmalhr) and Jews in

«^ ^l^ %>^^ W Wl ittil Imi ^Baed $sx Teus» three
I^^MM^ ^MMK* 4( MiMrjbi. mtiii^ww itoMtoi^ jflw iCvealMs days.]
^"^ Wmnk^ ¥tk^ W^ i^(f«is ^ \\»l i K iw ag^lt die wbole

»Tt^y^. I. x>^.V >*WA ^«i«^ T»«^ "

>
%

CSNT. XIII.

of Britain.

147

the kinirdom^ One Jew there was of BristolP vehe-A.D. lan.
mently su£^>ected for wealth, though there was no "
clear evidence thereof against him, of whom the
king demanded ten thousand marks of silver, and
upon his refusal, commanded that every day a tooth
with intolerable torture should be drawn out of his
head; which being done seven several times, on the
eighth day he confessed his wealth, and payed the
fine demanded ; who yielding sooner, had saved his
teeth, or stubborn longer, had spared his money;
now having both his purse and his jaw empty by the
bargain. Condemn we here man's cruelty and ad-
mire heaven's justice; for all these sums extorted
from the Jews by temporal kings are but paying
their arrearages to God for a debt they can never
satisfy, namely, the crucifying of Christ<i.

12. About the same time one Peter of Wakefield a d. ma.
in Yorkshire, a hermit, prophesied that John should phecy of
be king of England no longer than next Ascension- w^efidd
day, after which solemn festival, on which Christ ^^V^
mounted on his glorious throne took possession of
his heavenly kingdom, this opposer of Christ should
no longer enjoy the English diadem. And as some
report;- he foretold that none of king John's lineage
should after him be crowned in the kingdom. The
king called this prophet an idiot-knave"*; which de-
scription of him, implying a contradiction, the king
thu9 reconciled, pardoning him as an idiot, and

o [Ann. Waverl. in 1210.
On his return from Ireland
29th of August, he laid a heavy
exfiction on the abbeys and re-
ligious houses, particularly the
Cistercians. Triv. I. 154.]
' P Mat. Paris^ in anno 1 2 1 o.

q pn 1 210 all the Jews
were apprehended, their goods
confiscated, and they them-
selves by a public edict banish-
ed from England. Trivet. 154.]

' Fox, Acts, &c. I. p. 229.
[Mat. Paris, in an. 1212.]

l2

148 The Church History book in.

A.D. 1213. punishing him as a knave with imprisonment in

— ^ Corfe castle. The fetters of the prophet gave wings

to his prophecy, and whereas the king's neglecting it
might have puffed this vain prediction into wind, men
began now to suspect it of some solidity, because
deserving a wise prince's notice and displeasure.
Far and near it was dispersed over the whole king-
dom, it being generally observed •, that the English
nation are most superstitious in believing such
reports, which causeth them to be more common
here than in other countries. For as the receiver
makes the thief, so popular credulity occasioneth
this prophetical vanity, and brokers would not set
such base ware to sale but because they are sure to
light on chapmen.
AD. 1913. 13. Leave we the person of this Peter in a dark
John'B rob- duugeou, and his credit as yet in the twilight, be-
JJJJ^^^ twixt prophet and impostor, to behold the miserable
condition of king John, perplexed with the daily
preparation of the French king's invasion of England,
assisted by many English malecontents and all the
banished bishops*. Good patriots, who, rather than
the fire of their revenge should want fiiel, would
bum their own country which bred them ! Hereupon
king John having his soul battered without with
foreign fears, and foundered within by the falseness
of his subjects, sunk on a sudden beneath himself to
an act of unworthy submission and subjection to the
pope. For on Ascension eve, May 15, being in the
town of Dover, standing as it were on tiptoes, on the
utmost edge, brink and label of that land, which now

" Cominseus saith, that the moires de Phil, de Commines^
English are never without f. 18a. b. ed. 1577.]
some prophecy on foot. [M^- * [Trivet. 1. 15 70

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 149

he was about to surrender, king John by an instru- a.d. 1113.

ment or charter % sealed and solemnly delivered in ^

the presence of many prelates and nobles to Pan-
dulphus the pope's legate, granted to God and the
church of Rome, the apostles Peter and Paul, and to
pope Innocent the Third and his successors, the
whole kingdom of England and Ireland. And took
an estate thereof back again, yielding and paying
yearly to the church of Rome, over and above the
Peter-pence, a thousand marks sterling, viz. 700 for
England, and 300 for Ireland. In the passing hereof
this ceremony is observable, that the king's instru-
ment to the pope was sealed with a seal of gold^,
and the pope's to the king, which I have beheld and
perused, remammg amongst many rarities in the earl
of Arundel's library, was sealed with a seal of lead.
Such bargains let them look for who barter with his
holiness, always to be losers by the contract. Thy
sUveVj saith the prophet, is become dross^ : and here
was the change of Glaucus and Diomedes made, as
in the sequel of the history will appear.

14. Yet we find not that this fee-farm of a thou- The rent
sand marks was ever paid, either by king John or by the pope,
his successors, but that it is all run on the score even ^ded by
unto this present day. Not that the pope did remit ^"^
it out of his free bounty, but for other reasons was
rather contented to have them use his power
therein. Perchance suspecting the English kings
would refuse to pay it, he accounted it more honour

▼ [This instrument is exem- wax, and the next year so*

plified in Trivet, 1. 158. Ann. lemnly embossed with metal

Waverl. in a. T2 13, and in the in the presence of Nicholas

Foedera, 1. 1 1 1 .] the pope's legate.

^ Both instruments for the ^ Isai. i. 22.
present were but sealed with

l3

150 Th€ Church History book in.

A.D. f sf3. not to demand it than to be denied it. Or it may be
'^ ^^^' his holiness might conceive, that accepting of this
money might colourably be extended to the catting
him off from all other profits he might gain in the
kingdom. The truth is, he did scorn to take so poor
a revenue per annum out of two kingdoms, but
did rather endeavour to convert all the profits of
both lauds to his own use, as if he had been seized
of all in demesnes.
TImi prmid 15. At the same time king John on his knees sur-
Piw^^^ rendered the crown of England into the hands of
ttr.^**** Pandulphus, and also presented him with some
money as the earnest of his subjection, which the
proud prelate trampled under his feet^. A gesture
applauded by some, as shewing how much his holi-
ness, whom he personated, slighted worldly wealth,
caring as little for king John's coin, as his prede-
cessor St. Peter* did for the money of Simon Magus.
Others, and especially Henry archbishop of Dublin,
then present, were both grieved and angry thereat,
as an intolerable affront to the king ; and there
wanted not those who condemned his pride and
hypocrisy, knowing Pandulphus to be a most greedy
griper, as appeared by his unconscionable oppression
in the bishopric of Norwich, which was afterwards
bestowed upon himy. And perchance he trampled
on it, not as being money, but because no greater
sum thereof. Five days, namely. Ascension day, and

"^ Matt. Paris, p. 237. for his text these words: In
* Acts viii. 20. Deo speravit cor meum, et ad-
y [An instance of his unpo. jutus sum et rejloruit caro mea :
pularity is mentioned in the on which one starting up ex-
Ann, of Waverley, p. 178. claimed aloud : per 77tor/em Det
When the legate was preaching mentiris, nunquam cortuum spe*
at Westminster, after abro- ravit in DeOf Sec."]
gating the interdict, he took

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 151

four days after, Pandulplius kept the crown in hisA.D. 1113.

possession, and then restored it to king John again.

A long eclipse of royal lustre ; and strange it is, that
no bold monk in his blundering chronicles did not
adventure to place king Innocent, with his five days,
reign, in the catalogue of English kings, seeing they
have written what amounts to as much in this matter.

16. Now all the dispute was, whether Peter of Peter the
Wakefield had acquitted himself a true prophet or]^^^
no. The romanized faction were zealous in his^^^^
behalf, John after that day not being king in the<^*P"^-
same sense and sovereignty as before, not free but
feodary, not absolute, but dependent on the pope,
whose legate possessed the crown for the time being,

so that his prediction was true in that lawful latitude
justly allowed to all prophecies. Others, because
the king was neither naturally nor civilly dead, con-
demned him of forgery; for which, by the king's
command, he was dragged at the horse-tail from
Corfe castle, and with his son hanged in the town of
Wareham*. A punishment not undeserved, if he
foretold (as some report) that none of the line or
lineage of king John should after be crowned in
England; of whose offspring some shall flourish in
free and full power on the English throne, when the
chair of pestilence shall be burnt to ashes ; and nei-
ther triple-crown left at Rome to be worn, nor any
head there which shall dare to wear it.

17. Next year the interdiction was taken offA.D.1214,
the kingdom, and a general jubilee of joy all o ver ^j^j^^q^J o^"
the land*. Banished bishops being restored to their ^^^*

* Mat. Paris ut prius. [Ann. poralities were restored (Tri-
Waverleiens. and Wikes in a. vet, I. 160.), nor were they
1 2 13.] perfectly satisfied when John

a [The clergy would not re- obtained from the papal see a
lax tiie interdict till their tern- relaxation of the interdict on

L 4

15C Tke Ckmrtk HiMimy book ui .

A. D. 1314-8668, senice and saeramentB beii^ administered in
— the church as before. But small reascm had king

John to rejoice, being come out of God's blessing, of
whom before he immediately held the crown into
the warm sun, or rather scorching heat of the pope's
protection, which proTed little beneficial unto him.
Tbepope^t 18. A brawl happened betwixt him and the ba-
tntcs the nishcd bishops, now returned home, about satis&ction
Xm^ihft for their arrears, and reparation of their damages
^2|^ during the interdiction; all which term the king
had retained their revenues in his hands. To mode-
rate this matter, Nicholas a Tusculan cardinal and
legate was employed by the pope ; who after many
meetings and synods to audit their accounts, reduced
all at last to the gross sum of forty thousand marks,
the restoring whereof by the king unto them was
thus divided into three payments ".

i. Twelve thousand marks Pandulphus carried over
with him into France, and delivered them to the
bishops before their return.

ii. Fifteen thousand were paid down at the late
meeting in Reading.

iii. For the thirteen thousand remaining they had
the king's oath, bond, and other sureties.

But then in came the whole cry of the rest of the
clergy, who stayed all the while in the land, bringing
in the bills of their several sufferings and losses sus-
tained, occasioned by the interdiction. Yea, some
had so much avarice and little conscience, they
could have been contented the interdiction had still
remained, until all the accidental damages were re-
paired. But cardinal Nicholas averred them to amount

condition of restoring within moiety each year, ib.]
five years all that he had taken \^ Ann. Waverl. ibid.]
from the churches, paying a

cEMT.xiii. of Britain. 158

to an incredible sum, impossible to be paid, and un- a.d. 11,4.
reasonable to be demanded ; adding withal, that in — L

general grievances, private men may be glad if the
main be made good unto them, not descending to
petty particulars, which are to be cast out of course,
as inconsiderable in a common calamity. Hereupon,
and on some other occasions, much grudging and
justling there was betwixt Stephen archbishop of
Canterbury and the legate, as one in his judgment and
carriage too propitious and partial to the king's cause.

19. The remnant of this king's reign afforded little Tiie barons
ecclesiastical story, but what is so complicated with against
the interest of state, that it is more proper for the J^^
chronicles of the commonwealth. But this is the

brief thereof. The barons of England demanded of a.d. 1115.
king John to desist from that arbitrary and tyrannical
power he exercised, and to restore king Edward's
laws, which his great-grandfather king Henry the
First had confirmed to the church and state, for the
general good of his subjects ; yea, and which he him-
self, when lately absolved from the sentence of ex-
communication by Stephen archbishop of Canter-
bury, had solemnly promised to observe. But king
John, though at the first he condescended to their
requests, afterwards repented of his promise, and re-
fused the performance thereof. Hereupon the barons
took up arms against him, and called in Lewis prince
of France, son to Philip Augustus, to their assistance,
promising him the crown of England for his reward ^.

20. Yet the pope endeavoured what lay in hisA.D. 1216.
power to dissuade prince Lewis from this design, to prince of
which at first he encouraged him, and now forbad ^^^^'
him in vain^ For where a crown is the game*^®*^*^

^ to invade

b [Trivet, 1. 162. Ann. Waverl. a. 1215.] c [Trivet, I. 165.] ^

IM

The Chunk Bittory

A.p.^isi6>haDted after, Buch hounds are earner laid on I
- either rated or hollowed off. Yea, ambition

brought this prince into this dilemma; that L
invaded England he waa accursed by the pope ; i
invaded it not forawom of himself having prom
upon oath by sach a time to be at Loudon. (
comes Lewis into EIngland, and there hath the ]
cipal learning of the land the clergy, the strei
thereof the barons, the wealth of the same
Londoners, to join with him ; who but ill requ
king John for his late bounty to their city in
^ving them a mayor for their governor^. G
the pope's new legate sent on purpose, besti
himself with book, bell, and candle. Excom
nicating the archbishop of Canterbury with all
nobility opposing king John, now in protectioi
his holiness. But the commonness of these cu
caused them to be contenmed, so that they we
fright to few, a mock to many, and an hurt to nor
Anonwor. 21, King Johu thus distressed, sent a base, d
bJ^ nerous, and uuchristianlike embassage to Admin
tofc ^ Murmelius, a Mahometan king of Morocco, 1
of Morocco, ygpy pulsBaut, and posses^g a great part of Sp
offering him, on condition he would send him
cour, to hold the kingdom of England as a vi
from him, and to receive the law of Mahomet^

d Granted to the city anno
Dom. 1309. Orafton's [A-
bridgmeDt of the Chron. f. 49.
ed. 1563.]

*> [Trivet, I. 166.]

* Mat. Paris, p. 245, placeth
this two yean sooner, viz, an.
1313- [Watts in his Adversaria
to Mat. Paris justly throws
discredit upon this narrative.

Wendover upon whom
Paris based the earlier pa
his Chronicle, and Matuit
Westminster, who has abri
Mat. Paris, a writer of
judgment, and one who
inserted many foolish
ments into his Chronicle, :
tion nothing of this emt
Not the slightest notice

CENT. xiii. of Britain. 156

Moor, mdrvellou&ly offended with his oflfer, told theA.D.iit6.

ambassadors that he lately had read Paxil's Epistles, J L

which for the matter liked him veiy well, save only
that Paul once renounced that faith wherein he was
bom, and the Jewish profession. Wherefore he ne-
glected king John, as devoid both of piety and policy,
who would love his liberty and disclaim his religion.
A strange tender, if true. Here, whilst some allege
in behalf of kinjg John, that cases of extremity ex*
cuse counsels of extremity, when liberty is not left
to choose what is best, but to snatch what is next,
neglecting future safety for present subsistence, we.
only li^en to the saying of Solomon; Oppression
mdketh a wise man mad^. In a fit of which fiiry,
oppressed on all sides with enemies, king John,
scarce compos sui, may be presumed to have pitched
on this project. o

22. King John having thus tried Turk and pope^ The la.
and both with bad success, sought at last to escape ^th of
those his enemies, whom he could not resist, by a far^"*^ ^^^^
and £et6t march into the north-eastern comities.
Where turning mischievous instead of valiant, he
cruelly burnt all the stacks of com of such as he
conceived disaffected unto him ; doing therein most
spite to the rich for the present, but in fine more
spoil to the poor, the prices of grain falling heavy on
those who were least able to bear them. Coming to
Lynn, he rewarded the fidelity of that town unto
him, with bestowing on that corporation his own

is found either in the Foedera nerally called in our chro*

or in the other state docu. nicies), which probably gave

ments which hitherto have occasion to this fiction, see

been printed of this reign. Annales Waverleienses^ p. 175.

Of the invasion of Spain by ed. Fell.]
Miramomelinus (as he is ge- ' Eccles. vii. 7.

156

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1316. sword <i^; which had he himself but known how well

J L to manage, he had not so soon been brought into so

sad a condition. He gave also to the same place a
fair silver cup all gilded. But few days after a worse
cup was presented to king John at Swineshed-
abbey in Lincolnshire, by one Simon a monk, of
poisoned wine, whereof the king died*". A murder
so horrid, that it concerned all monks who in that
age had the monopoly of writing histories, to conceal
it, and therefore give out sundry other causes of his
death. Some report him heartbroken with grief for
the loss of his baggage and treasure drowned in the
passage over the washes*; it being just with God,
that he who had plagued others with fire should be
punished by water, a contrary but as cruel an
element. Others ascribe his death to a looseness
and scouring with blood ^\ others to a cold sweat ;
others to a burning heat ; all effects not inconsistent
with poison, so that they in some manner may seem
to set down the symptoms and suppress his disease*.
King 23. It is hard to give the true character of this

,3cter*de- king's Conditions. For we only behold him through
^^^^ such light as the friars his foes shew him in ; who
so hold the candle, that with the shadow thereof
they darken his virtues and present only his vices.
Yea, and as if they had also poisoned his memory,

? Camd. Brit, in Norfolk,

[P- 350-1
^ Wil. Caxton (Julian the

notary) in his Chron. called
Fructus Temp. lib. vii. [f. 62.
ed. 1515. So it is stated in
the chronicle of Thorn. Wykes,
p. 38. According to Walter
Hemingford he died from eat-
ing a poisoned pear. Chron.

P- 559-]

^ Mat. Paris, p. 287

^ Compare Mr. Fox, Acts,
&c. I. 333, with Holinshed,
p. 194. [Hist. Croyland, 474.]

1 [He died at Newark 19
Oct. " In ipso belli apparatu
•' morbo correptus." Trivet,
I. 166. An. Waverl. a. 1216.]

csKT.xiii. of Britain. 157

they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious great-A.D.iai6.

ness, making him with their pens more black in-!

conditions than the Morocco king, whose aid he
requested, could be in complexion. A murderer of
his nephew Arthur, a defiler of the wives and
daughters of his nobles, sacrilegious in the church,
profiEUie in his discourse, wilful in his private reso-
lutions, various in his public promises, false in his
faith to men, and wavering in his religion to God.
The favourablest expression of him falls from the
pen of Roger Hoveden™: " Princeps quidem magnus
^^ erat, sed minus felix, atque ut Marius, utramque
" fortimam expertus." Perchance he had been
esteemed more pious, if more prosperous ; it being
an usual (though uncharitable) error, to account
mischances to be misdeeds. But we leave him
quietly buried in Worcester church, and proceed in
our story.

24. Henry, the third of that name, his son, sue- 1 Hen. iii.
ceeded him, being but ten years old, and wasThSd
crowned at Gloucester by a moiety of the nobility to'J^^S*'
and clergy, the rest siding with the French Lewis". fi^^*™®^
Now what came not so well from the mouth of
Abijah the son, concerning his father Rehoboam,
posterity may no less truly and more properly pro-
noimce of this Henry, even when a man, He was
but a child, and tender-hearted ^ But what strength
was wanting in the ivy itself, was supplied by the
oaks, his supporters, his tutors and governors ; first,
William Mareschal, earl of Pembroke, and after his
death, Peter bishop of WinchesterP. But of these

™ [Hist, f . ? .] P [Peter de Rupibus or de

» [Trivet, I. 167.] Roches. The Chronicle of

o 2 Chron. xiii. 7. Lanercost gives him rather an

158 The Church History book iii.

A. D. iai6. two protectors succeasiyely, a sword man and a church

1 Hmi. Ill

'^«r^ the litter left the deeper impression on this
our king Henry, appearing more religious than reso-
lute, devout than valiant. EQs reign was not only
long for continuance, fifty-six years, but also thick
for remarkable mutations happening therein.
A.D. 1317. 25. Within little more than a twelvemonth he
means king recovered the entire possession of his kingdom,
^Jy"^ many things concurring to expedite so great an
^^J^^" alteration. First, the insolency of the French, dis-
obliging the English by their cruelty and wanton-
ness. Secondly, the inconstancy of the English (if
starting loyalty's return to its lawful sovereign may
be so termed), who, as for their own turns they
called in Lewis, so for their turns they cast him out.
Thirdly, the innocence of prince Henry, whose harm-
less age, as it attracted love to him on his own
account, so he seemed also hereditarily to succeed to
some pity, as the son of a suflFering lather. Fourthly,
the wisdom and valour, counsel and courage of Wil-
liam earl of Pembroke his protector; who having
got the French Lewis out of his covert of the city of
London into the champion field, so mauled him at
the fatal battle of Lincoln, that soon after the said
Lewis was fain, by the colour of a composition, to
qualify his retreat, not to say his flight, into the
honour of a departure. Lastly and chiefly, the
'. mercy of God to an injured orphan^ and his justice
that detained right, though late yet at last, should
return to its proper owner.

unfavourable character, but munication with scorn. The

this might have been because same chronicle mentions a very

he advised king John to treat strange anecdote respecting

the pope's sentence of excom- this prelate, p. 23.]

ctm*. XIII. of Britain. 159

26. But it were not only uncivil, but injurious forA-D-iai;.

us to meddle with these matters, proper to the pens \ — '-

of the civil historians. We shall therefore confine dpd design
ourselves principally to take notice in this king's ^jTSn^
reign, as of the unconscionable extortions of the^®*
court of Rome, on the one side, to the detriment of

the king and kingdom : so of the defence which the
king, as well as he could, made against it. Defence,
which though too feint and feeble fully to recover
his right from so potent oppression, yet did this
good, to continue his claim and preserve the title of
his privileges, until his son and successors in after-
ages could more effectually rescue the rights of their
crown from papal usurpation.

27. Indeed at this time many things emboldened Occasions
the pope, not over-bashfiil of himself, to be the pope's in-
more busy in the collecting of money. First, the^^ing.
troublesomeness of the times and best fishing for

him in such waters. Secondly, the ignorance of
most, and the obnoxiousness of some of the English
clergy. Now such as had weak heads must find
strong backs, and those that led their lives loose
durst not carry their purses tied, or grudge to pay
dear for a connivance at their viciousness. Thirdly,
the minority of king Henry, and (which was worse)
his nonage after his fiill age; such was his weak-
ness of spirit and lowness of resolution. Lastly, the
pope conceiving that this king got his crown under
the comitenance of his excommunicating his enemies,
thought that either king Henrjr's weakness could not
see, or his goodness would wink at his intolerable
extortions; which how great soever, were but a
large shiver of that loaf which he had given into the
king's hand. Presuming on the premises, Gualo the

100 Tke Ckaarck HUianf book hi.

A. D,f 417. pope's legate, bj his inqiiisitorB throoghoat England,

'- — collected a vast sum of money of the clergy for

their misdemeanours ; Hugo bishop of Lincoln pay-
ing no less for his share than a thousand marks
sterling to the pope, and an hundred to this his
legate^. Yet when this Gualo departed, such as
hated his dwelling here, grieved at his going hence,
because fearing a worse in his room, choosing rather
to be sucked by full than fresh flies, hoping that
those already gorged would be afterwards less
greedy.
aJaT I ^^* ^^^ being now to give the reader a short
account of the long reign of this king, I shall alter
my proceedings ; embracing a new course which
hitherto I have not, nor hereafter shall venture
upon. Wherein I hope the variation may be not
only pleasant but profitable to the reader, as scien-
tifical and satisfactory in itself; namely, I will for
the present leave off consulting with the large and
numerous printed or manuscript authors of that age,
and betake myself only to the tower-records, all au-
thentically attested under the hands of William
Ryley, Norroy, keeper of that precious treasury.
i\wA text, 29. When I have first exemplified them, I shall
iK« oom. proceed to make such observations upon them, as
according to my weakness I conceive of greatest
concernment ; being confident that few considerables
in that age (which was the crisis of regal and papal
power in this land) will escape our discovery herein.

^ Mat« I\uris> p« a99« [The laid undo' sentence of excom-

ivul^u^ulde rettsoa iGr Gualo nmnkatioii. Alexander king

Wii^jt 9eiit over into England of Scotland and his whole

wa« to deietKl king Hennr's; leahu weie for the same cause

ryfht n^Eain^ Lewis and hb inTohed in ^e same sentence.

ilk|^fi«rt«i9» whom the kgale C^nau de Lanefcost, p. 23.]

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 161

SO, Only I desire a pardon for the premising ofA.D. nar.
this touch of state matters'. At this instant the — ^'
commonwealth had a great serenity, as lately cleared the itate."*
from such active spirits, who nick-named the calm
and quiet of peace, a sloth of government. Such
FaJkesius de Breaute' and others, who had merited
much in setting this Henry the Third on the throne ;
and it is dangerous when subjects confer too great
benefits on their sovereigns ; for afterwards their
minds are only made capable of receiving more
reward, not doing more duty. These were offended,
when such lands and castles which by the heat of
war had unjustly been given them, by peace were
justly took away from them, finding such upright-
ness in the king, that his power of protection would
not be made a wrong doer. But now the old stock
of such malecontents being either worn out with
age or ordered otherwise into obedience, all things
were in an universal tranquillity within the first
seven years of this king's reign. /

^ [Trivet. 1. 174.] with men and ammunition^ he
« [During the troubles of rose against the king, was de-
John and the minority of his feated, and experienced thence-
successor^ this noUeman^ the forth such a reverse of fortune^
most powerful baron of his that within a year, he who
time^ had pounced upon the had exceeded all the nobility
counties of Northampton, Ox- of England in wealthy power,
fbrdshire^ Buckin^amshire, and splendour, was now an
Bedfordshire, with the forests exile in France, compelled to
and castles adjacent. In 1 221 seek his bread by begging, and
he was compelled to resign his had not where to lay his head,
ill-gotten possessions ; but in (" etiam capitis reclinatorium
1 2 24, having fortified the castle " non haberet.") Trivet. I.
oi Bedford, and furnished it 1 74, 1 80.]

FULLER^ VOL. II. M

THOMiE HANSON,

^MICO MEO».

DispUcet mihi modemus scribendi moSy quo monumenta
indies exarantur, Literce enim suntjkigacesy ut quce non
stabili manu penitus membranis infiguntur^ sed currente
ccdamo summam earum cuticulam viae leviter persirin-
gunt, HcR cum sceculum unum et alterum duraverint,
vel linceis oculis lectu erunt perdiffidles.

Haud ita olim archivay in turre Zjondinensi, RotuUsy
ScaccariOf <$*c. deposita; in quibus ingens scribarum
cur ay Juita membranarum JlrmitaSy atramentum vere
JEthiopicumy integra literarum lineamentay ut calamus
praii cbmulus videatur, Ita adhuc vigent omnia, in
illis qucB irecentis ah hinc annis notata, ut is cui cha-
racteris antiquitas minus cognita nuperrime descripta
judicaret.

Ex his nonnuUa decerpsi ad rem nostram Jadentia, et ea
tibi dedicanda curavi, quem omnes norunt antiquitatis

* [Arms. A chevron com- III. They afterwards suc-
pony argent and azure between ceeded to the estates of Wood-
three martlets sable. These house by a marriage with an
arms were borne by an ancient heiress of that family. See
family of this name seated at Visitation of Yorkshire, 1666.
Rastrick as early as Henry B.]

CENT. XIII. The C/iiavh History of Britain. 163

caniciem venerari ; quo in Ducattis Lancattrensis char-
ttdig cuatadiendis nemo JttleUor^ perUgendia oculatior,
communicandis candidior.

i^RE we begin with the king's precept a.d. 1113.
to the sheriif of Buckinghamshire, I—f!!: — .'
considerable for the rarity thereof, abb writ of
though otherwise but
private concernment.
Pro Emma de Pinkeny.

Rex yic. Bucking, salt.
Precipimus tibi quod de ma.
ritagio Emme de Pinkeny
uxorit Laurenlii Peivre, qui
excommutiicalui ett, eo quod
prediclam fimmam ojfec-
(tone maritali non Iractal,
adem Emme ralionabile
ettoverum tuum invenias,
Amec idem Laurenlius vir
mvt eam tanquam uxorem
tuatn tractaverit ne ileratut
clamor ad not inde perve-
niat. [A.D. 1323.]''

" To the high sheriff of Buck-
' ingtiatnsbire. We commend
' yon concerning [the marriage
' portion of] Emma de Pinkeny,
' mfe of Laurence Peivre, who
' is excommunicated, because he
' does not use the foresaid Emma
' with affection befitting a hus-
' band, that you find for the said
' Emma estover in reasonable
' proportion, unti! the said Lau-
' rence her husband shall use her
' as becometh his wife, [that her
' coDiplalut may not be brought
" before us again."]

Of this Laurence Pinkeny I can say nothing:
only I find his fitmily ancient, and barons of Wedon
in Northamptonshire*^. It seemeth strange ho should
be excommunicated for not loving usage of his wife,
no incoutineDcy appearing (proved against him),
except his carriage was cruel in a high degree. By

^ [Collated with the original Pinkeney, instead of Laur.

intheTower,7Hen.III.niem.3. Peivre. See another and pre-

8ee also Hardy's Close Rolls,I. vious precept to the sheriff

561. This letter, or rather pre- touching the same parties,

cept, was printed before very ; Hen. Ill.mem. 14.]
incoirectly. Among other er- ' Camden. Brit, in North-

rors, the name w»s given Laur. amptonshire, [p. 374.]
M 2

164

The Church History

BOOK III.

A D. 122^. estover, in our forest towns, we only understand a

T Hah TIF

' certain allowance of wood ; though the extent of the
word be far larger, importing nourishment, or main-
tenance in meat and cloth, as a learned lawyer hath
observed**. This it seems being denied by her
husband, the king enjoineth the sheriff that he
should appoint the said Emma Pinkeny reasonable
alimony, in proportion, no doubt, to her portion and
her husband's estate.
A.D. 1233. 2. Next we take notice of a writing which the
able prohi- king Sent ovor to the archbishop of Dublin, and
papal Hp. which deserveth the reader's serious perusal.

peals.

" «Rex Dublin. Archiepiscopo Justiciario Hi-
" bemise salutem. Ad ea quae vobis nuper nostris
" dedimus in mandatis ut nobis rescriberetis qua-
" tonus fuisset processum in causa Nicholai de
" Felda qui contra Abbatem et Canonicos Sti.
" Thomse Dublinensis in curia nostra coram Justi-
" ciariis nostriis petiit duas carucatas terr^ cum per-
tinentiis in Kelredheri per assisam de morte ante-
cessoris cui etiam coram eisdem Justiciariis objecta
" fuit bastardia propter quod ab ipsis Justiciariis

u

u

^ Bracton, III. 1 8. [ed. 1 569.
Estoverium, from the French
estoffer or estouver, that is, to
provide material, to furnish
stuff. Hence the word stover
is used among our old writers,
and in some places of England
at the present day, in the sense
of stuff or fodder for cattle ;
thus in Shakspeore's Tempest,
Act. IV, Sc. I.

" Thy turfy mountains where live

'' nibbling sheep,
<^ And flat meads thatched with

*' stover them to keep."

In a legal sense this term was
used to signify, firsts provision
of food and clothing; after-
wards, the wood or firing which
one person might legally take
from the lands of another for
firing, hedging, &c. See Spel-
man's Glossary, s. v.]

^ Claus. 8. Hen. III. memh.
17. in dor so, [Collated with
the original. See also Hardy's
Close Rolls, I. p. 629.]

CSHT. XIII. of Britain. 165

'^ nostris ad vos fuit transmissus ut in foro eccle-A.D. 1223.
« siastico de ejus bastardia sive legitimitate cogno- L^lflLl^i
** sceretis ; nobis per litteras vestras significastis
** quod cum in foro civili terram praedictam peteret
" per litteras nostras de morte antecessoris versus
^' memoratos Abbatem et Canonicos objecta ei fuit
^ nota bastardiae quare in foro eodem tunc non fuit
^^ ulterius processum. Memoratus etiam Nicholaus
*^ de mandate Justiciariorum nostrorum in foro ec-
" clesiastico coram vobis volens probare se esse legiti-
^* mum, testes produxit et publicatis attestationibus
*^ suis post diutinas altercationes et disputationes
** tarn ex parte Abbatis quam ipsius Nicholai, cum
"ad calcidum diflinitivae sententiae procedere vel-
" letis, comparuerunt duae puellae minoris aetatis,
** filiae Bicardi de la Feldae, patris prsedicti Nicholai
** et appellaverunt ne ad sententiam ferendam proce-
^ deretis, quia in hoc manifestum earum verteretur
** prejudicium eo quod alias precluderetur eis via
petendi hereditatem petitam, nee possit eis sub-
veniri per restitutionem in integrum. Unde de
*• consilio virorum prudentum ut dicitis appellationi
" deferentes, causam secundum quod coram Nobis
agitata est Domino Papae transmisistis instructam.
De quo plurimum admirantes non immerito mo-
vemur cum de legitimitate prenominati Nicholai
per testium productiones et attestationum publica-
tiones plene vobis constiterit, vos propter appella-
tionem puellarum predictarum contra quas non
agebatur vel etiam de quibus nulla fiebat mentio
in assisa memorata nee fuerunt aliquse partes
illarum in causa predicta sententiam diffinitivam
" pro eo distulistis pronunciare et male quasi no-
" strum declinantes examen, et volentes id quod

M 3

U

U

U

166 The Church Hisiitry book iii.

A.D. 1223. «« per nostram detemimandam esset jurisdictionem

" et dignitatem, ad alienam transferre dignitatem

quod Talde pemiciosum esset exemplo ; cum etiam

si adeptos esset praedictus Nicholaos possessione

terne pnedict^e per assisam pnedictam, beneficium

peticionis hsereditatis praedictis puelUs plane sup-

" peteret in curia nostra, per breye de recto ;

maxime cum per litteras de morte antecessoris

agatur de possessione et non de proprietate et ex

'*' oflScio yestro in casu proposito nihil aliud ad yos

*^ pertinebat, nisi tantum de ipsius Nicholai legiti-

*^ matu probationes admittere ; et ipsum cum litteris

^^ yestris testimonialibus ad Justiciarios nostros re-

^^ mittere. De consilio igitur magnatum et fidelium

*^ nobis assisteutium yobis mandamus firmiter injun-

^* gentes quatenus non obstante appellatione prae-

^^ missa non differatis pro eo sentenciare ipsum ad

" Justiciarios nostros remittentes cum litteris yestris

^^ testimonialibus ut ei de loquela coram eis agitata

** postmodum possint secundum legem et consuetu-

** dinem terrae nostras Hibemiae Justiciar plenitu-

" dinem exhibere. Teste Henrico, &c. apud Glouc;

" xix. die Noyembris." [A.D. 1223.]^

of the in-
itrument.

The effect 3. The sum of this instrument is this. One Ni-
cholas de Field suing for a portion of ground detained
from him by the abbot of St. Thomas in Dublin,
(founded and plentifully endowed in memory of
Thomas Becket,) had bastardy objected against him.
The clearing hereof was by the king's judges re-
mitted to the courts ecclesiastical, where the said

' [Mr. Hardy in the preface translation of this instrument,
to his edition of the Close Vol. I. p. xxxiv.]
Rolls has given the entire

CENT. xiii. of Britain. 167

Nicholas produced effectual proofs for his leriti-A.D. 1223.

T^ 1 1 5 . , , 7 Hen. III.

mation. But upon the appeal of two minor daughters

of the father of the said Nicholas, who never before
appeared, and who, if wronged, had their remedy at
common law, by a writ of right the matter was by
the archbishop of Dublin transferred to the court of
Rome.

4. The king saith in this his letter that he did Appeal to

the pope

much admire thereat, and (though all interests ex- prohibited.
press themselves to their own advantage) intimates
the act not usual. And whereas he saith, ^' that the
" example would be pernicious," it seems, if this
were a leading case, the king's desire was it should
have none to follow it, peremptorily enjoining the
archbishop (notwithstanding the aforesaid appeal to
the pope) to proceed to give sentence on the behalf
of the said Nicholas, and not to derive the king's
undoubted right to a foreign power.

5. Indeed the kin^s of Enriand were so crest- The time

11 makes itthe

fallen, or rather crown-fallen in this age, that the more re-
forbidding of such an appeal appeareth in him a™^
daring deed. Est aliquid prodire tenm. Essays in
such nature were remarkable, considering the inun-
dation of the papal power. Green leaves in the
depth of winter may be more than full flowers from
the same root in the spring. It seems some royal
sap still remained in the English sceptre, that it
durst oppose the pope in so high a degree.

6. In this year 1235 the Caursines first came into Caursine*

what thev

England, proving the pests of the land, and bane of were,
the people therein ?. These were Italians by birth.

e [See Spelman's Gloss, s. v. and arrival in this country^ see
Caursini, Of their original Mat. Paris, p. 417.]

M 4

i9Hen.1II.

168 The Church History book hi.

A. p. I a35. terming themselves the pope's merchants, driving no
other trade than letting out money, great banks
whereof they brought over into England ; differing
little from the Jews, save that they were more mer-
ciless to their debtors. Now because the pope's
legate was all for ready money when any tax by levy,
commutation of vows, tenths, dispensations, &c. were
due to the pope, from prelate, convents, priests, or
lay persons, these Caursines instantly furnished them
with present coin upon their solemn bonds and obli-
gations : one form whereof we have inserted.

*»To all that shall see the present writing, Thomas the
prior and the convent of Barnwell wish health in the
Lord. Know that we have borrowed and received at
London, for ourselves, profitably to be expended for
the affairs of our church, from Francisco and Gre-
gorio, for them and then- partners, citizens and mer-
chants of Milan, a hundred and four marks of lawful
money sterling, thirteen shillings four pence sterling
being counted to every mark. Which said one hun-
dred and four marks we promise to pay back on the
feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, being the first day of
August, at the new temple in London, in the year 1335.
And if the said money be not throughly paid, at the
time and place aforesaid, we bind ourselves to pay to
the foresaid merchants, or any one of them, or their
certain attorney, for every ten marks, forborne two
months, one mark of money for recompense of the
damages which the foresaid merchants may incur by
the not payment of the money unto them ; so that
both principal, damages, and expenses, as above ex-
pressed, with the expenses of one merchant with his
horse and man, until such time as the aforesaid money
be fully satisfied. For payment of principal, interest,

^ [See the original Latin in Mat. Paris, p. 418.]

csKT. XIII. of Britain. 169

damaged, and expendes, we oblige ourselves, and our A.D. 1335.
church and successors, and all our goods, and the '^ ^'
goods of our church, movable or immovable, eccle-
siastical or temporal, which we have or shall have,
wheresoever they shall be found, to the foresaid mer-
chants and their heirs ; and do recognize and acknow-
ledge that we possess and hold the same goods from
the said merchants by way of courtesy, until the pre-
mises be fully satisfied. And we renounce for ourselves
and successors all help of canon and civil law, all
privileges and clerkship, the epistle of St. Adrian, all
customs, statutes, lectures, indulgences, privileges,
obtained for the king of England from the see apo-
stolic : as also we renounce the benefit of all appeals,
or inhibition from the king of England, with all other
exceptions real or personal, which may be objected
against the validity of this instrument. All these
things we promise faithfully to observe: in witness
whereof we have set to the seal of our convent.
Dated at London, (Ue quinto Elphegi^ in the year of
Grace, 1235.

Sure bind, sure find. Here were cords enough to
hold Samson himself, an order taken they should
never be cut or untied, the debtor depriving himself
of any relief, save by full payment.

7. It will not be amiss to make some brief notes Necessary
on the former obligation ; it being better to write tioM.'*"
on it, than to be written in it, as the debtor con-
cerned therein.

One hundred and four maris] The odd four seem added
for interest.

Feast of St. Peter ad Vinctda'] The Popish tradition saith
that Eudoxia the empress, wife to Theodosius the
younger, brought two great chains, wherewith Herod
imprisoned St. Peter, from Jerusalem to Rome, where
they are reported seen at this day, and a solemn
festival kept on the first of August (the quarter pay-

170

The Church HUtmy

BOOK IIL

A. D. 1235.
i9Heii.III.

Caursines
whence so
called.

Foxes* hap
and happi-
ness.

day of Rome^s revenues) in memorial thereof. But
the name of Tjammaa hath put out St. Peter^s chains
in our English almanack.

New temple at London] In Fleet-street, founded by the
knights templars, and dedicated by Heraclius pa-
triarch of Jerusalem 1185. Galled New in relation to
ancient temple (less and less convenient) they had
formerly in Holbom.

And our certain attorney] Nundus in the Latin being one
employed to solicit their suit.

All the goods of our church movable and immovable] Hence
oftentimes they were forced to sell their chalices and
altar-plate to pay the bond, and secure the rest of
their goods, for these creditors.

Canon and civil law] Common law not mentioned herein,
with which these Gaursines, being foreigners, would
have nothing to do.

Epistle of 8t, Adrian"] This seems to be some indulgence
granted by pope Adrian, the fourth perchance,
whereby churches indicted found some favour against
their creditors.

Die quinto Elphegi] I am not datary enough to under-
stand this. I know Elphegus to be archbishop of
Canterbury, and martyr, and his day kept the nine-
teenth of April : so that the money was borrowed but
for three months ; so soon did the payment or heavy
forfeiture in default thereof return.

8. These Caursines were generally hated for their
extortions. Some will have them called Caursines
quasi Causa Ursini, so bearish and cruel in their
causes : others Caursini quasi Corrasini, from scraping
all together. But these are but barbarous allusions,
though best becoming such base practices.

9. Meantime the Caursines cared not what they
were called, being a-kin to the cunning creature,
which fareth best when cursed, and were indeed
lords of thQ land according to scripture rule, the

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 171

borrower is servant to the lender. Many of the laity, a.d. 1235.
more of the clergy and convents, and the king him- -^ "*' — .*
self, being deeply indebted unto them. Indeed
Roger Black, that valiant, learned, and pious bishop
of London, once excommunicated these Caursines
for their oppression : but they appealing to the pope,
(their good friend,) forced him, after much molesta-
tion, to desist ^

10. These Caursines were more commonly known Cauninei
by the name of Lombards, from Lombardy, the place bLtis the'
of their nativity, in Italy. And although they de-**™^
serted England on the decaying of the pope's power

and profit therem, yet a double memorial remaineth
of them. One of their habitation, in Lombard-street
in London : the other of their employment, a Lom-
bard unto this day signifying a bank for usury, or
pawns, still continued in the Low Countries and
elsewhere. ,. }

11. Meantime one may lawfully smile at the pope's Deep hypo-
hypocrisy, forbidding usury as a sin so detestable °^*^*
under such heavy penalties in his canon law, whilst

his own instruments were the most unconscionable
practisers thereof without any control.

12. Otho, cardinal, deacon of St. Nicholas, was a. d. 1338.
sent the pope's legate into England, and going to^f the^o^^
Oxford, took up his lodging in the abbey of Osney^.j]^^^
To him the scholars in Oxford sent a present of legate,
victuals before dinner; and after dinner came to
tender their attendance unto hun. The porter bemg

i [See Mat. Paris^ p. 419 T. Walsingham, Hypodigm.

and 875.] Neustriffi^ [p. 465. See the

^ M. Paris, 1238. [p. 469. history of this quarrel in Thorn.

Wood's Annals, I. 222.] Ran. Wykes, p. 43.]
[Higden in Knyghton,p.244o.]

ITS The Church HUtary book hi.

A. D. 113a. an Italian, demanded their business: who answered

22Hen.III

^him, that they came to wait on the lord legate;

promising themselves a courteous reception, having
read in scripture, A man's gift maketh roomftyr hitn}:
though here contrary to expectation they were not
received. Call it not clownishness in the porter
( because bred in the court of Rome), but carefulness
for the safety of his master,
mraiuitod. 13. But whilst the porter held the door in a
dubious posture, betwixt open and shut, the scholars
forced their entrance. In this juncture of time it
unluckily happened that a poor Irish priest begged
an alms, in whose face the clerk of the kitchen cast
scalding water taken out of the caldron. A Welsh
clerk beholding this, bent his bow (by this time the
scholars had got weapons) and shot the clerk of the
kitchen stark dead on the place™.
Theiegate's 14. This man thus killed was much more than his
killed bj plain place promised him to be, as no meaner than
of Oxford, the brother of the legate himself, who being sus-
picious (oh how jealous is guiltiness !) that he might
find Italy in England, and fearing to be poisoned,
appointed his brother to oversee all food for his own
eating. And now the three nations of Irish, Welsh,
and English, fell downright on the Italians. The
legate fearing (as they came from the same womb)
to be sent to the same grave with his brother, se-
cluded himself fest locked up in the tower of Osney
church, and there sat still and quiet, all attired in
his canonical cope.

I Prov. xviii. 16. lars to go armed. See Wood,

^ [It was the fashion at ib. 223.]
that time for the secular scho-

csNT. XIII. of Britain. 178

15. But he, it seems, trusted not so much to his a. d. 1338.

canonical cope as the sable mantle of night ; under '. — 1

the protection whereof he got out, with a guide, to^^^^
make his escape; not without danger of drowning ''*"«•

in the dark, being five times to cross the river, then
swelling with late rain, as much as the scholars with
anger. He made fords where he foimd none, all
known passages being waylaid ; and heard the
scholars following after, railing on, and calling him
usurer, simoniac, deceiver of the prince, oppressor of
the people, &c., whilst the legate wisely turned his
tongue into heels, spurring with might and main to
Abingdon, where the court then lay. Hither he
came being out of all breath and patience ; so that
entering the king's presence, his tears and sighs
were fiiin to relieve his tongue, not able otherwise
to express his miseries: whom the king did most
affectionately compassionate.

16. And now woe to the poor clergy of Oxford, Oxford m a
when both temporal and spiritual arms are prepared dition. "
against them. Next day the king sent the earl
Warren with forces against them, and a double
commission, eripere et arripere^ to deliver the re-
mainder of the Italians (little better than besieged

in Osney abbey), and to seize on the scholars, of
whom thirty, with one Otho Legista (forward it
seems in the fray against the legate his namesake),
were taken prisoners, and sent like felons, bound in
carts, to Wallingford prison, and other places of
restraint.

17. Nor was the legate lazy the while, but sum- interdicted
m6ning such bishops as were nearest him, inter- j^te®
dieted the university of Oxford, and excommuni-
cated all such as were partakers in the tumult;

174

The Church History

BOOK III.

Whore-
turns te
Ixmdon*

A.D. 1338. which were not the young fry of scholars, but clerks
aiHen^iii. ^^ order, and many of them beneficed, and now

deprived of the profit of their livings.

18. From Abingdon the legate removed to Lon-
don, lodging at Durham-house in the Strand : the
king commanding the major of London to keep
him as the apple of his eye, with watch and ward
constantly about him. Hither he assembled the
bishops of the land to consider and consult about
reparation for so high an afl&ont.
The w- 19. The bishops pleaded hard for the university of

oedTfOTtbB Oxford, (as being the place wherein most of them
univerwty. j^^ ^j^^.^, ^ducation.) They alleged it was secunda

ecclesia, a second church, being the nursery of
learning and religion. They pleaded also that the
churlishness of the porter let in this sad accident,
increased by the indiscretion of those in his own
family : adding also, that the clerks of Oxford had
deeply smarted, by their long durance and sufferings,
for their fault therein".

20. Mollified with the premises, the legate at last
was over-entreated to pardon the clergy of Oxford,
on their solemn submission, which was thus per-
formed. They went from St. Paul's in London to
Durham-house in the Strand, no short Italian, but

All are re'
conciled.

" [One of the most zealous
champions for the university
was the learned and pious
bishop Grostete, who had pro-
cured the release of many of
the scholars from the Tower,
and other prisons, upon his
own security. See Wood, ib.
227. He also solemnly ex-
communicated in the presence
of the legate and the king all
those who had laid violent

hands upon the clerks, openly
attributing the whole disturb-
ance to the folly and incivility
of the legate's household.
(Wood, ib.) Another ver-
sion of this tale will be found
in the Chronicle which goes
under the name of Thomas
Wikes, p. 43, which being *an
Osney chronicle, is probably
correct.]

CENT. XIII.

of Britain.

175

an English long mile, all on foot; the bishops ofA.D. 1238.

England, for the more state of the business, accom- '■ — '-

panying them, as partly accessory to their fault for
pleading in their behalf. When they came to the
bishop of Carlisle's (now Worcester) house, the
scholars went the rest of their way barefoot, sine
capis et manteUis^ which some understand, without
capes or cloaks*^. And thus the great legate at last
was really reconciled imto them.

21. The mention of the house of the bishop ofBishops'an-
Carlisle minds me how, anciently, every bishop (as J^^i^,^*^.
all principal abbots) had a house belonging to their
see (commonly called their inn) for them to lodge in
when their occasions summoned them to London.
Not to mention those which still retain their names,
as Winchester, Durham, Ely, &c. We will only
observe such which are swallowed up into other
houses, conceiving it charitable to rescue their
memory from oblivion.

House.

Place.

BvUi by

Turned into

Salisbury,
St. David's,

Chichester,

Exeter,

Bath and Wells,
Uandaff,
Worcester,
Lichfield and
Coventry,
Carlisle,
Norwich,
York,

Hereford,

Fleet-street,
North of Bride-
well,

Chancery-lane,

By Temple-bar,

Strand,
Strand,
Strand,

Strand,

Strand,
Strand,
Westminster,
OldFish^treet
hill.

Ralph Nevil, bp.

of Chichester.
Walter Stapleton,

bp. of Exeter.

Walter Lancton,
bp. of Chester.

Ralph de Mayden-
stOQ, bp. of Ueref .

Dorset-house.
Small tenements.

Lincoln's Inn.

Essex-house.

Arundel-house.
Somerset-house.
Somerset-house.

Somerset-house.

Worcester .house.
York-house.
White-hall.
A sugar-maker's
house.

o [Rather, without their hoods
and gowns. In token that the
university was dissolved; for

immediately afterwards the le-
gate restores the university to
its privileges. Mat. Paris, 470.]

176

The Church HUtory

BOOK III.

A. D. 1238. I question whether the bishop of Rochester (whose

'. — i country house at Bromley is so nigh) had ever a

house in the city p. Let others recover the rest
from oblivion ; a hard task, I believe, they are so
drowned in private houses. O let us secure to our-
selves everlasting habitations, seeing here no abiding
mansion 4.

22. Come we now to present the reader with an-
other offer of the king's (I fear it was not much
more) to repress papal oppression.

A valiant

A. D. 1 341. Rex dilecto sibi in Chrislo
archidiacono Glouc, salutem.
Significavimust et etiam viva
voce exposuiTnus magistro P.
Rubeot nuncio Domini papa,

The king to his beloved in
Christ the archdeacon of Glon-
cester, greeting. We have signi-
fied, and also hj word of month
have declared to Mr. P. Rubens,

u

€€

it
U
€€
<(
(%
(«
if
1i
<«
t(
t€

et
((
if
«
(<
<<
((
cc
(i
<(
(i
r<

P *' [There is no question but
he had: Stow finding it in
Southwark by the name of
Rochester house^ adjoining
on the south side to the bi-
shop of Winchester's, ruinous
and out of reparation in his
time^ as possibly not much
frequented since the building
of Bromley house, and since
converted into tenements for

private persons." " But

since our author hath desired
others to recover the rest
from oblivion, I shall help
him to the knowledge of two
more, and shall thank any
man to find out the third.
The first of these two is the
bishop of Lincobi's house,
situate near the old temple
in Holborn, first built by
Robert de Chesney, bishop
of Lincoln a. 1147, since
aliened from the see to the
earls of Southampton, and

" passing by the name of
*^ Southampton house. The
*' second is the bishop of Ban-
*' gor'Sf a fair house in Shoe-
" lane near St. Andrew's
** church, of late time leased
" out by the bishops, and not
** long since the dwelling
*' of doctor Smith, doctor in
'* physic, a right honest and
** ingenious person, and my
" very good friend. Of all the
** old bishops' [houses which]
'* were founded before king
** Harry the Eight, there is
" none whose house we have
*^ not found but the bishop of
" Asaph ; to the finding where-
" of, if our author, or any
" other will hold forth the
" candle, I shall follow the
'• light the best I can, and be
** thankful for it." Heylyn in
the Appeal, &c. p. 31.3
<i Luke xvi. 9.

C£KT. XIII.

of Britain,

177

^uod non est intentionis no-
stra, nee etiam volumus ali'
quatenus sustinere, quod vel
vivos religiosos vel clericum
aliquem ad contributionem
Jhciendam ad opus Domini
paptB compellant, Et ideo
vobis mandamvs inkibentes
districte, ne ad mandatum
iprins magistri Petri vel su-
aruniy viros religiosos seu
clericos ad contributionem
pnsdictamjaciendam aliqua
censura ecclesiastica compeU
laiis. Scituri quod si secus
egeritis, nos contra vos tan-
quam perturbatorem pacts
ecclesiastica, quam conser-
vare tenemur, modis quibus
expedire viderimus, proce-
demus. Teste rege apud
Ghuc, 1 1 . die JuniiJ

nuncio to the lord the pope» that A. D. 1241.
it is not our intention^ nor will ^SMe^-J^I'
we any ways endure it, that they
shall compel religious men, or any
clerk^ to make a contribution to
supply the occasions of the lord
the pope. And therefore we
command you» strictly forbidding^
that at the command of the said
Mr. Peter, or any of his officers,
you compel not any religious men,
or clerks, by any ecclesiastical
censures to make the aforesaid
contribution. Knowing that if
you do otherwise, we shall pro-
ceed against you by means we
shall think fit, as against the dis-
turber of the peace of the church,
which we are bound to preserve.
Witness the king at Gloucester,
the nth of June.

By the way, a nuncio differed from a legate,
almost as a lieger from an extraordinary ambas-
sador ; who though not so ample in his power, was
as active in his progging, to advance the profit of
the pope his master.

- 23. This instrument acquainteth us with the a free-
method used by him in managing his money matters. ^"^ ^ ^'
Such as reftised to pay his demands were proceeded
agamst by church censures, suspension, excommuni-
cation, &c. The cunning Italian (to decline the
odium) employing the archdeacons to denoimce the
same in their respective jurisdictions. Yet this went
under the notion of a voluntary contribution, as free

' Pat. 25 of Henry III. mem. 6. [Collated with the original.]

FULLER, VOL. II. N

178 The Church History book iif.

AD. 1241. as fire from flint, forced with steel and strength out

'^"^'"'- of it.

Spoken like 24. Whercas the king counted himself bound to
"**^* preserve the peace of the church, the words well
became his mouth. They seem to me to look like
DEFENDER OF THE FAirn as yet but in the bud, and
Avhich in due time might grow up to amount to as
much. For though every Christian in his calling
must keep the peace of the church, kings have a
coercive poAver over the disturbers thereof.

Say and do, 25. Tliis royal resolution, to resist the oppressing
of his subjects, was good as propounded, better if
performed. I find no visible effect thereof: but we
may believe, it made the pope's mill go the slower,
though it did not AvhoUy hinder his grinding the
faces of the clergy. This patent is dated from
Gloucester, more loved of king Henry than London
itself, as a strong and loyal city, where he was first
crowned, and afterwards did often reside.

A pension 26. Amougst the thousands of poimds which the

given by tbe . n-niTT 1 •ii

pope to an popo camod out of England, I meet only with three
e^f hundred marks yearly, which came back again as a
private boon, bestowed on an English knight, sir
Reginald Mohun*, by pope Innocent the Fourth,
then keeping his court at Lyons in France. And
because these are vestigia sola retrorsum^ it will not
be amiss to insert the whole story thereof as it is in
an ancient French manuscript pertaining to the
family of the Mohuns.

'^ Quant sire Reinalda voit ceo fi^iitz, il passa a la
" court de Rome que adonques fuist a Lions, pur

9 [This Reginald de Mohun ham in the manor of Axmin-
founded the abbey of Newen- ster. Monast. I. 928.]

/

CSKT. XIII. of Britain. 179

" confinner et ratifer sa novelle abbay a grand honor a.d. H41.

" de liu a touz joues, et fiiist en la courte le deni- . '• — '•

" ergne en quaresme, quant lenchaunce loffice del
messe LcBtare Jerusalem^ al queun jour lusage de la
court este que lapostoille doa a plus valiant et a
** plus honorable home qui puit estre trovez en la
** deste courte une rose ou une floretta de fin or.
" Donquez ilz sercherent tote la courte, entroverent
** cesti Beinald pur le plus noble de toute la courte
" a qui le pape Innocent donna celle rose ou florette
" dor et la papa lui dainanda quil home il fiiist en
** son pais. II respondi simple bachelerie. Beau fitz/
" fetz la pape, ' celle rose ou florette unquez ne fuist
" donez fors au rois ou au dukes ou a countese ; pour
" ceo nous voluns que vous sons le counte de Est,"
" ceo est Somerset. Reinald respondi et aist 'OSaincte
" Piere ieo nay dont le nom meinteyner.' Lapos-
** stoille donques lui dona ducent marcz per annum
" receiver sur cantre saint Paule de Londres de ces
" denieres d'Engleterre pour son honor mainteyner ;
" de queu donna il reporta buUes que enquore aurent
" en plombs, &c. en semblement odue moltes dis
" aultres bulles de confirmatione de sa novelle abbay
" de Newham apres queu jour il porta la rose ou
" florette en les armes*."

- It is as needless as difficult to translate this bull
verbatim, being of base, obsolete, and ill-pointed
French ; suffieeth it, thafc; this iiSi the sum thereof.
The pope used on the' lord's day, called Lcetare
, .*#«**

^ [This passage was most telligible throughout. 1 have

wretchedly printed in th^ pre- corrected it from conjecture,

vious edition; having been tran- not having been able to dis-

scribed by some very ignorant cover the original.]
person, so as to be almost unin-

N 2

180 The Church History book hi.

A.D. i74t. Jerusalem 9 solemnly to bestow a consecrated rose on .

!i_^! .the most honourable persons present at mass with

his holiness. Inquiry being made, the rose was
conferred on sir Reginald Mohun, as the best ex-
tracted in the present congregation.

But seeing that rose used always to be given to
kings, dukes, and earls at least, (the lowest form of
coroneted nobility in that age,) his holiness under-
standing the same sir Reginald to be but a plain
knight bachelor, created him the earl of Est, that is,
saith this bull, of Somerset ; and for the better sup-
port of his honour he allowed him three hundred*
marks out of the pence of England, (imderstand the
Peter-pence,) as the most certain papal revenue in
the land.

By this bull the same sir Reinald was made a

count apostolic, whereby he had the privileges to

appoint public notaries, and to legitimate bastards

on some conditions. King Henry the Third was so

far from excepting against this act, that he highly

honoured him. And yet master Camden sometimes

acknowledgeth^, sometimes denieth^ him for an

English earl. Not that I accuse him as inconstant

to himself, but suspect myself not well attaining his

meaning therein.

There are 27. Now though the Said sir Reginald did mo-

m^ethem- destly decliuc the pope's honour for want of main-

seives poor, teuancc, yct had he at that time no fewer than

forty-three knights' fees held of his castle of Dunstar^

I have nothing else to add herein, save that the

^ [Rather two hundred.] ^ In his Elizabeth in the

^ In his Brit, in Somerset- case of count Arundel, [a.
shire, [p. 1 6 1.] '5960

CENT. XIII.

of Britain.

181

ancient arms of tLe Mohuns, viz. a hand in a maunch a.d. 1341.
holding a fleur-de-lis, (in that age more fashionable — — — '
than a rose in heraldry,) seems to relate to this
occasion ; which their family afterward changed into
a sable cross, in the achievements in the Holy Land,
borne at this day by the truly honourable the lord
Mohun, baron of Oakhampton, as descended from
this family*

28. This year died Robert Grouthead, bishop ofAD. 1253.
Lincoln, bom at Stradbrook in Suffolk, natalibtis oi\Mio^
jmdendis saith my author^ of shameftd extraction, ^"^ ^^'
intimating suspicion of bastardy: though the pa-
rents, rather than the child, have caused a blush
thereat. He got his surname from the greatness of
his head, having large stowage to receive, and store of
brains to fill it : bred for a time in Oxford, then in

* Godwin [de Praesulibus
Ang. p. 289. Godwin's
words are, '* natalibus ob-
'• scuris ne dicam pudendis."

It is questionable whether

Fuller's interpretation of these
words be correct. None of
the chroniclers at all events
fasten this imputation upon
Grostete, although they all
follow Trivet in describing
him as sprung ** ima de gente,*'
p. 204. Godwin brings for-
ward no testimony in corrobo-
ration of his assertion : and it
is positively denied by CoUyer
in his Eccl. Hist. vol. I. p. 462,
upon the authority of arch-
bishop Parker, in his Antiq.
Brit. p. 168, *' who reports
'* him honourably descended,
" and appeals to a pedigree
•*for proof." The bishop's
real name, says Dr. Gale in a
note to Godwin, p. 289, was

Copley, and he was descended
from a noble and ancient fa-
mily of that name in York-
shire. There is a tolerably cor-
rect and pleasing life of him
written in verse by a monk
called Richard of Bardney, in
Wharton's Ang. Sac. vol. II.
p. 326, which appears to have
been composed from traditions
of him current in Lincolnshire
at that time ; and its veracity
is supported by our best chro-
niclers. See also Trivet, p. 201,
and the Chron. de Lanercost,
an. 1253. A full and correct
account of him will be found in
Pegge'sLife of Grostete. More
succinct information will be
found in Cave's Hist. Litt.
Oudinus de Script. Eccles., and
in Wood's Annals, I. 198. His
Opuscula and several of his let-
ters are in the second volume
of Brown's Fasciculus.]

N 3

ISSt The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1253. France : a great and general scholar, (Bale Feckonmg
^^ — '■ up no fewer than two hundred books of his making,)
and a great opposer of the pope's oppression, which
now grew intolerable.
The pope's 29- For it appeared by inquisition made the last
ogsdnrt this year, that the ecclesiastical revenues of Italians in
£J^***' England (Avhereof many were boys, more block-
heads, all aliens) amounted per annum unto three-
score and ten thousand marks : whereas the king's
income at the same time was hardly twenty thou-
sands^. Gishop Grouthead offended thereat, wrote
pope Innocent the Fourth such a juniper letter,
taxing him with extortion, and other vicious prac-
tices, that his holiness brake out into this ex-
pression; "What meaneth this doating old man,
" surdus et absurdus^ thus boldly to control our
" actions ? By Peter and Paul, did not our innate
" ingenuity restrain us, I would confound him, and
" make him a prodigy to the w^hole world. Is not
" the king of England our vassal, yea our slave, to
" imprison and destroy what persons we please to
" appoint?"
quendied 30. The pope being in this pelt, iEgidius a Spanish
msh c^' cardinal thus interposed his gravity. " It is not ex-
" pedient, my lord, to use any harshness to this
" bishop. We must confess the truths which he
" saith. He is a holy man, of a more religious life
" than any of us, yea Christendom hath not his
" equal ; a great philosopher, skilled in Latin and
" Greek, a constant reader in the schools, preacher

y Matthew Paris, p. 874. paring with them the Aiinales
[See particularly the Foedera, Burton, p. 309, and Mat. Pa-
I. 263, 281, 350, 393, com- ris, p. 700.]

dinaL

CENT. XI 1 1 . of Britain . 1 8S

**in the pulpit, lover of chastity, and loather ofA. 0.1153.
" Simony. —

31 . Thus the pope took wit in his anger, and Orouthead
Grouthead escaped for the present : though Bale re- pie's,
porteth that he died excommunicate and deprived of thr^pe"**
his bishopric. Popish* authors confidently report a**^"^
strange vision, or rather a passion of pope Innocent

the Fourth, whom Grouthead (appearing after his
death) so beat with many blows, (it seems he had a
heavy hand as well as a great head,) that the pope
died thereof soon after. No wonder therefore if his
successors would not canonize this Robert, who not-
withstanding was a saint, though not in the pope's,
yet in the people's calendar, many miracles being
ascribed unto him ; and particularly, that a sweet oil
after his death issued out of his monument^: which
if false in the literal, may be true in a mystical
meaning, Solomon observing, that a good name is as
ointment poured out.

32. England began now to surfeit of more than Discontent*
thirty years' peace and plenty, which produced no^iLnd.
better effects than ingratitude to God, and murmur-
ing at their king. Many active spirits, whose minds

were above their means, offended that others beneath
them (as they thought) in merit, were above them
in employment, cavilled at many errors in the king's
government, being state Donatists, maintaining the
perfection of a commonwealth might, and ought to
be attained. A thing easy in the theory, impossible
in the practice, to conform the actions of men's cor-

* John Burie. [MS. ibid.] Mr. Fabian's [Chron. part vii.
Mat. Paris, [p. 883.] Mat. f. 25. first edition.]
Westminster, [in a. 1254.] ^ Godwin, [ib. p. 291.]

N 4

184 The Church History book hi.

A.D. i354.rupted natures to the exact ideas in men's ima-

38Uen.11 1. . ^.
il ginations.

Grounded 33. Indeed they had too much matter whereon
occasioii. justly to grouud their discontents: partly because
the king (distrusting his natives) employed so many
French foreigners in places of power and profit;
partly because he had used such indirect courses to
recruit his treasuries, especially by annihilating all
patents granted in his minority, (though indeed he
was never more in his fiiU age than when in his non-
age, as guided then by the best counsel,) and forcing
his subjects to take out new ones on what terms his
officers pleased. In a Avord, an author*^ then living
complaineth, "that justice was committed to men
" unjust, the laws to such who themselves were out-
** laws, and the keeping of the peace to injurious
" people delighting in discords."
A title 34. After many contests betwixt the king and his

power only subjocts, (which the reader may learn from the his-
king? * * torians of the state,) four and twenty prime persons
were chosen by parliament to have the supreme in-
spection of the land: which soon after (to make
them the more cordial) passed a decoction, and were
reduced to three, and they three in effect contracted
to one, Simon Mountfort, earl of Leicester, the
king's brother-in-law : the king himself standing by
as a cipher, yet signifying as much as his ambitious
subjects did desire. These, to make sure work,
bound him with his solemn oath to submit himself
to their new-modelled government.
The pope 35. Here the pope (charitable to relieve all dis-
his cour- trcsscd priuccs) intcrposcd his power, absolving the

^ Roger Wendover, [in Mat. Paris.]

CENT. XIII. of Britain, 186

king from that oath, as unreasonable in itself, andA.D. 1J54.
forced upon him. His holiness was well paid for??5!Ili!i
this great favour; the king hereafter conniving at^^]"
his horse-leeches (legates and nuncios) sucking the
blood of his subjects with intolerable taxations.
Thus was it not altogether the flexibility of king
Henry, but partly the flexion of his condition, (I
mean the altering of his occasions,) which made him
sometimes withstand, and otherwhiles comply with
the pope's extortion. Thus always the pope's cour-
tesies are very dear ; and the storm itself is a better
shelter than the bramble, fleecing such sheep as fly
under the shade thereof**.

36. Meantime the king, having neither coin nor sad case
credit, having pawned his jewels, mortgaged all his roya?rool is
land in France, and sold much of it in England, "^^^*®'"
wanting wherewithal to subsist, lived on abbeys and ^"cke''-
priories ; till his often coming and long staying there

made what was welcome at the first quickly to be-
come wearisome. Though a royal guest, with often
coming his royalty made not his guestship the more
accepted, but the notion of a guest rendered his
royalty the less to be esteemed. Indeed his visits of
abbeys at first did wear the countenance of devotion,
(on which account this king was very eminent,) but
afterwards they appeared in their own likeness, the
dimmest eye seeing them to proceed from pure
necessity.

37. Soon after began the civil wars in England, No part of

church-

d [The pope sent a legate a sentence of excommunication work.

latere in 1261 to absolve the against those who were in re-

king and his adherents from bellion against the king. Chron.

the oath taken by them at de Lanercost. in this year.]
Oxford^ and to fulminate the

186 The Church Uuiary book m.

A.D. 1154. with Tarious success, sometimes the king, and some*

i times the barons getting the better ; tiU at hist an

indifferent peace was concluded for their mutual
good, as in the historians of the commonwealth doth
plentifully appear.
IJ^ by 88. The latter part of the reign of king Heniy
was not only eminent in itself, but might be exem-
plary to others. He reformed first his own natural
errors, then the disorders in his court, the expense
whereof he measured by the just rule of his proper
revenue. The rigour and corruption of his judges he
examined, and redressed by strict conmiission, filled
the seats of judgment and counsel with men nobly
bom, sat himself daily in council, and disposed afiairs
of most weight in his own person.
charta 89. And now the charta magna was very strictly

ftiUy prao- obscrvcd, being made in the ninth year of this king's
reign, but the practice thereof much interrupted and
disturbed with civil wars, it is beheld by all judicious
men as (like the aurea buUa^ or golden bull of Ger-
many) the life of English liberty, rescued by the
blood and valour of our ancestors from tyrannical
encroachment, giving the due bounds to prerogative
and propriety, that neither should mutually intrench
on the other's lawful privileges. And although some
high royalists look on it as the product of subjects'
animosities, improving themselves on their prince's
extremities, yet most certain it is, those kings flou-
rished the most both at home and abroad, who tied
themselves most conscientiously to the observation
thereof.
BaUioi col- 40. Two coUegcs in Oxford were founded in the
JfvabilliL reign of this king One, Balliol college, by John

•»rince.

CSKT. XIII.

of Britain.

187

Balliol (and Dervorguill his lady)^ of Beniard*8A.D.i262.
castle in the bishopric of Durham, banished into^^ — — — '.
Elngland, and father of Balliol king of Scotland <^.
Wonder not that an exile should build a college,
charity being oftentimes most active in the afflicted,
willingly giving to others a little of that little they
have : witness the Macedonians, whose deep poverty
abounded to tlie riches of their liberality^.

41. True it is, the ancient revenues of this college Great re-
were not great, allowing but «f eight pence a week that^^!*'^
for every scholar therein of his foundation, (whereas
Merton college had twelve pence,) and yet, as one
casteth up^ their ancient revenues amounted imto
ninety-nine pounds seventeen shillings and ten
pence ; which in that age, I will assure you, was a
considerable sum, enough to make us suspect that at

this day they enjoy not all the original lands of their
foundation.

42. Indeed, I am informed that the aforesaid king Endowed
Balliol bestowed a large proportion of land in Scot- ^d San
land on this his father's foundation. The master ^°J^^p^-
and fellows whereof petitioned king James (when

the marches of two kingdoms were newly made the
middle of one monarchy) for the restitution of those
lands detained from them in the civil wars betwixt

^^ [There is an epitaph upon
this Dervorvilla de Balliol, but
in wretched doggrel/ in the
Chron. de Lanercost> an. t 289.]
e [According to Wood not
founded till after Merton and
University. '* What was done
in order to it by sir John
Balliol^ knight, while he was
living, was an. 1268 or 1267
" at leasts and then no more
" but to exhibit to certain poor

«

«

«

«

s<

'* scholars of Oxford, till such
time he could conveniently
procure an habitation for,

" and settle lands on, the scho-

*' lars thereof.'* Hist, of Univ.

&c. p. 70.]

^ 2 Cor. viii. 2.

s Roger Walden, in his His-

tory, [quoted by Twyne.]
h Bri. Twyne, Antiq. Acad.

Oxon. in Appendice.

188 The Church History • book hi.

A.D. 1163. the two crowns. The kinir. though an affectionate
^ — ^ — .'lover of learning, would not have his bounty in-
jurious to any (save sometimes to himself); and
considering those lands they desired were long
peaceably possessed with divers owners, gave them
notice to surcease their suit. Thus not king James,
but the infeasibility of the thing they petitioned for
to be done with justice, gave the denial to their
petition.
Hus lu. 43. Being to present the reader with the cata-
quett to the logues of this and other worthy foundations in Ox-
Oxford."^ ford, I am sorry that I can only build bare walls,
(erect empty columns,) and not fill them with any
furniture : which tlie ingenuous reader, I trust, will
pardon, when he considers, first, that I am no Oxford
man ; secondly, that Oxford is not that Oxford
wherewith ten years since I was acquainted^. Where-
fore I humbly request the antiquaries of their re-
spective foundations (best skilled in their own worthy
natives) to insert their own observations ; which if
they would return unto me against the next edition
of this work, if I live, and it be thought worthy
thereof, God shall have the glory, they the public
thanks, and the world the benefit of their contri-
bution to my endeavours.
Four neces- 44. The Catalogue of masters we have taken with
^lised.^ an implicit faith out of Mr. Brian Twyne (who may
be presumed knowing in that subject) until the year
I6O8, where his work doth determine : since which
time we have supplied them as well as we may,
though too often at a loss for their Christian names.
If Mr. Twyne his register be imperfect, yet he writes
right who writes wrong, if follo\^dng his copy.

^ [When he took refuge there in the time of the civil wars.]

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 189

45. The list of bishops hath been collected out of a.d. 1262.
Francis Godwin, bishop of Hereford, whose judi-1 — — — !
cious pains are so beneficial to the English church, the bSXps
Yet Godwintts non vidit omnia^ and many no doubt ^j^^"
have been omitted by him.

46. As for the roll of benefactors, I, who hope to whence
have made the other catalogues true, hope I have^^"®"
made this not true ; upon desire and confidence that
they have more than I have, or can reckon up,
though following herein I. Scot his printed tables,

and the last edition of John Speed his chronicle.

47. The column of learned writers I have endea- whence
voured to extract out of Bale and Pitts. Whereof J^^"^
the latter being a member of this university, was no

less diligent than able to advance the honour
thereof.

48. Let none suspect that I will enrich my mother no wiifui
by robbing my aunt. For besides that Cambridge is Jl^f
so conscientious, she will not be accessary to my
felony by receiving stolen goods.

Tro8^ Tyriusve mihi nulla discrimine hahetur :
A Trojan whether he
Or a Tyrian be,
All is the same to me.

It matters not whether of Cambridge or Oxford, so
God hath the glory, the church and state the benefit
of their learned endeavours.

49. However, I am sensible of many defects, and Add and
know that they may be supplied by the endeavours

of others. Every man knows his own land better
than either Ortelius or Mercator, though making
the maps of the whole world. And the members of
respective colleges must be more accurate in the
particularities of their own foundations, than the

190

' The Church History

BOOK in.

A.D. i963.exacte8t historian who shall write a general de-

46Hen.III. ... ., *

scnption thereof.

Matiert,

I282.h Jo. Fodering-
hay.

1360. Jo. WidiHffe.

1423. Rob. Burley.

145 1. Rob Thwaites.

1477. Rob. Abdy.

1497. Ric. Berning-
ham.

15 18. Rich. Stubbes.

1525. WUL WTiite.

1539. Geo. Cootes.

1545. Wm. Wright.

1547. Ja. Brooks, [af-
terwards bi-
shop of Glou-
cester.]

1559. Fran. Babing-

ton.

1560. Anth. Garnet.
1563. Rob. Hooper.

1570. Jo. Piers.

1571. Adam Squier.
1580. Edm. Lylly.
1609. Rob. Abbot
1616. Dr. Parkhurst
1637. Dr. Laurence.
1650. Dr. Savage.

Bishops,

Roger Whelpdale,
fellow, bishop of
Carlisle.

Geor . Ne vill, chan-
oellor oftheuni-
Tersityattwenty
years of age, af-
terwards furhbi-
shop of York,
and chancellor of
£ngland.

WilL Gray, bish<^
of Ely.

Jo. Bell, bishop of
Worcester.

[Geo. Cootes, bi-
shop of Chester.]

Job. Piers, archbi-
shop of York.

Rob. Abbot, bi-
shop of Salis-
bury.

Qeo. Abbot, fel-
low, archbishop
of Canterbury.

Benefactors.

Philip Somervile,

and Marg. his

wife.
Ella de Long-Spee,

countess of Sa-
lisbury.
Rich, de Humsni-

gore.
L. Win. Fenton.
Hugh de Vienna,

knight.
John Bell, bishop

of Worcester.
Wil. Hammond,

of Gilford, esq.
Peter Blundell, of

Tiverton.
L. Eliz. Periam,

of the county of

Buck.
Tho. Tisdale, of

Glymton, com.

Oxon, esq.
Mary Dunch.
John Brown.

Learned writen.

Jo. Duns SootBS,
first of this, then
of Merton col-
lege.

Humfrey duke of
Gloucester, com-
monly called the
Good.

WilL Walton, fel-
low, cfaanoeOor
of the univer-
sity.

Tho. Gaacoign,
feDow, chancel-
lor of the uni-
versity.

i John Tiptoft,
earl of Wor-
cester.

Rob. Abbot

That John Wickliffe here mentioned may be the
great Wickliffe ; though others justly suspect him not
the same, because too ancient, if this catalogue be
complete, to be the fourth master of this house,
except they were incredibly vivacious. Nothing else
have I to observe of this foimdation, save that at
this day therein are maintained one master, twelve
fellows, thirteen scholars, four exhibitioners ; which,
with servants, commoners, and other students, lately
made up one hundred thirty and six.

^ [The dates of the masters
both here and below I have in-
serted in the text from Wood.]

^ See more of him in our
dedication to the second book.
Fuller.

CEKT. XIII.

of Britain.

191

50. Nor must we forget that (besides others) two a.d. 1262.

eminent judges of our land were both contempo '- — i

raries and students in this foundation ; the lord chief leaJ^*^
baron Davenport, and the lord Thomas Coventry, J"^*^*
lord chancellor of England, (whose father also, a
judge, was a student herein.) So that two great
oracles, both of law and equity, had here their edu-
cation.

51. The other was university college: whereof lunivcrrity
find different dates, aad the founding thereof ascribed founded.
to several persons J.

Founder.

Time,

Author.

I. King Alfred.

Anno 882.

I. Universal tradition.

2. William de Sto. Ca.

1081, the 1 2th of king

2. Stow in his Chroni-

rilefoy bishop of Dur-

William the Con-

cle, p. 106 J, to whom

ham.

queror.

Pitz consenteth.

3. William, bishop of

12 1 7, in the first of

3. John Speed, in his

Durham, though

Henry III.

History, p. 817.

none at this timA of

the name.

4. William, archdeacon

uncertain''.

4. Camd. Brit, in Ox-

of Durham, whom

■

fordshire.

others confidently call

Walter.

I dare interpose nothing in such great differences,
only observe that master Camden (no less skilful a
herald in ordering the antiquity of houses than mar-
tialling the precedency of men) makes University
the third in order after Merton college : which makes
me believe the founding thereof not so ancient as
here it is inserted^

J [See Wood's Hist, of CoL
l^es, L 38, 39. Who were
the founders seems very doubt-
ful. The three Williams are
probably one and the same
person.]

^ [Yet unquestionably a be-
nefactor : he left three hundred
and ten marks for supporting
ten or twelve masters in the
schools of Oxford.]

1 [Ant. Wood places Uni-

The Church Jihtory

IHnsleri.

>. Roger Clldwdlni.
1416. Richard Wylton.
14R8, M. RoketboroiiKh.
iflOi). KBnul{ih Ilumslerle}'.
1518. LHiDBrd Hiitchinioii.
r546- John CmTord'
IS47. Richard Salrabe.
1551. George Elliion.
t js;. Anthony Salvwoe.
I J 58. James Dugdoln.
1561. Thomat Key.

I. WiUiam James.

{. Aothony Ootei.
1.S97- Oeorge Abbot.
I Gog. Jobn Bancroft.
1631. [Thumai) Walker.
1648. [Joshua] Hoile-
'CjS' [Frand> Johnaon.]

Abbot,
archbp.
of CanU

ahop of
Olfori.

Sir Simon BenneC, who hnth be-
queathed good Isnda (afler the
decease of hia ladv) to tacTeue
the feUowB and sciiolaTB.

Air. Charles Greenwood, samB-
tiae fellow of this Follc^, and
proctor to tJie univeraity, gave
a thousand pounda to the
building thereof-

So that at this present are maintained therein one
master, eight fellows, one Bible-clerk ; which wi
servants, commoners, and other students, amount
the number of threescore and nine.

52. Sure it is, at this time Oxford flourished with
multitude of students; King Henry conferring large
favours upon them, and these among the rest. That
no Jews living at Oxford should receive of scholars
above two pence a week interest for the loan of

versity college before JVIerton ; name of nine masters previous

and ^together rejects tbe re- toWytton, as well as of other!

port of king Alired being its subsequently omitted by Ful-

founder. Hist, of Colleges, &c. ler. Ib.51.]
p. 37.] ■> [Bishop of Durham. Wood,

™ [Wood omits the name of ib. p. 46.]
Caldwell ; and meDtions the

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 193

twenty shillings, that is, eight shillings eight pence a. 0.1261.
for the interest of a pound in the year^. Hereby we ^'- — ^ — •'
may gaess how miserably poor people in other places
were oppressed by the Jews, where no restraint did
limit their usury ; so that the interest amounted to
the half of the principal.

58. Secondly, whereas it was complained of, that ^ second
justice was obstructed, and malefactors protected by
the citizens of Oxford, who being partial to their
own corporation, connived at offenders who had done
mischief to the scholars; the king ordered, that
hereafter not only the citizens of Oxford, but also
any officers in the vicinage should be employed in
the apprehending of such who offered any wrong to
the students in the university.

54. Lastly, he enjoined the bailiffs of Oxford so- The third
lemnly to acquaint the chancellor thereof, of those ^"^
times when bread and other victuals were weighed

and prized. But in case the chancellor had timely
notice thereof, and refused to be present thereat,
then the bailiflfe notwithstanding his absence might
proceed in the foresaid matters of weight and
measure.

55. We will conclude this section with this civil The sub-
and himible submission of the dean and chapter of 2be d^n°
St. Asaph, sent to the king in the vacancy (as it^j^^^f^P^^
seems) of their bishopric; though dislocated and^*»P^-
some years set back in the date thereof

De reoognitione Decani et Capit. de Sancto Asapho.
** P Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens

o Claus. 22. Hen. III. uiem. [Collated with the original in
9. in dorso. the Tower.]

P Pat. 33. Hen. III. mem. 3.

FULLER, VOL. II. O

194 7%e Church HiUoinf moo%. iii,

A.D. ii63.*« scriptum pervenerit, deeanus et capitnlum de

'- ** saiicto Asapho salutem in Domino. Consuetadiiti

^ antiqne et dignitati quas Dominos Henricus il-'
^ lustris rex Angl. et progenitores 8ui habaenint in
ecclesia Anglicana, de petenda licentia eligendi
vacantibns episcopatuum sedibus, et de requirendo
aseensu regio post factam electionem, obviare no-
lentes ; protestamur et recognoscimus, nos, quotiens
^' ecclesia nostra pastore vacaverity ab illustri domino
" rege Angl. et heredibus snis debere reverenter
" petere licentiam eligendi, et post electionem fectam
assensum eorum reqnirere. Et ne super hoc fii-
turis temporibus dubitetur, presenti scripto sigilla
" nostra fecimus apponi. Act. apud sanctum Asaph.
" Anno Domini M®. cc.xlix^. in crastino exaltationis
" sancta; crucis."

The substance is this : That the dean and chapter
promise to depend wholly on the king's pleasure in
the choice of the next elect : so that now cathedrals
began to learn good manners. Notwithstanding the
pope usually obtruded whom he pleased upon them.
Say not that St. Asaph was an inconsiderable cathe-
dral, being at great distance and of small revenue,
which might make them more officious to comply
with the king: seeing the poorest ofttimes prove
the proudest and peevishest to their superiors. But
although this qualm of loyalty took this church for
the present, we must confess that generally, chapters
ask the king's leave, as widows do their fathers' to
marry ; as a compliment not requisite thereunto : as
conceiving it civility to ask, but no necessity to have
his approbation.
Edmond 56. Two eminent archbishops of Canterbury suc-
oTuntarr ccssively filled that see during the most part of this

CKHT. XI 1 1 . of Britain . 195

king's reign. First, Edmond [of Abingdon], trea-A.D. 126a.
purer of SaUsbury, bom, say some, in London, and"^""'''"'
christened in the same font with Thomas Becket.
My authorP makes him educated in University col-
lege in Oxford, a great scholar, and lover of learned
men. Reftising to consecrate Richard Wendover
bishop of Rochester because of his want of suffi-
ciency for such a function ; hereupon he incurred the
displeasure of Otho the pope's legate siding with
Wendover, (requiring no other qualification save
money to make a bishop,) and was enforced to
undertake a dangerous and expensive journey to
Rome, to his great damage, and greater disgrace,
being cast in his cause after the spending of a thou-
sand marks therein.

57. He took the boldness to tell the pope of his Sainted
extortion ; though little thereby was amended, death.
After his return he fell into the king's displeasure :

so that overpowered with his adversaries, aad circum-
vented with their malice, weary of his native country,
(the miseries whereof he much bemoaned,) he went
into volimtary banishment. He died and was buried
in France: and six years after (which I assure you
was very soon, and contrary to the modem custom)
was sainted by pope Innocent the Fourth: whose
body Lewis the Fourth king of France solemnly re-
moved, and sumptuously enshrined.

58. The other, Boniface by name^J, was only emi- Boniface

A worthless

nent on the accoimt of his high extraction, as imcle archbishop.
to the queen, and son of Peter earl of Savoy ; a hor-

P Godwin [De Praesul. An- elected 1 234, Trivet, p. 1 85,

glise, p. 90. See his life also and died in 1 240.]

in Parker's Antiq. Brit. p. 250. <1 [Elected 1 2 41, consecrated

and a sketch of his character 1245. ^^^ Parker, ib. p. 263.

in Trivet, p. 192. He was Godwin, p. 92.]

O 2

196 The Church History of Britain. book m.

A.D. i36i.rible scraper of money, generally hated, insomuch
' — Ithat he went his visitation, having a corriet on under
his episcopal habit ; which it seems was no more than
needs, the Londoners being so exasperated against him
that they threatened his death, had not he secured
himself by flight. Only he is memorable to posterity
for pajring two and twenty thousuid marks' debt of
his see (which his predecessors had contracted) for
building a fair hall at Canterbury, and a stately
hospital at Maidstone, which it seems was indicted
and found guilty of, and executed for superstition at
the dissolution of abbeys, (when it was valued at
above a hundred and fifty pounds of yearly revenue,)
being aliened now to other uses.

SECT. III.

TO

WILLIAM ROBINSON

OF

THE INWARD TEMPLE, ESQ.*

Sir Edward Coke was wont to say, that he never knew a
divine meddle with a matter of law^ but that therein he
committed some great error , and discovered gross ig^
norance. I presume you lawyers are better divines than
we divines are lawyers ; because indeed greater your
concernment in your precious souls y than ours in our
poor estates. Having therefore just cause to suspect my
own Judgment in this section^ wherein so much of law^ I
submit all to your Judgment to add, alter ^ expunge at

" [Arms; or^ a morion sa-
ble^ studded argent and or.
In the visitation of Herts by-
sir Richard^ St. George Cla-
rencieux^ 163 4, is the pedigree
of the family of Robinson of
Cheshunt bearing this coat, and
signed by William Robinson
then living. By it he appears
to have been the son of Peter
Robinson of London^ by his
wife Anne, daughter of Thomas

Marston, and to have married
Elizabeth, daughter of Richard
Burrell of London, by whom
he had three sons, Peter, Wil-
liam, and John^ and two daugh-
ters^ Jane and Elizabeth, all
living in T634. From the ear-
lier part of the pedigree it
appears that the family was a
branch of one formerly settled
at Little Bonld in the county
of Westmoreland. B.]

o3

198 The CkuTch Hutoiy book in.

fUature ; that j^ tny weak endeavours thaU appear
worthjf of a second impresfion, they majf come Jbrth
corrected with your emendations.

] UIET king Henry the Third, our Eng-
lish Nestor, {not for depth of brwns,
but length of life,) as who reigned
fifly-six years, in which term he buried
all his contemporary princes in Chrie-
tendom twice over. AH the months in a year may
in a manner be carved out of an April day, hot,
cold, dry, moist, fair, foul weather, being oft. pre-
sented therein. Such the character of this king's
life, certain only in uncertainty, sorrowful, succe^
fill,, in plenty, in penury, in wealth, in want, con-
quered, conqueror.
The im- 3. Yet the sun of his life did not set in a cloud,
<leMh,mnd but Went down in full lustre; a good token that the
^J^""^ next day would be feir, and his Bnceeesor prove for-
'"•^- tunate. He died at St. Edmund's Buiy, and though
a merciful prince ended his days in a necessary act
of justice, severely punishing some citizens of Nor-
wich for burning and pUlaging the priory therein*.
His corpse was buried at Westminster church
(founded and almost finished by him) with great

'[In the jeax 1273 some advanced in j^ears. proceeded
contention having arisen be- to Nonvicfa perBonally to take
tween the monks and citizens cognizance of their offences,
of Norwich, the latter were so Upon his return he fell sick at
enraged as to set 6re to the St. Edmond's-bury, and died
ancient and splendid cathedral in the 67th year of his age.
of that city. Not content with See Mat. Paris, p. 1008, and
this, they carried off the books. Trivet, p. 336, who is copied
restmenU, and sacred vessels W Thoni. Walsingham, p. 43.
which belonged to that cburcb. These authors give an interest-
King Henry HI., justly in- ing description of the manners
dignant at this outrage of the ana personal appearance of this
ratizens, though now greatly king]

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 199

solemnity, though prince Edward his son, as beyond a. a 1372.
the seas, was not present thereat. — ^ — .*

3. There cannot be a greater temptation to am-Theadvan-
bition to usurp a crown, than when it findeth a absent
vacancy on the throne, and the true heir thereof J^l^
absent at a great distance. Such an advantage at

this instant had the adversaries of prince Edward
(not as yet returned from Palestine) to put in, if so
minded, for the kingdom of England. And strange
it was, that no arrears of the former rebellion were
left, but all the reckonings thereof so fully dis-
charged, that no corrival did appear for the crown ;
but a general concurrence of many things befriended
prince Edward herein.

i. His father on his deathbed secured his son's
succession, as much as might be, by swearing the
principal peers unto him in his absence.

ii. The most active and dangerous military men
the prince had politicly carried away with him into
Palestine.

iii. Prince Edward his fame (present here in the
absence of his person) preserved the crown for him,
as due to him, no less by desert than descent.

The premises meeting with the love and loyalty
of many English hearts, paved the way to prince Ed-
ward his peaceable entrance without any opposition.

4. King Edward was a most worthy prince, coming Hisachiev-
oif with honour in all his achievements against Turk, llj^nst the
and Pope, and Jews, and Scots, and against whom- '^"'^•
soever he encountered^. For the Turks, he had
lately made a voyage against them, which being
largely related in our Holy war, we intend not here

to repeat. Only I will add, that this foreign expe-

^ [Trivet, I. p. 237.]
o 4

200 The Church History book hi.

A.D. i272.(]ition was politicly undertakeiL to rid the land of

lEdwardl. Y ^. ^ ^ . , 7 ,

many martiahsts, wherewith the late barons wars

had made it to abomid. These spirits thus raised,
though they could not presently be conjured down,
were safely removed into another room. The fiercest
mastiff dogs never fight one with another, whilst
they have either bull or bear before them to bait ;
the common foe employing that fiiry which other-
wise would be active against those of their own
kind. This diversion of the English soldiery gave a
vent to their animosities which otherwise would
have been mutually misspent amongst themselves.
The pope's 5. Great at this present was the pope's power in
^^in England, improving himself on the late tumultuous
England, (jj^eg^ and the easiness of king Henry his nature,
insomuch that within these last seven years ea? pleni-
tudine (or rather, ea? ahundantia et superfluitate) pot-
estatiSf he had put in two archbishops of Canterbury,
Robert Kilwardeby, and John Pecham, against the
minds of the monks, who had legally chosen others®.
Probably the third time would have created a right
to the pope, and his holiness hereafter prescribe it
as his just due, had not king Edward seasonably pre-
vented his encroachment, by moderating his power
in England, as hereafter shall appear. Meantime
we are called away on a welcome occasion, to behold
a grateful object, namely, the foundation of one of
the first and fairest colleges in Christendom.
Merton col- 6. For in this year Walter de Merton, bishop of
oSb^ Rochester, and chancellor of England, finished the

founded.

c [See Trivet, 235, and Par- stance a protestation was made

ker, De Antiquitat. Britan. p. by the king's clerk, ne amsi-

285 and 290. The first was milis electio trahatur in conse-

appointed in 1272, the second quentiam, Godw. 96.]

in 1278 : but in the first in-

CENT. XIII. o/BHtam. 901

college of his own name in Oxford •*. This Walter a. d. 1274.

was bom at Merton in Surrey, and at Maldon ini '

that county had built a college, which on second
thoughts (by God's counsel no doubt) he removed to
Oxford, as it seems for the more security; now if
the barons' wars, then (some fifteen years since) in
height, and heat, were as it is probable, any motiye
of this translation, it was one of the best effects
which ever so bad a cause produced ; for otherwise,
if not removed to Oxford, certainly this college had
been swept away, as rubbish of superstition, at the
dissolution of abbeys.

7. Amongst the many manors which the first a manor
founder bestowed on this college, one lay in the bridge
parish of St. Peter's and west suburb of Cambridge, ^^
beyond the bridge, anciently called Pythagoras
house, since Merton hall^. To this belongeth much
good land thereabout, (as also the mills at Grant-
chester mentioned in Chaucer,) those of Merton col-
lege keeping yearly a court baron here. Afterwards
king Henry the Sixth took away (for what default I
find not) this manor from them, and bestowed it
upon his own foundation of King's college in Cam-
bridged But his successor, Edward the Fourth, re-
stored it to Merton college again. It seemeth
equally admirable to me, that holy king Henry the
Sixth should do any wrong, or harsh Edward the
Fourth do any right to the muses, which maketh me
to suspect that there is more in the matter than
what is generally known, or doth publicly appear.

d [See Wood as before, p. 3. in Godwin, p. 531.]
According to whom the first « Brian Twyne's Ant. Acad,

foundation was A. D. 1264. Oxon. p. 319.
See also his epitaph, written by ^ Caius Hist. Cant. Acad.

sir H. Savile, printed at length p. 68.

9M

The Church Hutarjf

BOOK in.

A. D. 1274. 8. Sir Henry Savile, the most learned warden of

i .'this college, three hundred and more years after

monument Morton's death, plucked down his old tomb in

''"""•'^' Rochester church, (near the north wall, almost over

against the bishop's chair,) and built a neat new

monument of touch and alabaster, whereon after a

large inscription in prose, this epitaph was engraven.

Magne senex titulis, musarum sede saorata
Major, Mertonidum maxime progenie :

Hsec tibi gratantes post saecula sera nepotes
En votiva locant marmora, sancte parens.

And indeed malice itself cannot deny that this col-
lege (or little university rather) doth equal, if not
exceed any one foundation in Christendom, for the
famous men bred therein, as by the following cata-
logue will appear.

Wardens.

Bishopt,

Ben^aotort.

Pet. Abyngdon, [or de

Habendon.]
ia86. Rich WarUys-

don.
1295. Jo. de la More.
1390. J a. Wantinge.
1338. Rob. Treiige.
1357. Oiil. Durant.
1375. Jo. Bloxham.
1387. Jo. Wendover.
1398. £d. Beckyng.

ham.

14 16. Tho. Rudbume.

1417. Rob. Crylbert.
1433. Hen. Abingdon.
1438. Elias Holcot.
1455. Hen. Sever.
1471. Jo. Gygur.
1482. Ric. Fitz- James.
1507. Tho. Haq>er.

Rob. Winchelsey,
archbishop of
Canterbury,
anno 1294.

Simon Mepham,
archbishop of
Canterbury,
anno 1328.

Simon Islip, arch-
bishop of Can-
terbury, anno

1349-

John Kemp, arch-
bishop of Can-
terbury, anno
1452.

Ralph de Baldock,
bishop of Lon-
don, anno

1305-

John Willgott,
(bred in this col-
lege,) D. D. and
chancellor of
Oxford, founded
the Portionists*8r
hall, and exhi-
tions.

Will. Readh (an
excellent mathe-
matician) built
the library.

Thomas Rud-
bume, warden,
built the tower
over the gate.

Richard Fitz-
James, warden,
built the war-
den's lodgings.

Learned toriters.

Roger Bacon, a
famous mathe-
matician.

John Dims Soo-
tus.

Walter Burley.

William Ocham.

Tho. Bradwar-
dine, archbishop
of Canterbury.

John Oatisden.

[Jo.] Dumbleton.

Nichohis Oor-
rham.

William Gry-
sant, father to
Orimoald Ory-
sant,popebythe
name of Urban
the Fifth.

ST The same with postmasters.

^ [Bishop of Chichester in
1369: he gave, besides, a chest
with 100/. in gold to be bor-

rowed by the fellows for their
relief, upon a bond given. See
Godwin, 507.]

of Britain.

208

M.

iwlms.

hilips.

nber.

ndaL

lynolds.

vy».

I.

ckley.

vile.

fathanid

IdArd.

Bithopt.

Benrfaeton.

Henry Gower, bi-
thop of St. Da-
vid% anno 1 328.

WilUam Read, bi-
shop of Chicheii-
ter, anno 1369.

Robert Gilbert,
bishop of Lon-
don, anno 1436.

Thomas Rud-
bume, bishop of
St.David's,anno

Mas-
John Chadworth,

bishop of Lin-
coln, anno 1452.*

John Marshall, bi-
shop of Landaff,
anno 14.78.

Rich. Fitz-James,
bishop of Lon-
don, anno 1506.

William Sever,
bishop of Dur-
ham, anno 1502.

Richard Rawlins,
bishop ofSt. Da-
vid^ anno 1 523.

John Parkhurst,
bishop of Nor-
wich,annoi56o.

Thomas Bickley,
bishop of Chi-
chester, anno

1584.
George Carleton,
bishop of Chi-
chester, anno
1619.1^

Leamsd wriiert.

Henry Abingdon,
warden, gave
bells to the
church.

Richard Rawlins,
wainscoated the
inside, and co-
vered the roof
thereof withlead.

Thomas Leach.1

Sir Tho. Bodky.

Dr. Wilson.

Mr. John Cham-
ber, sometime
fellow of £a-
ton.m

Dr. [ Jac.] Jervys.
Dr. Jesop,

[M. D.]m
Sir Hen. Savil.

Roger Suiset.
John Widifie.

Henry Cuff, an
able schdar, but
unfortunate.

Sir Tho. Bodley,
who built Ox-
ford library.

Sir Henry Savile.

Sir Isaac Wake,
university ora-
tor, and ambas-
sador to Venice.

Henry Mason,
who worthily
wrote De Mm-
isterio Angli-
cano.

John Graves, an
excellent mathe-
matician.

Dr. Peter Turner,
active in com-
posing the new
statutes of the
university.

A. D. 1274.
3 Edward L

posely omit such as still (and may they long) The Kving
whereof some (as Dr. Edward Reynolds, Dr.PJ^^
Sari, Dr. Francis Cheynell, Mr. Doughty,
tmeis Rous, &c.) have already given the
. testimony of their great learning and endow-

was provost also of
oUege in Cambridge,
ty-four in all, to the
I , according to Wood.]
ed, by Wood, James
iometime fellow. He

gave 200 volumes to the li-
brary, and 200/. to buy land
in Cheshire for fellows from
that county, about the year

1SB9.]
™ [Both formerly fellows.]

204 The Church Hisimy book hi.

A.D. i274.ineot8. Others may in due time, as Dr. Higgs, late
3 Edward r ^^^ ^^ Lichfield, Dr. Corbet, &c. And sorely Mr.

John Hales i^, formerly Greek professor, will not en^
Christian mankind his treasury of learning; nor can
conceive, that only a sermon (owned under his
name) can satisfy the just expectation from him of
the church and commonwealth.
The on- There is a by-foundation of postmasters in this
^Ist- house, (a kind of college in the college,) and this
"■***^ tradition goeth of their original. Anciently there
was over against Merton college a small unendowed
hall, whose scholars had so run in arrears, that their
opposite neighbours out of cliarity took them into
their college (then but nine in number) to wait on
the fellows. But since they are freed fit)m any
attendance, and endowed with plentiful maintenance,
Mr. Willet being the first benefactor unto them in
that nature, whose good example hath provoked
many to follow his liberality. These most justly
conceive themselves much honoured, in that bishop
Jewel was a postmaster before removed hence to be
fellow of Corpus Christi college. We take our fare-
well of this house, when we have told it consisted
lately (viz. 1635.) of one warden, twenty-one fellows,
fourteen scholars ^ besides oflScers and servants of
the foundation, with other students, the whole
/ number being eighty.

the church 9. Como WO uow to the king's retrenching the

up the com- pope's power, grown so exorbitant in England. A

monweaith. principal part whereof consisted in the multitude of

monasteries, daily increasing in wealth, and all at

the pope's absolute devotion. If posterity had con-

•nQThe ever-memorable John and Wood's Athen. ii. p. 199.]
Hales of Eaton. See Walker's ^ The same I conceive with
Sufferings of the Clergy, p. 93, the postmasters. [Certainly.]

CENT. XIII. of Britain, SOS

tmued at this rate to build and endow religious a.d. 1375.

houses, all England would in short time have turned 1 '.

one entire and continued monastery; and the in-
habitants thereof become either friars or founders.
Where then should be any soldiers to fight the
king's battles ? seamen to steer his ships ? husband-
men to plough the king's land ? or rather any land
of his to be ploughed by husbandmen ?

10. Besides, though these friars had a living hand, The mis.
to take and receive from any, they had mortmain, a mortmain
dead hand, to restore and return any profit to the^^®
king again. Yea, such alienation of lands in mort-
main, settled on monasteries, (which as corporations
neither married nor died,) affoided neither wards,
marriages, relieft, nor knight's-service, for the de-
fence of the realm ; in a word, enriched their private
coffers, impoverished the public exchequer. It was

not therefore such a dead hand which could feed so
many living mouths as the king for his state and
safety must maintain. Wherefore for the future he
restrained such unlimited donatives to religious
houses.

11. Ignorance makes many men mistake mere This law
tranflcripts for originals. So here, the shortsighted ^tT;^!'"'
vulgar sort beheld the king's act herein as new,
strange, and imprecedented, whereas indeed former

times and foreign princes had done the like on the
same occasion. First, we find some countenance for
it in scripture P, when Moses by proclamation bounded
the overflowing bounty of the people to the taber-
nacle. And in the primitive times Theodosius the
^nperor (although most loving and favourable to the
clergy) made a law of a mortisation, or mortmain, to
moderate people's bounty to the church. Yet a

P Exod. xxxvi. 6.

206 The Church Hutcry book hi.

A.D. 1275 great father, Jerome by name, much disliked this

' act, as appears by his complaint to NepotianP of that

law : ^^ I am ashamed to say it, the priests of idols,
'* stage-players, coachmen, and conmion harlots, are
^* made capable of inheritance, and receive l^acies,
^^ only ministers of the gospel, and monks are barred
" by law thus to do ; and that not by persecutors,
" but by Christian princes," But that passionate
father comes ofiF well at last ; ** Neither do I com-
^ plain of the law, but I am sorry we have deserved
** to have such a law made against us."
Ambrow 12. St. Ambroso^ likewise expresseth much anger
moitmain. ou the Same occasion, out of his general zeal for the
church's good. But, had the aforesaid fathers (men
rather pious than politic ; good churchmen, no states-
men) seen the monasteries swollen in revenues from
an inch in their days to an ell (by people's fondness,
yea dotage, on the four sorts of fiiars) in king Ed-
ward's reign, they would, no doubt, instead of re-
proving, have conunended his and the neighbouring
king's care for their commonwealths.
The statute 13. For the like laws for limiting men's liberality
nM^^. were lately made in Spain and France, and now at
last followed by king Edward, according to the tenor
ensuing :

" Where of late it was provided, that religious
" men should not enter into the fees of any without
" license and will of the chief lord of whom such
" fees be holden immediately : and notwithstanding
" such religious men have entered as well into their
« own fees, as into the fees of other men. approprying
" and buying them, and sometime receiving them of

P [S. Hieronyni. Opera, iv. p. 260. ed. Ben.]
q In his 31st Epist.

«

c£NT«xiii. of Britain. 207

" the gift of others, whereby the services that are a.d. 1^79.

** due of such fees, and which at the beginning were \ :

" provided for defence of the realm, are wrongfully
** vtdthdrawn, and the chief lords do leese their
*• eschetes of the same ; we therefore to the profit of
our realm intending to provide convenient remedy,
by the advice of our prelates, earls, barons, and
other our subjects, being of our council, have pro-
vided, made, and ordained, That no person, religious
or other, whatsoever he be, that will buy or sell
any lands or tenements, or under the colour of
gift or lease, or that will receive by reason of any
" other title, whatsoever it be, lands or tenements,
or by any other craft or engine will presume to
appjpopre to himself, under pain of forfeiture of
the same, whereby such lands or tenements may
" any wise come into mortmain. We have provided
" also, that if any person, religious or other, do pre-
" sume either by craft or engine, to offend against
" this statute ; it shall be lawftd to us and other
" chief lords of the fee immediate to enter into the
« land so aliened, within a year from the time of
^^ their alienation, and to hold it in fee, as an
" inheritance. And, if the chief lord immediate
" be negligent, and will not enter into such fee
" within the year, then it shall be lawftil to the next
** chief lord immediate of the same fee, to enter into
" the said land within half a year next following,
" and to hold it as before is said ; and so every lord
" immediate may enter into such land, if the next
" lord be negligent in entering into the same fee, as
" is aforesaid. And if all the chief lords of such
" fees being of ftiU age, within the four seas, and out
" of prison, be negligent or slack in this behalf, we
" immediately after the year accomplished, from the

906 The Church Hisiary book hi.

i.D. 1379. ^ time that such purchases, gifts or appropriations hi^

-' ^^ to be made, shall take such lands and tenements

** into our hand, and shall infeoff other therein, by
" certain services to be done to us, for the defence of
** our realm, saving to the chief lords of the same
^* fees, their wards and eschetes, and other services
** thereunto due and accustomed. And therefore we
^^ command you, that ye cause the foresaid statute to
** be read before you, and from henceforth to be kept
** firmly and observed.

** Witness myself at Westminster, &ccJ"^

Date we from this day the acme or vertical height
of abbeys, which henceforward began to stand still,
and at last to decline. Formerly it was endow mo-
nasteries who would, hereafter, who could, having
first obtained license from the king. Yet this law
did not ruin, but regulate, not destroy, but direct
well grounded liberality, that bounty to some mi^t
not be injury to others. Here I leave it to lawyers
by profession to shew how many years after (viz. the
eighteenth of Edward the Third) prelates impeached
before the king's justices for purchasing lands in
mortmain, shall be dismissed without ftirther trouble,
upon their producing a charter of license, and process
thereupon made, by an inquest, ad qtiod damnum^ or
(in case that cannot be shewed) by making a conve-
nient fine for the same.

14. The late mention of the prelates' advice, in
passing a law so maleficial unto them, giveth me
just occasion to name some, the principal persons of
the clergy, present thereat ; namely,

i. John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, a
stout man. He afterwards excommunicated the
prince of Wales, because he went a long journey to

r r Authentic Collection of the Statutes, I. p. 51.]

€Kirr. XIII. €f Britain. 909

penmade him to peace with E^land. but could not a. d. 1176.
prevails- ^^^'

ii. William Wickwane, archbishop of York, ac-
ooonted a great scholar, (author of a book called
Memoriale,) and esteemed a petty saint in that age'.

iii. Anthony Beake, soon after bishop of Durham*;
the richest and proudest (always good manners to
except cardinal Wolsey) of that place; patriarch
titular of Jerusalem, and prince of the Isle of Man.
Yet in my mind Gilbert Sellinger, his contemporary,
and bishop of Chichester, had a far better title, as
commonly called the father of orphans, and com-
forter of the widows*.

These, with many more bishops, consented (though
some of them resorbentes suam bilem as inwardly
angry) to the passing or confirming of the statute of
mortmain. To make them some amends, the king
not long after favourably stated what causes should
be of spiritual cognizance.

15. For a parliament was called at Westminster, a. d. 1^85.
eminent on this account, that it laid down the limits, ntuai and
and fixed the boimdaries betwixt the spiritual and^^lj^
temporal jurisdictions. Hitherto shall you come ^^d^^^^^^l

q [** John Peckham, arch- " all which I received at the

" bishop of Canterbury, after •* hands of Dr. Gale, when he

*' he had visited his whole pro- '* was dean of the arches."

*' vince, considering the great Stow*s Chron. p. 201.]
'• wars between the king and *" [See Bale's Scriptores, x.

" Leoline [prince of the Welch], 72, and Godwin, de Praesul.

** he travelled for the appeasing Angliae, p. 682.]
"thereof first to the king, » [In 1283. See Trivet,

being at Rutland, then to the p. 261.]

prince, being at London ; t [The only account I can

*' which his whole travail there- find of the prelate is in Mat.

" in, with the grief and causes of Westminster, in a. 1306,

" of those wars, be particularly and he is there called Gilberlus

" set down word by word in de Sancto Leapardo.'}

€t

the said archbishop's records,

FULLER, VOL. II.

IIL

-J

both powen

hiar^t '^vaisA^^Ain^ i0> ealars^ tbeir own, and oontnct

sszhficsT. We viD jgeaent first tiie

die EngiJKh oat

oc 4Gr pcfaceit ^ggrffiys

:jni Lt

us .*a

h

pauj

srv li

Us

Iteac. 5i rrrfor p«r4Bf rcratt
parocJuamos Maitiomef, €t de^
ctMUis JMims fW omsm^ta*^ tW
xt rtricr «s«# OM/m nrlormi
^^ decimis wut^oribms^ rW st-
»ori&«Xy dm mm todo mom peiatmr
qmaria pars raioris ecciesut.

Item. 5f nrrfor picimi mtor-

*T)

kiBg to Ills joiff»

g,mtiiig. Use jovF-

jinsIlBiU

tLebiilioprf

sad his deigy^iiot

if tliejbold

of

fiBck&ziesssbe mere spirit-
■aL dot k to wit, of pensDoe
a^ocned brpffdstes for dead-

•«

««

««

jad sodi like ; for the idiidi

penance
pecunisry is
speosllr if a firee
Baa be eonTict of audi things.
"^ Also if pstdates do pnnisli
for learii^ dmichTard oo-
doaedfOr for that the dinidi
is mtm e i ed, or not oonTe-
nimtlT dedoed, in idiidi
caies none other penance can
be enjained bat peconiaiy.
"' lifwi^ If a parson demand
of his parishioners oblations
and tithes dne and accus-
tomed ; or if any parson do
sue i^ainst another parRon
for tithes, greater or smaller^
so that the fourth part of
the ralne of the benefice be
not demanded.
'* liewi. If m parson demand

'

CBKT« Xill.

of Britain.

«11

U$arium in partihus uhi mor-
tuarium dart consuevit.

Item, Si pralaius alicujus
ecclesiip, vel advocatus petal a
reciore pensionem sibi debitam,
omnes hujusmodi peliliones sunt
faciend. in foro ecclesiasiico.
I}e violenta manuum injectione
in clericum, et in causa diffa-
mationis concessum fuit alias,
quod placitum inde teneatur in
curia Christianitatis, cum non
petatur pecuniae sed agalur ad
correctionem peccati, et simi'
Uter pro Jidei lasione. In
omnibus pradictis casibus ha^
het judex ecclesiasticus cogno-
scere regia prohibitione non
obstante^.

«

«

tc

€€

<i

mortuaries in places where a A.D. 1285.
mortuary hath been used to '^ ^' '
be given.

** Item, If a prelate of a
church, or the patron demand
'* of a person a pension due to
*' him, all such demands are
to be made in a spiritual
court. And for laying vio-
" lent hands on a clerk, and
" in cause of defamation, it
" hath been granted already,
" that it shall be tried in a
spiritual court when money
is not demanded, but a thing
done^ for punishment of sin,
and likewise for breaking an
" oath. In all cases afore re-
" hearsed, the spiritual judge
" shall have power to take
** knowledge notwithstanding
" the king's prohibition."

Cf

tt

tc

St

Something must be premised about the validity
of this writing, learned men much differing therein.
Some make it,

1. Only a constitution made by the prelates them-
selves ; much to blame if they cut not large pieces,
being their own carvers.

ii. A mere writ issued out from the king to his
judges.

iii. A solemn act of parliament, complete in all
the requisites thereof.

Hear what a Bacon" (but neither sir Nicholas nor

* [Rather; but the suit is
prosecuted.']

▼ [Coke's Instit. part ii. p.
487. ed. 1642. Lyndewode's
Prov. lib. ii. f. 49 b. Auth.

Collection of the SS. I. loi.]

» Mr. Nath. Bacon, in his
Hist. Dis. of the Government
of England, part i. p. 233. [ed.
1647.]

P 2

21S The Church History book lu.

A.D. 1385. sir Francis, the two oracles of law) writes in this
'^ ^' ' case ; " A writing somewhat like a grant of libertiefl,
" which beforetimes were in controversy ; and this
^^ grant (if it may be so called) hath by continuance
^' USURPED the name of a statute, but in its own na-
" ture is no other than a writ directed to the judges."
Presently after he saith, " It is therefore neither
" grant, nor release, but as it were a covenant that

the clergy shall hold peaceable possession of what

they had, upon this ground." And in the next
page more plainly ; for my part therefore I shall not
apprehend it of a higher nature than the king^s writ,
which in those days " went forth at random.**
•hidge 16. Come we now to the calm judgment of sir

dsion. Edward Coke, on whose decision we may safely
rely; ^^ Though some have said that this was no
" statute, but made by the prelates themselves, yet
^' that this is an act of parliament, it is proved, not
" only by our books, but also by an act of parlia-
" ment^.**

17. The king to his judges^ Were it of concern-
ment, it were not diflScult to name the prime judges
of England at this time : viz.

i. In the king's, or upper bench, either Ralph de
Hengham, or (which is more probable) one Wym-
borne wa« judge.

ii. In the common pleas, Thomas de Weyland, on
that token that he was guilty of bribery.

iii. In the exchequer, Adam de Stratton, as faulty
as the former^.

But by the judges named in this writ (for as this
was an act of parliament, so was there a writ also

V Institut. ib. p. 487. ^ [Of these judges, see Stow, p. 204.]

CBNT. XIII. of Britain. 218

founded thereon, called circumspecte agaiis) we under- a. d. 1 285.
stand some peculiar commissioners dispatched and ^ — ^^
employed on this particular business.

18* Concerning the bishop of NormcK] It is need-
less to tell the reader that William Middleton was
bishop thereof at this time, charactered to be vir in
jure civili et canonico peritissimtis et elegantissimus^.
But Norwich is here put only for example, which
equally extended to all the bishops of the realm.

19. Si placitum t&ntwrint^ " if they hold plea,"]
Placitum^ a plea so called, saith my author, per an^
Hphrasin^ quia non placet y; none being pleased to go
to law save barreters, who delight in brangling.
But what if it be called placitum^ because the plain-
tiff is pleased to submit his right in question to the
pleasMte of the court to decide it ?

20. In court Christian'] These words are left out
in Lyndewode his constitutions, where all the rest is
registered. And, where the recording thereof
amongst the provincial canons of Canterbury gave
the best countenance to their conjecture, who de-
grade this act of parliament into a mere church-con-
stitution. It is called the court Christian, because
therein the laws of Christ do or should bear the de-
cisive sway, whilst the statutes of secular princes
regulate the proceedings in other courts.

21. Such things as be merely spiritual'] This fiir-
nisheth us with a necessary distinction of all
matters ;

Into merely and purely spiritual.
Into mixtly and partly spiritual.

* Chronicoii.Osniense. [MS. y Lyiidewode's Provinciale,
quoted by Godwin, De Praesul. ib.
P- 432.]

p3

S14 The Church Higianf book hi.

A.D. iiS.c.Of the former we shall find yeiy few merely roi-

— — ritual. For the apostles sometimes conceiyed that

the very distribution of alms to the poor had some-
thing of worldly drossiness therein, (called by them
serving of tables^) as if only the preaching of the
word were a spiritual employment. Of the latter
sort many things are mixtly spiritual. For, seeing
man consists of two principles, soul and body, all his
actions good or bad, as to the mind-moiety or soul
part thereof, must needs have at least a glance of
spiritual reflection. Here then the query will be in
matters mixtly spiritual, whether the spirituality of
them shall refine the rest so as to exalt the same
into church-cognizance ; or the corporality, or earth-
liness of them, depress them so as to subject them to
civil consideration; the decision hereof dependeth
on the practice and custom of the land, as will appear
hereafter.

22. For deadly siri] Distinguish we here betwixt
a sin deadly to the soul, drawing damnation without
repentance, and a deadly (commonly called a capital)
crime, deserving death by human laws. The former
only is here intended, the latter belonging wholly to
the common law. Nor did the punishment of every
mortal sin (to use the language of that age) belong to
churchmen, seeing if so (as Lyndewode no less learn-
edly than modestly confesseth) sic periret temporalis
gladii jurisdiction " thereby the power of the tem-
" poral sword will wholly be taken away." Long
since had doctors' commons eaten up all the inns of
court, if all things reducible to deadly sins had per-
tained to the court Christian. And therefore the

2 Acts vi. 2.

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 216

casuists themselves do qualify and confine these a. 0.1^85.

words of indefinite extent, to such crimes, which de 11 lU.

sui natura spectant ad forum ecclesiasticum.

23. As first fornication] Here, saith Lyndewode,
thirteen cases are in specie recited, though I dare
not reckon them up, fearing to make them (lying so
confusedly) moe or less. Fornication, that is, saith
die casuist, soluti cum soluta, the uncleanness of a
loose (imderstand unmarried) with a loose person.

24. Adulter^/] These two alone are specified, be-
cause lying in a middle distance, so the more conve-
niently to reach other sins of this kind, of higher or
lower guilt ;

i. Higher, as incest.

ii. Lower, as soliciting a woman's chastity.
If any say that adultery doth not belong to the
court Christian, because Christ himself would not
punish an adulteress taken in the act^, waving it as
an improper employment ; it is answered, that our
Saviour appearing in privacy and poverty, and coming
not to act but to suffer, not to judge but be judged,
justly declined all judicial power. But we see after-
ward how the church of Corinth, by St. Paul his
command, proceeded against the incestuous person,
and at this time churchmen cleanly carried the cog-
nizance of such offences. I say at this time, it
plainly appearing that in the Conqueror's time forni-
cation and adultery were punishable in the king's
court, and the leets especially, by the name of
letherwite, and the fines of offenders assessed to the
king, though now it merely belonged to the church.
As for a rape, being adultery, or, at leastwise, fomi-

■^ Johu viii. 4, 1 1 .
P 4

216 TV

m.

i.D. isfef-otioa oflned witli imlenee, the eommon law hath

!f — jnstlr reserred to haelf the trial and pmiisiiiiMot

thereof.

25. Amd smek Idee] Here is an iiit«|H!etatiTe
et caetera insefted in the bodr of a pariiam^it aet
(and a writ groonded theiem) cansin^ some dil-
ferenees about the dimenrions thereof. For if thett
words, and sttck Uke^ relate only to the last firae-
going, fornication and adultery, (in common ooh
struction most probable,) then they <mly fetch in
such oifences which ha^e scnne tincture of caiml
uncleanness. But, if they also refer to the mediate
preceding words, deadly sitis^ behold a troop cometk,
beyond our power exactly to numbo* them. And
here foreign casuists bring in a bundle of mortal
sins, all grist for their own mill, as of churdi-cogiii-
zance ; namely, sacril^^e, usury, heresy, simony, per-
jury, fortune-telling, consulting astrologers, drunken-
ness, &c. But it matters not how long and large
their bills be from beyond the seas, seeing our com-
mon law brings their reckonings to a new account,
de&lking a great part of that measure which they
make to themselves in favour of church-juris-
diction.

26. For that the church is uncovered^ It belonged
ever to the priests to provide for the decent repar
ration of God's house. Thus Jehoiada^ was careful
to amend the decays of the people. But though it
pertained to churchmen to see the thing done, yet
several persons were to do it.

i. The steeple with the body of the church, and
all chapels lying in common thereunto, are to be re-
paired at the joint cost of the parish.

*> 2 Chron. xxiv.

c£KT. XIII. o/Britaw. 217

ii. Private chapels wherein particular persons a. d. 1285.

i3£dw I.

claim a propriety of sepulture at their own charges. —

iii. The chancel at the expense of the parson.

However, in all these such respect is had to the
custom of the place, time out of mind, that it often
ovemileth the premises. Query, whether the fences
of the churchyard be to be made on the parish
charges, or on the purse of the several persons
whose ground surroundeth it, or abutteth on the
same.

Oldations and tithes] It is a question which I
believe will never be decided to the contentment of
both parties, in what notion tithes belong to the
court Christian.

]. The Canonists maintain. That originally and e^
ma natura^ they are of ecclesiastical cognizance, as
commonly avouched, and generally believed due,
jure divino. Besides, such the near relation of the
church and its maintenance, that to part the oil
from the lamp were to destroy it. They produce
also the confession in the statute of the first of
Richard the Second, That pursuit for tithes ought,
and of ancient time did pertain to the spiritual
court ^.

ii. The common Lawyers defend. That tithes in
their own nature are a civil thing, and therefore by
Britton (who being bishop of Hereford, and learned
in the laws of this realm, was best qualified for an
unpartial judge herein) omitted, when treating of
what things the church hath cognizance. They
affirm therefore that tithes were annexed to the
spirituality. Thus they expound those passages in

c Hractoii, v. 2. p. 40 r. (^ed. 1569.]

218

The Church HUiartf

BOOK III.

A.D. 1385. statutes of tithes, anciently belonging to court
— — ^^ Christian, as intended by way of concession, and not
otherwise.

But the canonists are too sturdy to take that for
a gift which they conceive is their due, lest thanks
also be expected from them for enjoying the same;
and so we leave the question where we found it.

27. Mortuary] Because something of history is
folded up in this word which may acquaint us with
the practice of this age, we will enlarge a little
hereon, and shew what a mortuary was, when to be
paid, by whom, to whom, and in what consideration.

i. A mortuary* was the second best quick cattle
whereof the party died possessed. If he had but
two in all, (such forsooth the charity of the church,)
no mortuary was due from him.

ii. It was often bequeathed by the dying, but how-
ever always payed by his executors after his death,
thence called a mortuary or corse-present®.

iii. By whom. No woman under covert-baron
was liable to pay it, (and by proportion no children

d Lyndewode*8 Provinciale,
cap. de Consuetudine, lib. i. f.
1 1, [ed. Paris, 1505. See also
Gibson's Codex, p. 709. ed.
176J.]

e [Upon the term corse-pre-
sents bishop Gibson observes,
that if it was *^ the same with a
** mortuary, the reason of the
** name may be seen in Lynde-
*' wode's Commentary upon
" the Constitution of Langham
*' [here quoted], viz. that it
" used to be carried to the
'* church with the dead corpse;*'

and Mr. Selden* quotes an
ancient record, where it is re-
cited that a horse was present
at the church the same day in
the name of a mortuary, &c.,
and that the parson received
him according to the custom of
the land and of holy church.
But sir William Dugdalet, and
after him bishop Stillingfleet^,
have shewn and affirmed that
the corse-present was properly
the voluntary oblations which
were usually made at fune-
rals.]

* On Tythes, p. 287. f Warwickshire, p. 470. X Eccl. Cas. I. i. p. 248.

csNT.xiii. of Britain. S19

nmnarried living under their father's tuition,) but a. 0.1185.

widows, and all possessed of an estate, were subject —

to the payment thereof.

iv. To whom. It was paid to the priest of the
parish where the party dying received thie sacrament,
(not where he repaired to prayers,) and if his house
at his death stood in two parishes, the value of the
mortuary was to be divided betwixt them both.

v. It was given in lieu of small or personal tithes
(predial tithes are too great to be casually forgotten)
which the party in his lifetime had, through igno-
rance or negligence, not fiilly paid. But in case the
aforesaid mortuary fell far short of full satisfaction
for such omissions, casuists maintain the dying party
obliged to a larger restitution.

So much of mortuaries as they were generally paid
at the present, until the time of Henry the Sixth,
when learned Lyndewode wrote his comment on
that constitution. How mortuaries were after re-
duced to a new regulation by a statute, in the
twenty-first of Henry the Eighth, pertains not to our
present purpose.

28. For laying violent hands on a priest^ The ec-
clesiastical judge might proceed ea? officio^ and pro
salute animiBj punish the offender who offered vio-
lence to a priest ; but damages on action of battery
were only recoverable at common law: note, that
the arresting of a clergyman by process of law is not
to be counted a violence.

29. And in case of defamation^ Where the matter
defamatory is spiritual, as to call one heretic, or
schismatic, &c. the plea lay in court Christian. But
defamations with mixture, any matter determinable

220 The Church History book iii.

A.D. 1385. in the common law, as thief, murderer, &c. are to be

traversed therem.

30. Defamation^ it hath been granted^ From this
word granted, common lawyers collect (let them
alone to husband their own right) that originally
defamations pertained not to the court Christian.
From the beginning it was not so, until the common
law by acts of parliament granted and surrendered
such suits to the spirituality.

No end can 31. Thus by this act and writ of drcumspecte

end BTi 6ver>

lasting dif> agatis, king Edward may seem like an expert artist^
erence. ^^ clcave a hair, betwixt the spiritual and temporal
jurisdiction, allowing the premises to the former,
and leaving whatever is not specified in this act to
the cognizance of the common law, according to the
known and common maxim, Ea^ceptio firmat regtdam
in non ea^ceptis. However, for many years after
there was constant heaving and shoving betwixt the
two courts. And as there are certain lands in the
marches of England and Scotland (whilst distinct
kingdoms) termed debatable-grounds, which may
give for their motto, not dentur justiori, but dentur
fortiori^ for alway the strongest sword for the present
possessed them : so in controversial cases to which
court they should belong ; sometimes the spirituality,
sometimes the temporality alternately seized them
into their jurisdiction, as power and favour best be-
friended them. But generally the clergy complained,
that as in the blending of liquors of several colours
few drops of red will give a tincture to a greater
quantity of white, so the least mixture of civil con-

^ See more iiereof on Articuli Cleri, in the reign of Edward
tlie Second.

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 91X1

eemment in religious matters so discolourated the a. d. 1385.
Christian candour and purity thereof, that they ap- ^^
peered in a temporal hue, and under that notion
were challenged to the common law. Sad, when
courts that should be judges turn themselves plain-
tifi& and defendants about the bounds of their juris-
diction. ^

32. We long since mentioned the first coming in a. d. h^o.
of the Jews into England, (brought over by William to the en-
the Conqueror,) and now are come this year to their J|^^^^
easting out of this kingdom ; having first premised ^^ '^^^'
some observables concerning their continuance
therein. If hitherto we have not scattered our
history with any discourse of the Jews, know it done
by design : that as they were enjoined by our laws
to live alone in streets by themselves, (not mixing in
their dwellings with Christians,) so we purposely
singled out their story, and reserved it by itself for
this one entire relation thereof.

83. They were scattered all over England. InTh«rpnn-

cipal resi-

Cambridge, Bury, Norwich, Lynn, Stamford, North- dence in
ampton, Lincoln, York, and where not ? But their
principal abode was in London, where they had their
aich-synagogue at the north comer of the Old
Jewry, as opening into Lothbury. After their ex-
pulsion their synagogue was turned into the convent
of the Friars of the Sack, or, De Pcenitentia Jesu ;
and after their suppression it became successively
the house, first of a lord, then of a merchant ; since
of any man for his money, being turned into a
tavern, with the sign of the Windmill®. A proper

® Stow's Survey of London^ obtain notice in England,
p. 288. [The Friars of the Stow's Chron. p. 205.]
Sack began about this time to

BOOI III.

^_x nc:. *Bcs '^» ''^iifa^ iiK nifiQiiilflfieBE of that place,
ZL^crz TTZZL ^^'v^sL naut!^ f c ^mroetf faalh been turned

iwiiss. and to fo mmoT uses.
-^rrL jyi<v*nnfient of Jews in Eng-
aow ^3t- iZ3c 'wT oTe: Tiiffrr «Bie pnnripal officer,
aLr-L ifc u^rr^er ir iiif^ Jeirs. wbose place in
3.''i?»''£r ^afe- arxr i» lit^ lairfra^ irf the exchequer'.
11?- -ar^ v;%^ ^« te :xzi£ lacTini and piotector of the
::: ^zaer* n^ Tyips. 7r oadoe all suits betwixt
j:^ a!t£ iiien«. anc 74' kfiE^ the seal of the
:3t*r ^r^iac»aL vii ^ie te^ rf their trea-
^iir- •^■jc^'T^ ir sai mnnif^ s^ iher paid as tri-

'jLi^ x» irt ^ng rtanimse lie Jews had age
/pir-iir^ •' ii-^*'^ Tit kf^ rtf zjmsst own cofl&rs them-
es* -i.^ ST.. irr ^.1- marx n ms than with others.
>r fc.w*T kt: 3rj^. aiiL sr ridi^i LoveL (afterward
't f^'c^uiiu. mfa re iociial nobility, sue-
.* V- .:s:*iu'r?:»i :ai5!' 7iiari£- l^iese justicers often

dL'V'v i— ::^ ii i^^fcocM rtf xbisr cBents the Jews ;
-,->v js-^i^-i as- . Tu**- r rvatnibane^ cc br the Elnglish
'»;.'^ sa- a C^tc ,7n;^!^aairi'^, xittii when a Jew was
*.u^t:.^*'-tiK X:^»'<ti oit; ^r:^'S>fe!Cis&l Tod^ for his mis-
1 .^rv ^jfe^ iairrdi^^ xifufaicie olfeied to some
aututu^^ v:ta «. C^CKCiBi: wv-^man, &o.) their
.^v.i u:^^i*L^ vr.uiu: nOifaMise. acno. hf a prohibition
vs;3&ii^^ rt»tfi :;i«; i:]]^^ lOKTOR aS lesal jnoceedings
:^);^i4^ ?<iKa 4 *V«^ j^ ifDX sK^vnble in his own

V:*A*.< ^iajOrff* ic ^"Vf*!^ JT 5fei*w^"« Sarreyof Lon-

,x X^wxv-*-' ^ ^v- ^ -^^* ^ ^^ BOKWUttt of Cole-

,x^ mjii.,acr«« ward, irhere the

• *Iv**>ft**---*5* X-AOi-i-? ?^ A*nrv v!ff* f^iiedy situated.

.s^v^>*>v - V- ?*^Tiiif * R<onrd*, toI. III.,

^ S^^ X ,v»: ><f •* "iw *»t X%r. r*«*T's Anglia Ju-

*^vv*ix5^ ^*,K.tv^*^ »t^« iw^ ^cr inmaoii Kadi iirfbrmatioii

CENT. XIII. of Britain. 228

85. In their spiritual government they were ^.U^.D-i^^o.
under one pontifex, or high priest. We find his
name was Elias who anno 1254 had that office. Hepnest, or
was also called the presbyter of the Jews, whose SiTjewI
place was usually confirmed at least, if not consti-
tuted by the king, who by his patent granted the
same, as may appear by this copy of king John's, as
followeth :

" Johannes Dei gratia, &c. omnibus fidelibus suis,
" et omnibus etiam Judaeis Anglise salutem. Sciatis
nos concessisse, et praesenti charta nostra confir-
masse Jacobo Judaeo de Londoniis presbytero
" Judaeorum presbjiieratum omnium Judaeorum to-
tius Angliae, habendum et tenendum quamdiu vix-
erit, libere et quiete, et honorifice, et integre, ita
quod nemo ei super hoc molestiam aliquam, aut
gravamen inferre praesumat : quare volumus et
" firmiter prsecipimus, quod eidem Jacobo quoad vix-
erit presbyteratum Judaeorum per totam Angliam,
garantetis, manuteneatis, et pacifice defendatis;
" et si quis ei super eo forisfacere praesumserit, id ei
" sine dilatione salva nobis emenda nostra, de foris-
" &ctura nostra, emendari faciatis, tanquam dominico
" Judaeo nostro, quem specialiter in servitio nostro
retinuimus. Prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se
pertinente ponatur in placitum, nisi coram nobis,
aut coram capitali justicia nostra, sicut charta regis
" Richardi, fratris nostri, testatur. Teste S. Batho-
niensi episcopo &c. Dat. per manum H. Cantuari-

it
ii

€i

it

ti
a
it

tt

for the history of the Jews in enactments by which they were
this country, and of the legal affected.]

2S4

The Chttrch History

BOOK IlL Is

A. D. 1290.^^ ensis archiepiscopi cancellarii nostri, apud Rotho- 1^
^' ' " magum 81 die Julii, anno regni nostri primo^"

<c

Jewi

griping

UAirers.

I have transcribed this patent the rather for the
rarity thereof, it being a strange sight to see a
Christian archbishop date an instrument for a JeTrish
presbyter.

86. Their livelihood was all on usury. One verse
in Deuteronomy^ (with their comment thereon) was
more beneficial unto them than all the Old Testa-
ment besides. Unto a stranger thou mayest lend
upon usury ^ but unto thy brother thou shaU not lend
upon usury. Now interpreting all strangers who
(though neighbours at the next door) were not of
their own nation, they became the universal usurers
of all England ; and did our kingdom this courtesjr,
that because all hated the Jews for their usury's sake,
all also hated usury for the Jews' sake; so that
Christians generally disdained to be guilty thereof.
Now, seeing there are two ways to wealth, one long
and sure, by saving at home, the other short, but
not so certain, (because probably it may meet with

i Rot. Chart, i Job. part i.
mem. 28. [Printed in Hardy's
Charter Rolls^ p. 6. See another
document of the same nature
in the Foedera* I. 95.]

^ Deut. xxiii. 20. [In a
parliament held at Westmin-
ster in the commencement of
this king's reign, they were
forbidden to take usury; and
besides other indignities, were
ordered for distinction sake to
wear a tablet the breadth of a
palm on their outer garments.

Stow's Chron. p. 20c. In the
year 1278 two hundred and
sixty-seven of them were exe-
cuted fbr clipping coin^ and in
1282 archbishop Peckham de-
stroyed all their synagogues.
In 1 287 all the Jews were ap-
prehended by the king's order,
and redeemed themselves for
1 2,000 pounds silver ; and two
years after were banished the
couutry to the number of
15,060 persons. See Stow's
Chronicle in the various years.]

CENT. XIII. of Britam, 2S5

detection and punishment,) by oppressing abroad, noA.D 1290.

wonder if the Jews, using both ways, quickly arrived I !!l_l

at vast estates.

37. For, first for their fare, it was coarse in the Their rapa-

ciousneu

quality, and yet slender in the quantity thereof, and tena-
Insomuch that they would in a manner make pottage *^®^""®^
of a flint. Swine's flesh indeed they would not eat,
but dogs' meat they would ; I mean beef and
mutton, so poor and lean that the refuse of all
Christians was the Jews' choice in the shambles.
Clothes they wore so poor and patched, beggars
would not take them up to have them. Attendants
they kept none, every one waiting on himself. No
wonder then if easily they did overgrow others in
wealth, who basely did under Jive themselves in all
convenient accommodations. Nor were they less
gripple in keeping than greedy in catching of goods,
who would as soon lose their fingers as let go what
they had clutched therein.

88. I was of the opinion (and perchance not with- Jewi might

purdiase

out company in my mistake) that the Jews werehoiwes.
not permitted to purchase lands in England. I
thought only the ground of their graves (generally
buried without Cripplegate, in the Jews' garden, on
the west side of St. Giles's churchyard, now turned
into tenements in Red-cross-street) could be termed
theirs. But since I am informed that Benomy Mit-
tun, a Jew, (as certainly many more besides him,)
was possessed of much land, and many houses in
several parishes in London^. Surely their purchases
were limited within some restrictions. But the Jews
generally more &ncied letting out of money than

1 Stow's Survey, p. 288.

FULLER, VOL. II. Q

2S^ The Church History book hi.

A.D. i29o.bu]ring in of land, as which made their estates less
~ subject to discovery, more plentiful in their in-
creasing, and more portable in the removing thereof.
Lay-«Kcm- 39. It was an usual punishment leffally inflicted

miinicadon, /.i./*» .1

what it was. on thcso Jows, toF their offences not capital, to ex-
communicate them. Thus such Jews should be
excommunicated, who, contrary to the laws, kept
Christian nurses in their houses ™ ; or who cast off
that badge or cognizance which they ought to have
worn over their upper garment, to be distinguished
from Christians. Surely such excommunication was
no ecclesiastical censure, needless to keep the Jews
out of our churches, who hated all coming into
them. Rather it was a civil penalty, (equivalent to
the university's discommoning a townsman in Cam-
bridge,) whereby the Jews were debarred all com-
merce with Christians, (worse to them than all the
plagues of Egypt,) and so the mart of their profit
marred, dearer unto them than life itself.

Jewsunfor- 40. Eudlcss it wcro to reckon up the indignities

tunate at x o

feasts aiid offered unto these Jews, on occasion sometimes
™^ given, but oftener taken. Apprentices nowadays do
not throw sticks at cocks on Shrove Tuesday so
commonly as then on that day they used clubs on
the Jews, if appearing out of their houses. A people
equally unhappy at feasts and at frays. For when-
soever the Christians at any revels made great enter-
tainments, the Jews were made to pay the reckon-
ing. And wheresoever any brawl began in London,
it ended always in the Old Jewry, with pillaging of
the people therein. What good heart can without
grief recount the injuries offered to those who once,

"™ Additamenta Matthsei Par. p. 202.

CENT. XHi. of Britain. 9^1

were the only people of God? These were they who a.d. 1190.
preferred Barabbas before Christ their Saviour,'

which Barahhas was a robber^^ a raiser of insur-
rectioUj and a murderer^. And ever since that time,
in all insurrections against them, (when they desired
and sought safety and deliverance,) it hath been
their constant portion to be robbed and murdered.

41. But the most terrible persecution fell uponAsad Jew-
them at the coronation of king Richard the First?, " ^^ '
which, according to the Jewish computation, was

their jubilee; and then busy in the observance
thereof, though (alas) they had not one merry day in
the compass of the whole year. They were for-
bidden, for fear of their enchantments, to approach
the king's coronation, upon heavy penalties de-
nounced. Now their curiosity was so far above
their covetousness, or rather, their wilfulness so far
above their curiosity herein, that, out of their old
^spirit of contradiction, some appeared there, which
caused the killing of many, robbing of more Jews in
London. On the same account, within few days
after (how quickly can cruelty ride post seven score
and ten miles !) five hundred Jews besieged in a tower
at York, first beheaded their own wives and children,
and then burnt themselves, to escape more cruel
torments.

42. In the seventeenth year of the reign of king London
John, the barons brake into the Jews' houses, and^thj*^.
rifled their coffers, and with the stone of their "^ **^'^-
houses repaired the gates and walls of London^.
Surely such stones must be presumed very hard, like

n John xviii. 40. William of Newbury,! v. i.sq.]

o Mark xv. 7. ^ Stow's Survey of London»

P [See the details of it in p. 288.

228 The Church Hhtwy booi hi.

A.D. 1290. the Jews their owners, from whom they were taken,

and yet they soon mouldered away with wind aad

weather. Indeed plundered stone never make strong
walls. And I impute it as a partial cause of the
weakness of London walls, (which no enemy ever
since assaulted but he entered them,) that a great
part of them (enough to infect all the rest) was
built with materials got by oppression.

Thv7 ^^ *^' ®^*' ^^'^ ^^^ English kings, none ground the
to the* Jews with exactions like king Henry the Third.
Only herein the Jews might and did comfort them-
selves, that the English, his native subjects, also
smarted soundly under his oppression. He not only
flayed the skin, but raked the flesh, and scarified the
bones of all the Jews' estates in England ; ut vivere fasti"
direnty " that it was irksome for them to live/* Gold
he would receive of every Jewish man or woman
always with his own hand, but consigned other
officers to receive the silver from them^ One of-
fensive act he wilfully did to their conscience, in
giving them leave, at their own cost and chaises, to
build them a new synagogue, and when they had
finished it, he commanded them to dedicate it to the
Virgin Mary, whereby they utterly lost the use
thereof*; and afterwards the king gave it to be a
cell of St. Anthony of Vienna. A vexatious deed,
merely to despite them, who are (since their smart-
ing for idolatry in the captivity of Babylon) perti-
nacious worshippers of one God, and nothing more
retardeth their conversion to Christianity, than the
scandal given daily unto them by the popish saint-
jship to their images.

y Mat. Paris, p. 605. * Stow's Survey, p. 190.

CUENT. XIII.

of Britain.

9129

44. It may justly seem admirable, whence these a.d. 1290.

Jews, so often pillaged to their bare skins, so sud ^^

denly recruited themselves with wealth. What lomejUIH'
have heard affirmed of some ground in Gloucester- 'J^j^^'
shire, that in a kindly spring, bite it bare over night, ^^^^
next morning the grass will be grown to hide a
wand therein, is most certainly true in application to
the Jews, so fiill and fest did wealth flow in upon
them. Let their eggs not only be taken away, but
their nests be plucked down ; yet within few years
we shall find them hatching a new brood of wealth
therein. This made many suspect them for clipping
and coining of money. But, to lessen the wonder of
these Jews their speedy recovery, know, that (besides
some of their invisible hoards escaping their plim-
derers' hands) the Jews in other places (where the
persecution for the present) furnished them to set
up trading again. Indeed commendable was the
Jews' charity to their own countrymen, save that
necessity commanded them to love one another,
being hated of all other nations^.

t [The persecution of the
Jews was always a popular
measure, to which many of
our English soTereigns had re-
course in a barbarous age from
motives of interest as well as
rel^on.

£yen John, whose character
has been severely handled for
being somewhat more mild to
these persecuted people, when
reproving the mayor of London
and others for allowing certain
Jews to be molested who were
under his protection, expresses
himself thus ; *' Miremur quod
*' Judseis in civitate London'

" morantibus malum fieri sus-
'* tinetis cum id manifeste sit
" contra pacem regni et terrse
'^ nostrse tranquillitatem ; tanto
'* quidem inde magis miramur
*' et movemur quia alii Judaei

" qui per Angliam moram

'* fecerint, exceptis illis qui
" sunt in villa vestra in bona
*' pace consistunt. Nee id
" tamen duximus pro Judais
'^ pro pace nostra, quia si ctii-
'* dam cani pacem nostram
" dedissemuSf deberetur invio-
'* labiliterobservari/'Pat.Rolls
5. Joh. n. 3. in Rymer's Feed.
L 89.

q3

\

230 The Church History ftooK ill.

A.D. H90. 45. To avoid these miseries, they had but one

— shift, (and, as used by some of them, it was but a

counterfeit shift indeed,) to pretend themselves Christian con-
"^""^ verts, and to tender themselves to be baptized. To
such persons, in a temporal respect, baptism washed
away all sin ; they being cleared and quitted from
all ante-facts, how heinous soever, by their entrance
into Christianity. Thus anno 1259, Elias Biscop, a
London Jew, charged with many horrible crimes;
and, amongst others, that with poisoned drink he
had caused the death of many English gentlemen^
escaped all punishment by being baptized. For the.
further encouragement of their conversion, king.
Henry the Third erected a small house in Chancery-,
lane (where the office of the rolls is now kept) for.
convert Jews to dwell in, allowing a daily salary to.
them for their maintenance. It is to be feared many;
lived therein who were Jews inwardly, but not in
the apostle's acception thereof, in the spirit, but in
the letter, whose praise is not of men, hut of God "^i
but I mean such who still retained the dregs of
Judaism under the feigned profession of Chris-
tianity. Sure I am, king Edward at this time was
so incensed against the Jewish nation, that now he
resolved the total and final extirpation of them and
theirs out of his dominions,
juisde- 46. Many misdemeanours were laid to their charge,

^^^"^ amongst which these foUovring were the principal.

meanoiira
charged o
the Jews.

In 1 289 Edward I. expelled " rum reliqua coniiscavit ; " for

them entirely out of England, which expulsion the people

In the words of Trivet, I. 266, in gratitude granted him a

'*Jud8eo8 omnes eodem anno fifteenth, (ib.)]
'^ expellens de Anglia datis ^ Mat. Paris, p. 982.
*' expensis in Gallias bona eo- . ^ Rom. ii. 29.

CEKT. XIII. of Britain. 231

First, enchantments. This was an old sin of the a. d. 1290.

Jews, whereof the prophets always complained ; the —

multitude of thy sorceries^ and the great abundance of
Ihine enchantments^ And it seems they still re-
tained their old wicked wont. Secondly, poisoning.
To give the Jews their due, this was none of their
faults, whilst living in their own land, not meeting
with the word in the whole Bible. It seems they
learnt this sin after their dispersion in other nations,
and since are grown exquisite in that art of wicked-
ness. Thirdly, clipping of money. Fourthly, counter-
feiting of Christians' hands and seals. Fifthly, ex-
tortion. A Jew occasioned a mutiny in London by -
demanding from a poor Christian above two shillings
for the use of twenty shillings for one week, being,
by proportion, no less than five hundred and twenty
pounds per annum for every hundred. Sixthly, cru-
cifying of the children of Christians (to keep their
hands in ure) always about Easter. So that the
time pointed at their intents directly in derision of
our Saviour. How sufficiently these crimes were
witnessed against them I know not. In such cases
weak proofs are of proof against rich offenders. We
may well believe, if their persons were guilty of
some of these faults^ their estates were guilty of all
the rest.

47. Now although it passeth for an uncontrolled Jews say
truth, that the Jews were by the king violently cast ^t ou^
out of the land, yet a great lawyery states the case f^'^g'^^^
much otherwise, viz. that the king did not directly ^®p*^-
expel them, but only prohibit them to put money to
use ; which produced a petition from them to the

^ Isai. xlvii. 9.

y Sir. Ed. Coke. [Instit. part 11. p. 507. cd. 1642.]

Q 4

2S2 The Church History book hi.

A. 1). 1 290. king, that they might have leave to depart the land;

!LJ a request easily granted unto them : some will say it

is all one in effect, whether one be starved or stab-
bed, death inevitably following from both, as here
the Jews were famished on the matter out of Eng^
land; usury being their meat and drink, without
which they were unable longer to subsist : however
this took off much from the odium of the act, that
they were not immediately, but only indirectly and
consequentially baniihed the realm, or rather per-
mitted a free departure on their own petition for the
same. As for the sad accident that some hundreds
of them being purposely shipped out of a spitefid
design in a leaking vessel, were all drowned in the
sea, if true, it cannot but command compassion in any
Christian heart.
A.D. 1293. 48. It is hardly to be believed what vast sums of
gets incre- Wealth accHicd to the king by this (call it ejection,
forfeited by OT amotiou, or) deccssiou of the Jews. He allowed
the Jews, ^j^^jj^ ^^ly bare viaticum to bear their charges, and
seized on all the rest of their estates. Insomuch
that now the king needed not to listen to the counsel
A.D. 1294. of William Marsh, bishop of Bath and Wells, and
treasurer of England, (but therein speaking more
like a treasurer than a bishop,) advising him, if in
necessity, "to take all the plate and money of
" churches and monasteries therewith to pay his
" soldiers^." The poor Jews durst not go into France^
(whence lately they had been solemnly banished,)
but generally disposed themselves in Germany and
Italy, especially in the pope's territories therein,
where profit from Jews and Stews much advance
the constant revenues of his holiness.

2 Polydore Virgil. [Hist. p. 332.]

c:bnt. xui. of Britain. 288

49- Kimr Edward hayinir done with the Jews. a. 1x1192.

20 £dw. I.

began with the Scots^ and effectually humbled them .-- —

and their country. This the occasion. Two com-w^arw-
petitors appearing for the crown of Scotland, John^^^^.
Balliol and Robert Bruce, and both referring their j^^^
title to king Edward's decision, he adjudged the
same to Balliol, or rather to himself in Balliol. For
he enjoined him to do homage unto him, and that
hereafter the Scottish crown should be held in fealty
of the English. Balliol, or his necessity rather, his
person being in king Edward's power, accepted the
condition, owning m England one above himself,
that so he might be above all in Scotland. But no a.d. 1295.
sooner was he returned into his own kingdom, and
peaceably possessed thereof, but instantly in a letter
of defiance % he diselaimeth all former promises to
king Edward, appealing to the Christian world,
whether his own enforced obedience were more to
be pitied, or king Edward's insolence, improving it-
self on a prince's present extremities, more to be
condemned.

50. Offended heieat, king Edward advanceth into a. d. 1296.
Scotland, with the forces he formerly intended for,„^foJ]^
France. Power and policy make a good medley* ^*'^''*^'"*^
and the one fareth the better for the other. King
Edward to strengthen himself thought fit to take in
the title of Robert Bruce, Balliol's corrival, hitherto
living privately in Scotland, pretending to settle him
in the kingdom. Hereupon the Scots, to lessen
their losses and the English victories, affirm**, that in
this expedition their own countrymen were chiefly

a [This letter is printed in ^ G. Buchanan Rerum Scot.
Trivet. 290.] [Lib. viii. p. 74 sq. ed. 1583.]

S54 Tlu Church HiHory of Britain. book lu.

A. D. r996. conquered by their own countrymen, the Brucian
' party assisting the English. Sure it is that king
Edward took Berwick, Dunbar, Sterling, Edinburgh,
the crown, sceptre, and, out of Scone, the royal
chair and prophetical marble therein*. And though
commonly it be observed, that English valour hope-
fully budding and blossoming on this side of Edin-
burgh-frith is frost-bitten on the north thereof, yet
our victorious Edward, crossing that sea, took Mont-
rose and the best counties thereabout. In a word,
he conquered almost all the garden of Scotland, and
left the wilderness thereof to conquer itself. Then
having settled [John] Warren, earl of Surrey, vice-
roy thereof, and made all the Scottish nobility,
Doughty Douglas alone excepted, who was com-
mitted to prison for his singular recusancy, swear
homage tmto him, and taking John Balliol captive
along with him, he returned triumphantly into
England.

c [Trivet, I. 294.]

4

THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.

TO

CLEMENT THROCKMORTON THE ELDER,

OF

HASELEY IN WARWICKSHIRE, ESQ.a

Ijdt others boctst of their French bloody whilst your English
family may vie gentry with any of the Norman ex-
traction. 1. For antiquity, four monosyllabes being,
by common pronunciation, crowded into your name;
THE^ ROCK^ MORE, TOWN. 2. For numcTosity, being
branched into so many counties. 3. For ingenuity,.
. charactered by Camden^ to be fruitful of fine wits,
whereof several instances might be produced.

But a principal consideration which doth, and ever shall
command my respect unto your person, is your faithful

& [In the time of Camden
their chief seat was atCoughton
in the same county. Arms. Gules
on a chevron argent, three
bars gemels, sable. This Cle-
ment Throckmorton^ of Hase-
-ley, county of Warwick, was
descended from a junior branch
of a very ancient and honour-
able family seated at Coughton
in the same county as far back
as the reign of Henry the
Third ; his grandfather, of the
same name, being fourth son
of sir George Throckmorton of

Coughton. He was son and
heir to Job Throckmorton,
seated at Haseley 37th Hen.
VIII. (1545), by his wife Do.
rothy, daughter of Thomas
Vernon. He married Letitia,
daughter of sir Clement Fisher
of Packington, and at the time
when Fuller wrote must have
been of an advanced age^ as his
son^ Clement Throckmorton
the younger, then livings was
bom in 1604.]

^ Brit, in Warwickshire,
[p. 426.]

eS6 Tke CAvcA RvUmy

and eordial fnendJtip in matten of Jughat i

ment {vhatever be the stuxaa tkertof) to the best ofrng

relations, whieh I amceived wi^telf obliged pti&Keb/ bt

MIDST these cniel ware betwixt the
Eiigibb and Scots, pope Bom&ce the
Eighth seDt hia lettere to king Ed^rard,
rfquirii^ him to quit his claim and
cease Ms wats, and release his prisoD-
ere of the Scotch nation, as a people exempt and
properly pertaining to his own chapel. Perohance
the pope's right to the crown of Scotland is written
on the backside of Constantino's donation. And it
ia Btnuige. that if Scotland be the pope's peculiar
demesnes, it should be so &r distant from Borne, his
chief mansion house ; he grounded his title th^e-
irnto, because " Scotland first was couTerted by the
" relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter through the
" divine operation of God to the unity of the eathohc
" faith'." But it seems not so much ambition in
his holiness made him at this present to start this
pretence, but the secret solicitation of the Scots
themselves, who now to avoid the storm of the
English, ran under this bush, and put themselves in
the pope's protection.
King Ed. S. Hereupon king Edward called a council of his
itud bj lords at Lincoln, where perusing the contents of the

■ Fox, Acta, &c. I. 444-7. Trivet, p. 319, " per bead Pe.

[It is a curious ^t, for " tri apostoli venerandi reli-

tlie origin of wbich I cannot " quias." Whereas in the ori-

account, that all our cfaroni- ginal it is, " per beati Andres"

clers who have given an ab- &c. See Wilkina. II. 357.

ffrac'of this l«tterof thepope. Feed. I. 907. Mat. Westmo-

have copied the oversight of nast. p. 420. Trivet, 3 18.]

CENT. xiY. of BriiiUn. S87

{>ope's prescripl;, he returned a large answers wherein a. d. 1301 .

he endeavoured by evident reasons and ancient pre —

cedents, to prove his propriety in the kingdom of ^1^;^
Scotland. This was seconded by another from the^hS'own
English peerage, subscribed with all their hands, '*^*'
the whole tenor whereof deserves to be inserted, but
this passage must not be omitted, being directed to
no meaner than his holiness himself.

" Wherefore, after treaty had and diligent deli-
" beration of the contents in your foresaid letters,
^^ this was the common agreeing and consent with
*' one mind, and shall be without fail in time to
" come by God's grace ; that our foresaid lord the
" king ought by no means to answer in judgment in
" any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into
" doubt ; nor ought to send any proctors or mes-
" sengers to your presence: especially seeing that
** the premises tend manifestly to the disheriting of
" the right of the crown of England, and the plain
'^ overthrow of the state of the said realm, and also
" hurt of the liberties, customs, and laws of our
" fathers : for the keeping and defence of which we
" are bound by the duty of our oath made, and we
" will maintain them with all power, and will defend
" them (by God's help) with all strength d."

The pope perceived he had met with men which
imderstood themselves, and that king Edward was
no king John, to be frighted or flattered out of
his right, he therefore was loath to clash his keys
against the other's sword, to try which was made of
the hardest metal; but foreseeing the verdict would go

<^ pn Trivet, 3 20.] the 29th of the reign of king

^ It is extant in Fox ut £dwardtheFir8t^p.3ii. [Also
supra, as also in Holinshed, in in Trivet^ SB^O

S8B

The Ckmrtk Huimnf

in.

A.D. ijof.agaiiMt him, wiselj nonsuited

WheveMlnd

!2 !!Ll tbui unjmrt challenger met with a timorous defendant,

it had been enough to have created an undeniable
title to him and his successors. The best is, nuBum
temjms occurrit papa, ^ no process of time doth pre-
** judice the pope's due ;" but whensoever he pleasetb
to prosecute his right, Scotland lieth stiU in the
same place where it did before.
A. D. 1501. 3' About this time a subject brought in a bull of
^^^ **^or excommunication against another subject of this

•J2^ ^^ realm, and published it to the lord treasurer of Eng-
iiMpop0*t land, and this was by the ancient common law of

buIL

England adjudged treason against the king. Ids
crown and dignity, for the which the offender should
have been drawn and hanged, but at the great in-
stance of the chancellor and treasurer, he was only
abjured the realm for ever ^.^ And this case is the
more remarkable, because be was condemned by the
common law of England before any particular sta-
tute was enacted in that behalf.
A.D. 1305. 4. But the courage of king Edward most appeared
bishop of' in humbling and ordering Robert Winchelsea, arcli-
JIJJUJJ^*''^ bishop of Canterbury 8^. He was an insolent man,
bphe hated even of the clergy, because, though their

« Brook tit. prsemunire, pi.
I o, [as quoted by] sir Edward
Coke ; Reports, part v. de jure
Reg.f. 12.

9 [Winchelsea's great fault
was in advancing and support-
ing the papal power. Arch-
bishop barker gives him a
more favourable character,
justly discriminating his merits
as a prelate and lover of his
country, from his errors as a
violent adherent to the pope.

" Cujus acta si^ quo animo in
*' patriam et rempublicam gesta
" sint, existimari debeant,
" recta judicanda sunt ; sin
" Romanam consuetudinem
*' pravitatemque spectes, scele-
" rata atque impia." Antiq.
Brit. p. 302. His chiefest crime
was in humbling the pride of
the abbots and monks ; and
therefore what is stated by the
chroniclers to his prejudice
must be received with caution.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 289

champion to preserve them from civil and secular a. d. 1305.
burdens, yet the pope's broker, to reserve them for ^1 — H-I
his unconscionable exactions, as if keeping churchmen
to be vRTonged by none but himself. Long had the
king looked on him with an angry eye, as opposite
to his proceedings, and now at the last had him at
his mercy for plotting treason with some others of
the nobility against him, projecting to depose him,
and set up his son Edward in his room^.

5. The archbishop throwing himself prostrate atOuiitineM
the king's feet, with tears and lamentation', confessed prou? men
his feult in a posture of cowardly dejection, de-***"*
scending now as much beneath himself as formerly
he had arrogantly insulted over others^; some^ are
loath to allow him guilty of the crime objected,
others conceive him only to have done this, pre-
suming on the king's noble disposition for pardon.
But such must yield him a traitor either to the
king's croMn, or to his own innocence, by his un-
worthy acknowledging his offence. Thus that man
who confesseth a debt which he knows not due,
hoping his creditor will thereupon give him an
acquittance, scarce deserveth pity for his folly, if
presently sent to prison for non-payment thereof.
Then he called the king his master, a term where-
with formerly his tongue was unacquainted, (whom
neither by word or letter he would ever acknowledge
under that notion,) tendering himself to be disposed
at his pleasure.

^ Annal. Eccl. August. Cant. i [Parker's] Antiq, Bri-

[By this reference I imagine tan. p. 311. ex Tho. Wal-

Fuller means the Chronicle of singham.
W. Thorn, where the process "^ Harpsfield Hist. Eccl. Ang.

against the archbishop is de- p. 446.

tailed. Twysden, p. J 970. 1 Worthily; see Godwin

2005.] de Prsesul. p. 102.

cc

S40 The Church History book in.

A.D.-130S. 6. No, quoth the kinir, "I will not be both

33 Edw. I

1-* " party and judge, and proceed against you as I .

^^^jg " might by the common law of the land. I bear
betwSTthe " ^^'^ respect to your order, whereof you are as
king and " unworthy BS of my favour : having formerly had
^^ experience of your malice in smaller matters,
" when you so rigorously used my chaplains attend-
" ing on me in their ordinary service beyond the
seas ; so that though I sent my letters unto you,
you as lightly regarded what I wrote, as what
" they pleaded in their own behalf." Winchelsea
having but one guard for all blows, persisted in his
submission, desiring (a precedent unparalleled) that
the king would give him his blessing. No, said
the king, " it is more proper that you should give
" me your blessing. But, well, I will remit you to
your own great master the pope, to deal with you
according to your deserts"".'* But the archbishop,
loath belike to go to Bome, and staying longer in
England than the king's command, and, perchance,
his own promise, lurked in a convent at Canterbury
tm fourscore monks were by the king's command
thrust out of their places for relieving him out of
their charity ; and were not restored till the afore-
said archbishop was banished the kingdom".
Winchelsea 7. Not loug after he appeared before pope Cle-
favour from mcut the Fifth at Bourdeaux, where having been so
and^S^ great a stickler for his holiness, (insomuch that his
present disfavour with the king was originally caused
by his activity for the pope,) he might rationally
have expected some courtesy. But though he had

*» [Parker,] Antiquitates [quoted by Parker, ibid. p.
Brit. ib. 312.]

n Annal. Eccl. August. Cant.

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 241

used both his hands to scrape treasure for the church a.d. 130c;.

of Rome, the pope would not lend his least finger to —

his support, but suspended him from oflSce and
benefit of his place, till he should clear himself from
the crime of treason wherewith he was charged-
Whether done to procure reputation to the justice
of the court of Rome, where, in public causes, men,
otherwise privately well deserving, should find no
more favour there than they brought innocence
thither; or because (which is most probable) the
pope loved the archbishopric better than the arch-
bishop; and knew during his suspension both to
increase his profit, and improve his power in
England, by such cunning factors as he employed
in the business ; namely, William de Testa, and
Peter Amaline, both strangers, to whom the pope
committed the sequestration of Canterbury, whilst
the cause of Winchelsea did as yet depend un-
determined.

8. These by papal authority summoned before a si^ai
them John Salmon bishop of Norwich, for exacting ti^doni"*"
the first-ftnits of vacant benefices from the clergy of ^^"^'^
his diocese. The case was this. Some sixty years *™*^"-
since, Pandulph, an Italian, and pope's legate, (a
perfect artist in progging for money,) being bishop
of Norwich**, pretending his church to be in debt,
obtained of his holiness the first-fruits of vacant
benefices in Norfolk and Suffolk to discharge that
engagement. This grant to him, being but personal,
local, and temporary, was improved by his successors
to a constant revenue; yea (covetousness being an
apt scholar, and profit an easy lesson) this example
was followed by other English bishops in their

oHarpsfield Hist. Eccl. Ang. p. 458.

FULLER, VOL. If, R

■ -•*<• T — ■

.1 ^asOMFy jQ^j III

'^■'- ^ - -''Uii la-:--:? j«]ki«i ror Lesiihe
■ -— ^ ■n.^"nHii> iDrt-imur ".uz ihat the

■r -iitr!!! W'^ereds these

ri»rr. thai zta^^rallv

— ■

"jLf lEsr-fm-i r ill s:mtittl
!•: lexr. 5 c ±r-fir jrtus should

■

„^^~ ■ ''-I?-: - r^z*i*zr^i viij :lr hunlen

- ^^^^^ * *- -' r-i^firtc 1^. -*-_ ^T. tnat

:.. .>- :: :-- '--^- n. .- -la^. iie Lr^sr : az:-! rhe load

- — =■ i-: '- ""-^^ >^u?c Tii.-i "'.irr l^Ease mettle to

^.-i : -f. a:: "U* T - i* vtl: :i^ fv»r parochial

::^ ii- •** rzaTif^ :- r«cfc ih^ usurpation of

4 .-."^-r^TLr^. Tiji ^ L^an le^ca. who accordinof

li - ..- TiJit- -amtr T:^*r 1:1 ^^czjct shelL but departed

^*t^- ^~*- ■- i>r^»-* c iir: EJ::^::^:: wtalih. complained

•^ ' - :.> -r^-n* 'i :-: n-f ic&niament^ was called

• -: ^-.L J'r*r i ^ciLiJii caixlinal sent in his

— . ;:: 1 :v*^ le .- c*^J::•:fe^l and celebrated a marriage

»r- -I*:? 'riii-v Li"«"iri aiid Isabel the king of France

- r.u:j:.^rr 7irtri> the bearing of his charges,

: . > •u.-'Jiia. rf;xir£«i iweke marks of all cathedrals

J.-.. • 11 :ac>. iz.c •:^ f«rish churches eightpence out

. ^ t r^ nari >: :beir yearly revenue. But the king

:-,a**t: T tr xctcc: with the moiety of his demand.

:A >I:^ii::ir:e intolerable were the taxes which
■> Vzc^ oieriry paid to Rome. The poets feign

>K»-» **" 7-"^=^." Astiqiiitate* " clerum immoderate emun- t

v-..;.^. • ** geret." Harpsfield, p. 431.

J uir^ irriS^jvraiitem [Trivet, 345. Walsingham in

- >^- •---^■a.:: T»::K:i.v in 1308.]

CKNT. XIV. of Britain, 243

Arethusa, a river in Armenia, to be swallowed up a. d. 1305
by the earth, and running many miles under the ^ — ^^
ocean, in Sicily (they say) it vents itself up again, from Eng-
But, without any fiction, the wealthy streams, flow-^*^'
ing from a plentiful spring in England, did suddenly
disappear, and being insensibly conveyed in invisible
channels, not under, but over the sea, were found
fitr off to arise afresh at Rome, in the pope's trea-
sury ; where the Italians, though (being themselves
bred in a clear and subtile climate) they scorned the
dulness of the wits, and hated the gross air of this
island, yet hugged the heaviness of the gold thereof;
this kingdom being one of the best places for their
profit. Although proud Harding saith^S that the
pope's yearly gains out of England were but as a
gnat to an elephant. Oh the overgrown beast of
Rome's revenues !

11. The death of king Edward the First gave a The death
great advancement to the pope's encroaching. Ar^rof
worthy prince he was, fixed in his generation betwixt ^^^"
a weak father and son ; as if made wise and valiant ^^'**-
by their antiperistasis. Equally fortunate in drawing
and sheathing the sword, in war and peace ; having
taught the English loyalty, by them almost for-
gotten ; and the Welsh subjection, which they never
learned before. In himself religiously disposed;
founded the famous abbey of Vale-royal for the
Cistercians in Cheshire ^ and by will bequeathing
thirty-two thousand pounds to the holy war. Obe-
dient, not servile to the see of Rome. A foe to the
pride, and friend to th^ profession of the clergy:

qq In Confut. Apolog. [Juelli.]

^ Camd. Brit, in Cheshire, [p. 461. Trivet, I. 260.]

R 2

244

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. 1307. whom he watered with his bounty*, but would not
£1 LI have to spread so broad as to justle, or grow so high

" [This is a character far too
favourable to Edward I., as far
as concerns his conduct to the
clergy, who between himself
and the pope were ground as
between the upper and the
nether millstone. Between
the two there was little to
choose, they were two evils,
and both intolerable: neither
cared in the least for the
clergy, except so far as it pro-
moted their own interests.
Enough has been said of the
pope in the foregoing pages;
and if he was paid too much
of our English coin before, the
old score has been pretty well
wiped out by a coin of another
minting, since the reformation.
But in what way Edward I.
" watered the clergy by his
" bounty" may be seen by the
following facts.

In 1293 he fined the arch-
bishop of York in 4,000 marks,
" for that he had excommuni-
*' cated Anthony Beake^ bi-
" shop of Durham, being then
" in the king's s^vice, and one
*' of his council." (Stow's
Chron. p. 206.) In 1294,
" there was granted (?) to the
" king for aid in the wars (in
" Gascony), the one half of all

the goods of the clergy, a

tenth part of the citizens',
" and a tenth of the commons'
*' goods. There was in all
*' levied of the clergy at that
^* time, to the sum of three-
" score hundred thousand
*' pounds, according to the ac-
'* count, and as it was valued
" in Gascoigne ; to wit, 8j.

a

(t

•* silver to the pound." (Stow,
ib.) The same year be " took
'* into his hands all the priories
" alien throughout England,
" with all their lands and
" goods any way arising, com.
** mitting the same to officers
** under him, allowing to every
** monk eighteen pence the
" week, and all the surplus of
'^ their revenues was appointed
'* towards the charges of the
*' king's wars, retaining also to
'* his treasury the pensions or
" annuities due to the prin-
" cipal houses. Also in the
'^ same parliament he obtained
** again of the clergy and reli-
'* gious persons a loan of
*' money to the value of half
" their goods and lands, ac-
" cording to the former ex-
** actions of the tenths, which
" loan amounted to 100,000/.,
" whereof the abbot of Bury
*' paid 655/. OS, ii\dr (Stow,
ib.) The next year *'tbe king
" caused all the monasteries in
" England to be searched, and
'* all the money in them to be
" brought up to London. He
*' also seizea into his hands all
'* their lay fees, because they
<' refused to pay to him such a
'< tax as he demanded." (Stow,
ib.) In 1 296 a papal mandate
having been published in Eng-
land, (de non dando aliquid
laicis,) and the clergy hesi-
tating in consequence to make
a subsidy for the king, until
they had consulted the pope,
Edward took into his own
hands all their temporalities;
and thereupon holding a par-

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 245

as to overtop the regal authority; djdng in due time a. d. 1507.
for himself, almost seventy years old, but too soon H — Il-l
for his subjects, especially for his son, whose giddy
youth lacked a guide to direct him. In a word, as
the arm of king Edward the First was accounted
the measure of a yard, generally received in England,
so his actions are an excellent model, and a praise-
worthy platform for succeeding princes to imitate.

12. Edward his son, by letters to the pope, re- Wincheisea
quested that Robert Wincheisea might be restored quest of
to his archbishopric, which was done accordingly, J^ the
though he returned too late to crown the king;^^*^^^
which solemnity was performed by Henry Wood-^!*"^-
lock, bishop of Winchester. Here let the peaceable
reader part two contrary reports from fighting to-
gether, both avowed by authors of credit. Some
say S Wincheisea, after his return, received his profits
maimed and mangled, scarce amounting to half; and
that poor pittance he was fain to bestow to repair
his dilapidated palace. Others report, his revenues
not lessened in quantity, and increased in the entire-
nesSy were paid him all in a lump ; insomuch, that
hereby (having learned thrift in exile to live of a
' little) he speedily became the richest of all his pre-
decessors^; so that he gained by losses ; and it was
his common proverb, that there is no hurt in adver-

liament, from which the clergy 1965. See also Godwin, p.
was excluded, declared all their 101. *' Nos quam foelices,"
estates forfeited. Those who (Godwin innocently ob-
would not compound, such as serves,) ** quibus datum est
the archbishop and others, he ** juxta prsescripta legum no-
treated with the utmost rigour ; " stris rebus in omni libertate
not only denying them the " ac tranquillitate frui ! '*]
common necessaries of life^ but ^ Harpsfield^ Hist.Eccl. Ang.
also interdicting the use of p. 440.

fire and water to any who ven- ^ Antiq. Brit. p. 313, ex

tured to relieve them. Thorne, Adamo Murimutensi.

r3

246

The CAmw€k IBtiary

BOOK III.

A-D. ijoT.atT wheie theie hath
if^^l!!: make his fatme sncees

no iniquily; and many
an eTidenoe of his fonner

13. The calamitoas reign of king Edward the
Second afiwded little histcMj of the choreh, though
too much of the ccMnnMmwealth except it had heen
bettCT*. A debaached prince this Edwaid i¥as ; his
beaatr being the best (not to say onlj) commendable
thing about him: he had an handsome man-case,
and better it had been empty with weakness, than
(as it was) ill-filled with Ticiousness. Pierce Ga-
Teston first coirupted him^, mangre all the good
counsel that Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, and
all his good friends could giro him. And when

* [Acoording; howeTer, to
ThcMnas de Im More, the most
jadicions and accarate historian
of this period. Pierce de Ga-
Teston deaenres a fax better
character than what is giren
him by the generality of our
monkish historians, and owes
all his evil £une to the malice
and enTT of his opponents.
De la More thus describes
him 3 " Erat hie Petrus Italus
" natione, corpore el^ans, in-
*' genio acer, moribus curiosus»
" in re militari satis exerci-
" tatus ; cujus argumentum,
*' cum is in Scotia militise prK-
'* sideret Scotos Talde terruit,
'* et a praedis et aliis vesaniis
*^ repressit. Quo, per invidiam
" eorum qui felices ejus pro-
" gressus baud libenter vide-
" runt,revocato invaluit iterum
*' Scotorum versutia. Regina;
'* coronationi interfuerunt Ca-
*' rolus de Valois f rater regis
'* Franciie et pater Philippi

'* primi intmaoris, et dux Bri-
^ tannijt, H. Comes Lucen-
" burghe postea imperator.
** Sed coltu facile omnes ex-
" cellnit et omamentis Petrus:
'* quare plurimum auxit in se
'* magnatum invidia." p. 593.
Of de la More Stowe thus
speaks in his Chronicle at the
end of his account of Edward
II.; '' Thus far out of Thomas
*' de la More, a worshipful
" knight that then lived, and
*' wrote in the French tongue
*' what he saw with his eyes,
" or heard credibly reported
*' by them that saw, and some
" that were actors. All which
" was at the said sir Thorn, de
" la More*s request translated
'' and more soberly penned in
•* the Latin tongue by Walter
'' Baker, alias Swinborne, canon
" of Osney besides Oxford."
p. 227. See also Oudinus, III.

799-]

C£KT. XIV.

of Britain.

247

Gaveston was killed* and taken away, the kinff'sA.D.ian.

badness was rather doubled than diminished; ex-- '- — 1

changing one pander to vice for two, the two Spen-
cers. In a word, the court was turned tavern,
stews, stage, play-house ; wherein as many vain and
wanton comedies were acted before the king in his
lifetime, so a sad and sorrowful tragedy was acted by
him at his death.

14. Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, encouraged The fatal
by the laziness of king Edward, thought this a fit the English
time to recover his country, and which the English '" ^^^"^•
detained from him. Whereupon he regained Ber- a. d. 13 13.
wick, inroaded England, invaded Ireland. King
Edward in wrath advanceth against him, with an
army rather dancing than marching, fitter for a mask
than a battle: their horses rather trapped than
armed : in all points it appeared a triumphant army.

^ [He was sacrificed by the
treadiery of Aylmer de Valence,
earl of Pemoroke, to whose
safe keeping he was committed^
and who voluntarily suffered
Guy, earl of Warwick, "the
" black dog of Ardern," as he
was called, to take him prisoner,
and decapitate the unfortunate
favourite. De la More, ib.
Hugh de Spencer was made
the king's chamberlain in the
place of Gaveston, 13 13, by
the general consent of the no-
bles, because he was disliked
by the king. " At vero is pru-
dentia et obsequio haud
multo post dirempto regis
animo eum in sui amorem
facile comnmtavit unde et
illi [sc. proceres] odio eum
vel maximo prosequuti sunt.
Hujus Hugonis pater senex.

«c

t(

(«

t(

<(

«»

<«

tt

t(

(t

((

" adhuc superstes erat, magnee
*' probitatis miles, consilio
providus, armis strenuus, cu-
jus confusionem et ignomi.
" niosum finem accumulavit
*' amor naturalis sed disordi-
natus erga filium suum cor-
pore formosissimum, spiritu
*' superbissimum, actu flagitio.
" sissimum, quem spiritus am-
*' bitionis et cupiditatis a vi-
" duarum et orphanorum ex-
" hseredatione in necem no-
'* bilium regis praecipitium,
'* et sui atque patris interitum
** praecipitavit." De la More,
594. The same writer after-
wards says of him, " Talia de
*' Hugone fateor mala, sed non
" adeo, quin vulgus garrulus
" pejora studuit fingendo de-
" monstare et malefacta dete-
'* riora rcddere." 595 ]

B 4

248 The Church Histofy book iiu

A.D. 1314- saTe that no field as vet was fought by them. Thus,

-! 1-^ excluding all influence of diTine ProYidenee, and

concluding it was fortune^s duty to &Tour them, at
Stirling^ they bid the Scots battle, wherein ten
thousand of our men are bv our own authors con-
fessed to be slain. There fell the flower of the
English nobiUty, the king with a few hardly saving
themselves by flight. TIius, as malleus Scotorum^
the hammer, or mauler of the Scots, is written on
the tomb of king Edward the First in Westminster;
incus Scoiorumy the anvil of the Scots, might as
properly be written on the monument (had he any)
of Edward the Second.
Nii»««- 13. But leaving these fights, we proceed to other
nmc^dtt polemical digladiations, more proper for our pen;
Str namely* the disputes of schoolm^i, which in this
king's leign were heightened to perfection ; formerly
those wer^ termed scAolastici who in the schools
were rhetoricians, making therein declamatory ora-
tions. Such exereises ceasing in this age, the term
wu§ translated to signify those who busied them-
selves in controveisial divinity, though some will
have them so caUed fiom Soholion, a commentary,
their studies being generally nothing else than illus-
trations of the text of Peter Lombard, the master of
the sentences. Take them here together at one
view, intending to resume them again in their several
characters^

7 [Tke failtle of Strireliii or and the taking of Berwick
Sterling happened in 1313. "3 '7-]
Tke inTasion of Ireland i ^ i ^.

CEKT. XIV.

of Britain,

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BOOK in.

A. p. 1314. Besides many other schoolmen of inferior note,
1 — ![U1 which we pass by in silence; now we may safely
dare all Christendom besides to shew so many emi-
nent school-divines, bred within the compass of so
few years ; insomuch that it is a truth what a foreign
writer* saith, Scholastica thedogia, ab Anglis, et in
A nglia^ stnnpsit exordium^ fecit incrementum, pervenit
ad per/ectiojiefH. And although Italy falsely boasteth
tliat Britain had her Christianity first from Rome,
England may truly maintain, that irom her (imme-
diately by France) Italy first received her school-
divinity.
Alex. Haiet 16. Of thcso schoolmeu, Alexander Hales goeth
Mid fimiX the first, master to Thomas Aquinas and Bonaven-
^' ture, whose livery in some sort the rest of the

schoolmen may be said to wear, insisting in his foot-
steps. At the command of pope Innocent the
Fourth he wrote the body of all school-divinity in
four volumes**. He was the first Franciscan who

A Alexander Minutianus in
Epistola.

^ [Summa universie Theo-
logio: quadri partita, Basilese
1502, in fol. and several
editions subsequently. This
work was completed by Wil-
liam de Meliton and others in
1252. See Wadding's Annales
ad an. 1 245, and Oudinus, III.
217. Hardly a statement is
advanced in this paragraph
(§.16.) which has not been con-
troverted, owing to the mutual
jealousies of the different or-
ders. According to a very
ancient work, entitled Firma-
mcnium trium Ordinum, pub-
lished about 1512^ besides
this Summa, Hales \vrote a

commentary on the scriptures ;
" super totam Bibliam^ tarn
*' vetus quam etiam novum
'* Testamentum, ad longuro,
*' nihil dimittens indiscussum,
•' opus certe multum prolixum
" ac laboriosum." (f. xlii.)

2. Super Magistrum sententia-
rum ad litteram, being the
first commentary of the kind.

3. Compendium Theohgtce, di-
vided into six books. 4. De
Sacramento pcenilentus. 5. Ma-
riale magnum, in six books.
6. Super regulam frainim ML
norum, Bonaventura is the only
person mentioned in the Firma-
mentum as having studied under
Hales; and even this is denied
by Oudinus, III. p. 133. But

CKVT. XIV.

of Britain.

251

ever took the deffree of doctor in the university, a. D.1314.

*i Gdnir IT

(who formerly counted the height of a degree incon 1—1

sistent with the humility of their order,) as appeareth
by the dose of his epitaph.

(Factus) egenorum, fit primus Doctor eorum.

So great an honourer of the Virgin Mary, that he
never denied such who sued to him in her name ^:
as since our Mr. Fox is said never to have denied
any who begged of him for Jesus Christ.

17. Roger Bacon succeeds. O what a sin is it to »««» ac-
he more learned than one's neighbours in a barbarous conjurer,
age ! Being excellently skilled in the mathematics,
(a wonder-working art, especially to ignorant eyes,)
he is accused for a conjurer by Hieronymus de
Esculo, minister-general of his order, and afterwards
pope, by the name of Nicholas the Fourth. The

«<

tC

Thomas de Aquino or Aqui-
nas» as it seems, was never his
pupil. The mistake may not
improhahly have arisen from
this expression in the same
work, ih. " Sicut omnes
'^ doctores et scrihentes super
^* sententias communiter hunc
doctorem (de Hales) se-
quuntur^ ut patet intuenti-
" bus singulariter, sanctus
*^ Thomas de Aquino ipsum
'' in omnibus suis scriptis se-
" quitur tanquam discipulus
^' magistrum, multaque ab eo
'* pie furatur ; maxime in se-
** cunda secundae^ ut dicit ma-
" gister Joannes Gerson et
** Stefphanus Brulifer, sicut
*' etiam clarius patet intuenti-
** bus amborum summas.*'
Hales died on the 27th of
August, 1245) and was buried
in the convent of the Mino-

rites at Paris, in the chapel of
St. Francis, " inter cruciiixum
** navis ecclesiae et chorum."
In the same work, at f. ix, are
inserted the two inscriptions
to his memory engraven on
his monument, of which Fuller
has quoted one line. In the
second of these he is called
" archelevita Anglorum : "
which I imagine means, an
archdeacon. Great confusion
exists in all the accounts of
the writings of Hales, which
many modern writers have
helped to increase. And yet
if any, he, of all others of the
schoolmen, deserves a better
fate. Time however will do
him full, though it will be
but tardy, justice.]

c [Pitt's de Script. Ang.

P- 3 » 4-1

ass

The Church History

300X0.

A.D. 1314* best is, this Hieronymus before he was a pope "waa

'- — ^not infallible, and therefore our Bacon might h^

scandalized by him : however he was committed to
prison at Rome by pope Clement the Fomth, and
remained in durance a considerable time, before his
own innocence, with his friends' endeavours, could
procure his enlargement.
Many Ba- 18. For mine own part, I behold the name of Bacon
make a in Oxford, uot as of an individual man, but corpo*
^'**°^*^* ration of men ; no single cord, but a twisted cable
of many together. And as all the acts of strong
men of that nature are attributed to an Hercules;
all the predictions of prophesying women to a sibyll :
so I conceive all the achievements of the Oxonian
Bacons in their liberal studies are ascribed to one, as
chief of the name. And this in effect is confessed
by the most learned and ingenious orator of that
university*. Indeed we find one Robert Bacon who
died anno 1248, a learned doctor; and Trithemius
styleth John Baconthorpe plain Bacon, which addeth
to the probability of the former assertion®. However
this confounding so many Bacons in one hath caused
antichronismes in many relations. For how could
this Bacon ever be a reader of philosophy in Brasen-
Nose college, founded more than one hundred years
after his death ? so that his brazen head (so much

d Wake's Rex Platonicus>
p. 209, 210.

c [See Wood*s Antiquities
of Univ. of Oxford, p. 136.
Wadding's Annales ad an. 1 266
and 1278^ and the list of his
works quoted by Bale, Script.
IV. §.55. But Robert Bacon
and John Baconthorpe are

clearly distinct persons from
Roger Bacon ; the former
living considerably before, the
latter considerably after Roger
Bacon. Besides that, Bacon-
thorpe was a Carmelite, and
not a Franciscan. Of Bacon-
thorpe, see below, p. 255.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 253

spoken of, to speak) must make time past to be a. d. 13 14.
again, or else these inconsistencies will not be recon- 1 — ^ — 1-
oiled. Except any will salve it with the prolepsis of
Brasen-Nose hall, formerly in the place where the
college is now erected. I have done with the Oxford
Bacons, only let me add, that those of Cambridge,
father and son, Nicholas and Francis, the one of
Bennet, and the other of Trinity college, do hold
{absit invidia) the scales of desert, even against all
of their name in all the world besides.

19. John Dims Scotus succeeds, who some will Dum Soo-

tllB« WuV SO

have called Scotus, ob profundissimam dicendi obscu- caUed.
ritatem^i from his profound obscurity in writing.
Indeed there was one Heraclitus, to whom cognomen
Scotinon fedt orationis obscuritasfs, but others con-
ceive him so called, either from Scotland his country,
or John Scott his fether. Nor was he called Duns^
as some will have it contractedly from DomimcSy but
from the place of his nativity, though three king-
doms earnestly engage to claim him for their
countryman.

England.
It is thus written at the end of his manuscript Thueeking-
works in Merton College in Oxford, whereof hedaimtohii
was fellow; Ea^plidt lectura subtilis in universitate
Parisiensi doctoris Joannis Duns nati in quadam
viUula parochicB de Emildon vocata Dunston, in comi"
tatu Northumhrice^ pertinente domui scholarium de
Merton haU in Oa^oniaK

^ Sixtus Senensis^ [Biblioth. ^ Quoted by Camden in his

I. 417. ed. 1762.] Brit. Northnmberland^ [p-

g Seneca in Epist. [XII. 678.]
p. 282. ed. 1633.]

fM Tkt Ckmwdk iBaimy book in.

1 1 J14.

Iv.fL

Althcngh John ScoC di w cm bled himself sm Vug-
KrfniBui, to find the more &Toiir in Meiton ooHege,
lifing in an age wherein rrael wan be i w ixl Ei^[laiid
and Scotland, ret hi« tomb cfeefed at Cologne is
bold to tell the truth, mhe r eon this epitaqih':

Scotia me gnmic Anglia soseepit.
GaDia edoeuit, Crermania tenet.

Be$^ides, the very name of Scotos aroweth him to be

a Scotchman.

Ireiand.

He is called Joannes Duns, by abbreviation for
DunefuiSf that is, bom at DouneK an episcopal see
in Ireland, where Patiicins, Dnbiicios, and St. Co-
Inmba lie interred. And it is notoriously known to
critics, that Scotus signifieth an Irishman in the
most ancient exception thereof.

I doubt not but the reader will give his yerdiet,
tliat the very Scotiety of Scotus belongeth to Eng-
land as his native country, who being bom in
Northumberland, which kingdom in the Saxon hept-
archy extended from Humber to Edinburgh Frith ;
it was a facile mistake for foreigners to write him a
Scotchman on his monument. As for the name of
Scotus, it is of no validity to prove him that country-
man; as a common surname amongst us, as some
four years since, when the Scotch were enjoined to
depart this land, one Mr. English in London was

I Archbishop Spotswood, in [prefixed to his edition of

his History of the Church of Duns Scoti Qusest. in V. Lib.

Scotland, [p. 54. ed. 1677.] Sententiarum, t. I. ed. 1620.]

J Hugh Cavel, in Vita Scoti,

CBKT. XIV.

of Britain.

^55

then the most considerable merchant of the Scotch a. d. 1314.
nation. The said manner of Scotus his death is suf- — IL-1
ficiently known, who being in a fit of a strong
apoplexy, was by the cruel kindness of his over-
officious friends buried whilst yet alive, and recover-
ing in the grave, dashed out his brains against the
coffin, affording a large field to such wanton wits in
their epigrams, who could make sport to themselves
on the sad accident of others'^.

20. I had almost overseen John Baconthorpe, Low, but
being so low in stature, as but one remove from aconthorpe.
dwarf, of whom one saith,

Ingenio magnus, corpore parvus erat^

His wit was tall, in body small.

Insomuch that corpus non tulisseU quod ingenitim

k [Scotus died a natural
death in 1308. This fabulous
account of it is completely re-
futed by Wadding in the Life
prefixed by him to his edition
of the works of Duns Scotus.
Lugd. 1639. See also his An-
nates Minorum^ t. VI. 40 sq.
and 107 sq. ed. Rome. Alex.
Natalis, Hist. Eccl. t. VII.
p. 142, ed. 1731* who has given
a brief summary from Wad-
ding. Hugh. Cavelli Apologia
contra Bzovium, chap, i o.]

1 Johannes Trissa Nemau-
sensis in libro de viris illustri-
bus. [This and the following
reference from Papiensis are
from Bale^ who has the fol-
lowing remark upon John Ba-
con thorpe : '^ et magnam ab eo

facto famam per litteras sibi

peperitj ut fusius narrat Ja-
" cobus Calcus Papiensis in
" opere suo de Henrici octavi

c<

<«

" Anglorum regis divortio. —

*' Statura quidem pusilla fuit

'* sed magno ingenio atque

" eruditione ut habet Johannes

'• Trissa Nemausensis in libro

*' suo * De Viris illustribus/

"juxta illud vetus poetae

*' dictum,

^ Ingenio magnus, corpore parvus
erat.* " Bale Cent. V. §. i.

After considerable search I
was unable to find either of
the writers here referred to,
until Dr. Bandinel pointed out
to me the treatise of John
Trissa here mentioned, among
Bale's MS. Collections in the
Bodleian, Seld. 41. It is en-
titled : " Catalogus Parhi-
'* siensium Doctorum quo-
*^ rundam ordinis Carmeli
** per Johannem Trissam Ne-
^* mausensem Carmelitam a Jo-
'^ hanne Bareto Anglo revisus^
'* limatus et tersus." Bale

25^

The Church History

BO(« nr.

\.T>.i $14- prottiliL **hi8 body could not bear the books which

7 Edw, II.

1—1 " his brain had brought forth.** Coining to Rome

(being sent for by the pope) he was once hissed at
in a public disputation for the badness forsooth of
his Latin and pronunciation °^; but indeed because
he opposed the pope's power in dispensing with
marriages, contrary to the law of God, whose judg-
ment was afterwards made use of by the defenders
of the divorce of king Henry the Eighth".

21. William Ocham sided with Lewis of Bavaria
against the pope, maintaining the temporal power
above the spiritual; he was fain to fly to the
emperor for his safety, saying unto him,

Defcndo me gladio, et ego te defendam verbo.

Defend me with thy sword, and I will defend thee
with my word.

)duuna

dffim.

criftlift.

has slightly altered the quo-
tation, as appears by this ma-
nuscript. To this work John Ba-
ret has added the lives of some
writers omitted by Trissa, and
among the rest that of Trissa
himself in the following words:
*' Johannes Trissa Callus, ge-
** nerosus, de provincia Nar-
" bonee et de Conventu Ne-
^' mausi, theologicse laurese
'* Parhisii candidatus, suse
" doctrinae specimen exhibi-
** turus accedit, multiplici vir-
'* tutum litterarumque ornatus
" congerie. Futiirum hunc
*^ sanctse sedis antistitem im-
" matura mors impedivit. E-
" didit iste glossemata (quas
*^ legit Parhisius) in sententias
" et in bibliam. Cathalogum
" quoque composuit de magi-
" stris Parhisii et de Carmeli
" pastoribus primis, atque Ca-

" pitulorum canones. Plura
*' adhuc scripsisset si non oh-
** stitisset mors emula. Non
" sine multorum ejulatu mor-
" tuus est venerabilis iste pater
" Nemausi, anno Domini
" M.CCC.LXIII. 5a die Julii,
** longa alioqui vita dignissi-
*« mus."

Of Baconthorpe, or de Ba-
con, (as he is more correctly
called,) or Joannes Anglicus,
(as he is frequently called,)
see Alegre, Paradisus Carmeli-
ticus,p.294, and the preface to
his works by Franciscus de
Medicis.]

™ Bale, [Scriptores, V. §. i.]
n Jacobus Calcus Papien-
sis. [" James Calcus Papiensis
" in opere suo de Henrici 8vi
" Anglorum regis divortio.**
Bale, p. 382.]

Ar U& ^f^raaEKW ik> ^i»^

Aed of lie fiapat x Xocc&suKpcoa rszsc

: and aihhoG^ii aes j^ iQ
\uB poWc wtmSmg he vas hoc eome to tlie fafe^ ^ivise
liieieoC (si> Proper far Bortafitr.^ we mir i^kuiiahlT
believe he lad senMdr cmmeiited dhnn?<«i in lib
prhrmie medhaticMB. ITfal a wCTifr dtw Aiintf m ikuh/^
mMAM^ file «W. flW liov «iafr Ji^ivr A> «aiijv.

S3. ThomB Bkadvaidme bringech up the ivttniWjM
thoDgli in kaimng' and {Metr (if not sQpmor> equal 'Sri^iiniju
to any of the rest, witness his woithv book a^sainst
Pelagianism, to aasnt the fieeness of God's grace in
man's conTeraon, which he justly intituleth« TV
coMisaDei^j "• of God's cause;" for as God is a second
in eTeiT good cause, so he is a principal in this«
wherein his own honour is so neariy concenunL
And though the P^mist saith, Plead MiW oirii
coMige O Lard ; yet in this age, wherein miracles are
ceased, Grod pleadeth his cause, not in his person*
but by the proxy of the tongues, and pens, hands

P [Pope John XXII. The
Ronuuiists said of him ; '^Nul-
" las UDquam scriptor S. Ma-
*' tri ecclesiae adeo se simul
** amore et odio dignum red-
" didit, ac iste Occamus.
" Dam theologica scribit nemo
" melius ; dum contra eccle-
" siam, insolentior nemo." See

FULLEtl, VOL. ir.

Fabricius Biblioth. Lat. Med.
^vi, VII. 158.

q [Bale's Scriptores V. §. 84,
See also Echard Scriptores Do.
minicani, i. p. 629.]

r [Edited by sir Henry Sa-
vile, and printed at London in
1618.3

s

258 The Church UMory book m.

A.D. i3i4«and hearts of his servants. This Bradwardine urad

7 £dw. II.

'- — 1 afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, and bow highly

esteemed, let Chaucer tell you.

*

But I ne cannot boult it to the bren.
As can the holy doctor St. Austin,
Dr. Boece, or the bishop Bfadwardin'*

This testimony of Chaucer by the exact computation
of time, written within forty years after Bradwar-
dine's death, which addeth much to his honour, that,
in so short a time his memory was in the peaceable,
possession of so general a veneration, as to be joined
in company with St. Augustine and Boethius, two
such emment persons in their several capacities.
Schoolmen 24. The schoolmeu principally employed them-
J^J^"* selves in knotty and thorny questions of controversial
difficulties, divinity; indeed as such who live in London, and.
like populous places, having but little ground for
their foundations to build houses on, may be said to
enlarge the breadth of their houses in height; I
mean increasing their room in many stories one
above another ; so the schoolmen in this age, lacking
the latitude of general learning and languages,
thought to enlarge their active minds by mounting
up. So improving their small bottom with towering
speculations, though some of things mystical that
might not, more of things difficult that could not,
most of things curious that need not be known
unto us.
Excuses for 25. Their Latin is generally barbarous, counting
iJ^tin. any thing eloquent that is expressive, going the
nearest way to speak their own notions, though
sometimes trespassing on grammar, abusing if hot

8 The Nonnes Preestes tale [v. 15247.]

<Jent. xiv. of Britain, S69

breaking Priscian's head therein*: some impute thisA.D.1314.
their bald and threadbare language to a design that ^
no vermin of equivocation should be hid under the
nap of their words ; whilst others ascribe it to their
want of change, and their poverty in learning, to
procure better expressions.

26. Yet these schoolmen agreed not amongst Their se-
themselves in their judgments. For Burley being vfsions hi
scholar to Scotus, served him as Aristotle did Plato J'"^*^®"*'
his master, maintaining a contrary faction against

him. Ocham his scholar, father of the nominals,
opposed Scotus the founder of the reals ; which two
Actions divided the schoolmen betwixt them ; Holcot
being a Dominican, stiffly resisted the Franciscans
about the conception of the Virgin Mary, which
they would have without any original sin. How-
ever the papists, when pressed that their divisions
mar their unity ^ (a mark of the church whereof they
boast so much,) evade it, by pleading that these
points are not de fide^ only in the outskirts of
religion, and never concluded in any council to be
the articles of faith.

27. All of these schoolmen were Oxford, most au Oxford,
Morton college men. As the setting up of an ton college,
eminent artist in any place of a city draws chapmen

unto him to buy his wares, and apprentices to learn
his occup^ion. So after Roger Bacon had begun
school-ditinity in Merton college, the whole gang
and genius of that house successively applied their
studies thereunto ; and many repaired thither from
all parts of the land for instruction in that nature.
Meantime Cambridge men were not idle, but other-

* Opus operatum.

260 The Church History book hi.

A.v. 1314. wise employed, more addicting themselves to preach-
y Edw. II. .^^ whereof though the worid took not so much
notice, positive divinity not making so much noise as
controversial, (where men engage more earnestness,)
yet might be more to God's glory, and the saving of
the souls of men.
Why 28. Some will wonder, seeing school-divinity was

J^*J^' so rife in Oxford in this age, for some hundred years
^J^ together, viz. from towards the end of Henry's to
after this the end of Edward's reign, both the third of their
names,) how the study thereof, should sink so
suddenly in that university^ which afterwards pro-
duced not such eminent men in that kind. But
hereof several reasons may be assigned :

i. The wars betwixt York and Lancaster soon
after began; a controversy indeed, which silenced
school-velitations, students being much disheartened
with those martial discords.

ii. Once in an age the appetite of an univeraty
alters as to its diet in learning, which formerly filled
(not to say surfeited) with such hard questions, for
variety sake, sought out other employments.

iii. The sparks of scholars' wits, in school-divinity,
went out for want of fuel in that subject, grown so
trite and threadbare, nothing could be but what had
been said of the same before. Wherefore fine wits
found out other ways to busy themselves.

iv. Only information of the brain, no benefit to
the purse, accrued by such speculations, which made
others in after-ages to divert their studies, a qiuBstUh
nibtiSy ad qtuBstum^ from metaphysical queries to
case-divinity, as more gainftil and profitable; best
enabling them for hearing confessions, and propor-
tioning penance accordingly.

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 861

Since the reformation, school-divinity in both theA.D. 1314.
universities is not used (as anciently) for a sole pro- 1 — ^ — .'
fession by itself to engross all a man's life therein,
but only taken as a preparative quality to divinity ;
discreet men not drowning, but dipping their minds .
in the study thereof ^

28. Return we now to the commonwealth which The sad
we left bad, and find amended, as an old sore with- of^E^^^d
out a plaster in cold weather; king Edward rather *"^ ^^"^
wilfiil than weak, (if wilftdness be not weakness, and
sure the same effects are produced by both, ruin and
destruction,) slighted his queen's company, and such
a bed if left (where beauty without grace) seldom
standeth long empty. Queen Isabel blinded with
fiiry, mistook the party who had wronged her, and
revengeth her husband's faults on her own con-
science, living incontinently with Roger Mortimer ;
a man martial enough, and of much merit otherwise,
save that an harlot is a deep pit, therein invisibly to
bury the best deserts. The two Spencers ruled all
at pleasure, and the king was not more forward to
bestow favours on them, as they free to deal affronts
to others their superiors in birth and estate. Thus
men of yesterday have pride too much to remember
what they were the day before ; and providence too
little to foresee what they may be to-morrow. The
nobility (then petty kings in their own countries)
disdained such mushrooms should insult over them ;
and all the Spencers' insolencies being scored on the
king's account, no wonder jf he (unable to discharge
his own engagements) was broken by suretyship for
others.

29. I find it charged on this king, that he suffered King Ed-
the pope to encroach on the dignity of the crown, to cused for

s 3

96ft The Church History of Britain. book ni.

A.D. 1314. the great damage, and more dishonour of the
I — II — 1 nation^ Indeed his father left him a fair stake, and
hispn^ SI winning hand, (had a good gamester had the
^[*®^® playing thereof,) having recovered some of his privi-
leges from the papal usurpation, which since it seems
his son had lost back again, though the particulars
thereof in history do not so plainly appear. Only it
is plain, that to support himself, and supply his ne-
cessities, he complied with the clergy, (a potent
party in that age,) favourably measuring out the
causes of their cognizances ; for although in the
reign of his father an hedge was made by an act in
that nature, betwixt the spiritual and temporal
courts, yet now a ditch (a new act) was added to the
former scene. So that hereafter (except vnlfuUy)
they could not mutually trespass on each other^s
jurisdictions.

* [See however the Fcsdera, I. 617.] *'■

BICHADO SBYMERE-,

NECE88ARI0 MEO.

Inter amiaim meum et necestarium hoc pono discriminis,
quod file ad bene este, Mc ad meum esse quodammodo
requiratur. Qfio nomine iu miki ea ealutandus, qui sine
te plane mancus mihi videor. Tua enim artifici dextra,
uaua sum, per iolum hoc opus in scutis gentili/iis depin'
gendis. Made, vir ingenue, ac natales tuos, generosos
taiie, novo splendore iUusiriores reddilo.

■OLLEGES yet were few, and students A.D.131&
\ now many in Oxford : whereupon ^ *' '
Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, gf^^;
founded and endowed one therein byf? jj^^
the name of Stapleton's inn, since supieum.
called Exeter college''. This bishop was one of
high birth and large bounty, being said to have

■ [Anns. Or, two angels' his coat, was probably a third
wings conjoined Had inverted, son of that family,
gules, on a chief sable three Hanford near Pimperoe is.
martlets argent, a mullet for still the seat of Henry Sey-
difference. This is the coat of mour, esq,]
Seymere or Seymour of Han- ^ [See Wood's History of
ford, county of Dorset, and Colleges, &c, p. 104. Accord-
according to the visitation of ing to whom Stapteton's-hall
that county in 1633, n-&» then and Hart-hall were the same
■o borne by sir Robert Sey- places ; bot Mr. Stapleton, dis.
mere, one of the barons of the satisfied with the original site,
exchequer, who married a removed his foundation to a
daughter of sir William Fitt more convenient one, and so
of Westminster. This Richard founded the present Exeter
Severe, from the mullet in college.]
S4

^64

The Church History

BOH III.

A.D. 1 316.
9£dw. II.

Who after,
wards was
barbarously
murdered.

SirWiUiam
Petre his
bounty.

expended a year's revenues of his (then rich) bishopric
in the solemnity of his instalment. He also fomided
Hart-hall in Oxford. But oh the difference betwixt
the elder and younger brother, though sons to the
same father ! the one carrying away the whole in-
heritance, whilst the other sometimes hath httle
more than himself left unto him, as here this hall is
altogether unendowed.

2. This worthy bishop had an unworthy and un-
timely death some ten years after. For being lord
treasurer, and left by the king in his absence to
govern the then mutinous city of London, the citi-
zens, not without encouragement from the queen,
furiously fell upon him, and in Cheapside most bar-
barously butchered him, and then, as hoping to bray
their murder with his body, huddled him obsciirelj
into a hole^. But afterward, to make his ghost
some reparation, and stop the clamour of the cleig]^
the queen ordered the removmg and interring of his
body and his brother's, a valiant knight slain on the
same account, in the cathedral of Exeter. One
would wonder this bishop was not made a martyr
and sainted in that age, save that his suffering was
of civil concernment, and not relating to religion^.

3. This house hath since found two eminent bene-
factors, first, sir William Petre, (bom of honest

n
<(
((

<(

c [Thos. de la More, p. 599.]
d '♦ [His ita se hahentibus
[a. 1326.] vulgus Londini re-
ginae et Rogero de Mortuo-
mari volens complacere bonae
memoriae Dominum Wal-
terum episcopum Exon :
decimo quinto Octobris in
medio civitatis furiosae cap-
tum decapitavit; et quosdam

' etiam alios, ea sola causa
' quod regis ministerio fideli-
' ter adhaeserunt, atrociter ne^

* cevere. Caput vero episoopi

* reginae apud Gloverniam sao
^ exercitui incumbent!^ at

* sacriiicium Deo et benepla-
' citum obtulerint/' De k

More, p. 599. This is partly
confirmed by Avesbury, p. 5.]

3CICMT. XIV. of Britain, 965

pw^itage in Exeter,) principal secretary to four sue- a.d. 1316.
ii&BAye kings and queens. One who in ticklish and 2. — !!j — I
taming times did good to himself, got a great estate,
injurious to none that I ever heard or read of, but
courteous to many, and eminently to this college,
wherein he bestowed much building, and augmented
it with eight fellowships^.

4. The other, George Hake will ^, doctor of divinity, Dr. Hake-
late rector thereof, who though married and having this chapd.
children, (must it not be a quick and large fountain,
which besides filling a pond had such an overflovring
stream ?) bestowed more than one thousand pounds

in building a beautiful chapel. This is he who
wrote the learned and religious " Apology for Divine
** Providence," proving that the world doth not decay.
Many begin the reading thereof with much pre-
judice, but few end it without full satisfaction, con-
verted to the author's opinion by his unanswerable
arguments.

5. This college consisteth chiefly of Cornish and Western

men here
most

e [He was likewise a con- ** Declaration of the providence P"*?*'''

siderable benefactor to All- ** of God in the government

Souls college.] *' of the world," proving, in

^ [He was the son of John opposition to some passages
Hakewill, a merchant of Exeter, advanced by bishop Goodman
and born in the parish of St. in his " Fall of Man," that the
Mary Arches. At first a com. world does not decay. Though
moner of St. Alban hall, inclined to the low church
afterwards fellow of Exeter party, he suffered in the great
collie, and shortly after rebellion, was driven from the
archdeacon of Surrey. About rectory of Exeter college, and
the year 16 16 he fell into retired to Staunton near Barn-
some troubles for his zeal staple in Devonshire, and there
in opposing the Spanish match, died in 1649. See besides
He was a writer of very con- Wood, Lloyd's Memoirs, p.
siderable talent, but the best of 540. Fuller's Worthies, p. 280.
his works (which are enume- Goodman's Court of king '
rated by Wood, Athenae, II. James, I. p. 365.]
p. 124.) is his '* Apology or

S66

The Church History

BOOK III.

0.1316. Devonshire men, the gentry of which latter, queen
— '• — '• Elizabeth used to say, were courtierB by their birtt
And as these western men do bear away the bell
for might and sleight in wrestling, so the scholars
here have always acquitted themselves with credit
in paUestra literaria. The rectors of this house
anciently were annual (therefore here omitted) fixed,
but of latter years to continue the term of their lives.

Rectort,

Bishops.

1566. John Neale.
1570. Robert Newton.
1578. ThcGlasier.
i.;92. Tho. Holland.
1611. John Prideaux.
1642. George Hakewill.
I 1649. [John] Conant.

1641. John Pri-
deaux, bishop of
Worcester.

1641. Tho. Win.
niff, bishop c€
Lincoln, ir

Benefactors. hemmed \

Edmund Stafford,
bishop of Exeter.

Mr.John Peryam,
alderman of Ex-
eter.

Sir John Ackland,
knight, expend-
ing (besides
other bene£eM>
tions) 800/. in
building the
haU.

Judge

ridge.
OeoigeHi
John Pri(
Sir Simon

kerviL
Dr. Vduain.
Nadi.
Nath.Nfl
Geoiige

So that lately therein were maintained, one rector,
twenty-three fellows, a bible-clerk, two pensioners,
servants, commoners, and other students, to the
number of two hundred.
B king's 6. Clergymen began now to complain that the
wrer to ^^.y judgos intrenched on their privileges, and there-
P^i^^'fore they presented a petition to the king in his
parliament at Lincoln, requesting the redress of six-
teen grievances. To most of them the king returned
a satisfactory answer, and so qualified his denials to
the rest, that they could not but content any reason-
able disposition.

f I am informed that Dr. not seen it. [I have never been

Prideaux, in a dedication to able to discover this sermon.]
one of his ser mons, hath reck- ? [Twenty bishops to the

oned all the worthy writers of year 1756 are mentioned bj

this house, but as yet I have Wood.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain, ft&7

7. These concessions of the kinff were digested a. d. 131 6.

- ®. _ ® 9Edw.11.
into laws, and are pnnted at larffe m the statutes

Made a

known by the title of Articuli Clein. Whereon sir printed
Edward Coke, in the second part of his Institutes, under the
hath made no less learned than large commentary . ^^^^^
So that though, the law* of circumspecte agatis had ^''^•
stated this difference, yet it seems this statute (as
circumspectius agatis) was conceived very requisite.

8. Moreover, these statutes did not so clearly Yet the

t decide the difference betvidxt the spiritual and between the
fc temporal jurisdictions, but that many contests hap- du^o"|J^*"
^ pened afterwards betwixt them ; no longer ago than JfJ^u^"'
Y in the fifth of king James, when the doctors of the
commons under Richard Bancroft, archbishop of
^ Canterbury, their general, opposed the judges about
Y- the indeterminable controversies of prohibitions. Add
hereunto, that the clergy claimed to themselves the
most favourable interpretation of all statutes in their
own behalf, whilst the temporal judges (in the not
sitting of parliaments) challenged that privilege to
themselves.

9. The most lasting monument of the memory of a.d. 1324.
woful king Edward the Second, was the building of le^ b^it
Oriel college in Oxford *". Indeed some make him, ^^^^^ j^^
and others Adam de Brom, his almoner, founder ^«*^"^-
thereof*, and both perchance truly, the king allowing,

his almoner issuing money for the building and en-
dovdng thereof. Others will have it, that his almoner
persuaded him on conscientious principles to this good
work, pertinently alleging and pressing this instance,
to prove that the king's nature was not bad in itself,

h [Formerly called St.Mary's served in a chapel called after
the Virgin. Wood, p. 122.] liis name; now part of St.

i [His memory is still pre- Mary's church.]

268 The Church History book iil

A.D. 1 314* but too yielding to the impressions of others. Now

whereas the other alms of this king were perishing,

as relieving only poor for the present; these, as

more lasting, have done good to many generations.

Query 10. I meet with no satis&ctory reason of the

name name which some will have to contain something of

thereof. Eastoniess therein: so situated comparatively to

some more ancient foundation. Others deduce it

from oriolium, an eminent room in monasteries^

and I cannot but smile at such who will have
royal / as a pathetical admiration of princely magni-
ficence^.
Kings 11. However, I do not deny but that the kings of

fathers to England have been very indulgent to this foundation.
ouse. p^j. ijggij^g j^jjjg Edward the Second the founder

thereof, his son king Edward gave unto them the
hospital of St. Bartholomew's nigh Oxford, with
lands to maintain eight poor people, subject to the
government of the provost and fellows of this col-
lege. Besides, king James being informed of some
legal defects in this foundation, granted them a new
corporation cavil-proof against all exceptions.
Lately re- 12. This coUegc being much decayed, Anthony
mostde- Bleucow late provost, bequeathed twelve hundred
^" ^' pounds to the new building of a front thereof;
which being done, lest it should be a disgrace to the
rest of the fabric, the whole college is rebuilt in a
most decent manner.

^ M. Paris in vitis Ab. Sti. sive messuage bestowed on

Albani, p. loo. chapel by king Edward

I [More probably from La 1327.]
Oriole, the name of an exten-

CJSNT. XIV.

of Britain.

269

Propotts,

Bewffactort,

Bishopt.

Learned writert.

J326. Adam de Brom.

John Franke

John Car-

William Allen,

I332- William de Lever.

gave four fel-

penter, bi-

cardinal.

ton.

lowships.

shop of

Sir Walter Ra-

X347. William de

John Carpen-

Worcester.?

leigh, q

Haukesworth.

ter, bishop of

WiUiam

1349« William de Da-

Worcester,

Prynne.

ventre.

gave one fel-
lowship.

'.^73- William de Co-

lyntre.

WiUiam Smith,

1385. JohndeMiddleton.

bishop of Lin-

[1394. John de Maldon.]

coln, gave one

1401. John de Possel.

fellowship.

William de Corffe.

Richard Dud-

J414. Thomas de Lintle-

ley, D.D. gave

warden*.

two fellow.

Henry E^ayle.

ships and two

1425. Nicholas Barry".

exhibitions.

John Carpenter.

1443. Walter Lyhart.

1445. John Halse.

1449. Henry Sampson.

Thomas Hawkins.

1478. John Taylor.

1493. Thomas Cornish.

1507. Edmund Myl-

•

forde".

15 16. James More.

¥530. Thomas Ware.

1538. Henry Mynne.
1540. William Haynes.

1550. John Smith.

1565. Roger Marbeck.

1566. John Belly.

1572. Anthony Blen-

cowe.

1617. l>r. W illiam Lewes.

1621. Dr. John Tolson.

1644. Dr. John Sanders.

A. D. 1324.
i7£dw. II.

So that lately were maintained therein, one provost,
eighteen fellows, one bible-clerk, twelve exhibition-
ers, with commoners and college officers amounting
to one hundred and sixty.

™ [Or Leintwarden. Wood,
ib.l

^ [Wood calls him Herry.]

o [Wylsford. Wood.l

P r Wood enumerates sixteen

prelates as having belonged to
this college to the year 1 766,]
q Before or after of Chi;i8t-
church.

270

The Church HiMtory

BOOK III.'

A.D. 1315
i8Kdw.II

War be.
tween the
queen and
king.

Counter
proclama-
tiont and
counter
nunoiirt.

18. Let us cast our eye on the commonwealth
' only, as it is the ring wherein the diamond of the
church is contained, and that now fiill of cracks,
caused by the several state factions. The two Spen-
cers ruled all things till the queen and her scm
(who politicly had got leave to go beyond the seas)
returned into England with a navy and army landing
in Suffolk ^ She denounceth open war against h^
husband, unless he would presently conform to hw
desires".

14. The king proclaimed that a thousand pounds
should be given to him that brought the head of
Roger Mortimer. The queen proclaimed (such who
had the better purse may give the greater price)
that whosoever brought the head of the young
Spencer (it seems his father was not so considerable)
should have two thousand pounds. The queen*ft
party gave out that the king of France had sent over
a vast army for her assistance, and the king's side
anti-rumoured (who could raise reports easier than
armies) that the pope had excommunicated all such
who sided against him ^: now though both reports

*■ [Apud portam de Herwyke
in parte orientali Anglise.
Chron.de Lanercost. an. 1326.]

• [According to the Chro-
nicle of Lanercost, the king
sent hev into France under
the expectation that she would
be able to negociate a peace
between him and her brother,
the king of France. On the
same authority it is stated that
the cause of her enmity to the
younger Spencer, who was su-
preme in the king's favour,
arose from his attempting to
procure a divorce between the

king and queen, for which
purpose he sent Thomas de
Dunheved and Eobert de Bal-
dock to Rome. Chron. de La-
nercost. an. 1325.]

* [Quite the reverse accord-
ing to Thomas de la More,
p. 598. *• Praeterea prosiluit
" mendacium ab exercitu [sc.
*' reginse] in omnes regni pla-
** gas divulgatum, quod sum-
'* muspontifexRomanus omnes
" Anglos absoluit a fidelitate
" jurata suo regi, fulminaret-
'* que sententiam excommuni-
" cationis in omnes contra re-

B CBKT. XIV.

of Britain.

m

B were false, they made true impressions of hope in a. d. 1346.
, sach hearts as believed them. ^^ — !^1-I

, 15. Three ways were presented to king Edward, The king
i fight, flight, and concealment ; the first he was un- fight,

- able to do, having no effectual forces, only able for

- a time to defend the castle of Bristol, till many of
. his complices were taken therein: a tower therein

(given out to be undermined) being indeed under-
monied with bribes to the defenders thereof. Here
the elder Spencer was taken and executed.

16. Flight was no less unsafe than dishonourable. Or flee.
for his kingdom being an island, the sea would
quickly put a period thereunto. Indeed there was
some thoughts of his flight into Ireland, which was

no better than out of a dirty way into a very bog;
besides great the difficulty to recover the sea, and
greater to pass over it, all ports and passages were
so waylaid.

17. Concealment was at the last resolved on, not After a
as the best, but only way of his security; for a time ceaUnent !■
he lay hid amongst the Welsh" (not able to help,**^*"'
but willing to pity him as a native of their country)

. concealed in the abbey of Nethe, till men are sent

" down with money, (no such light as the shine of

silver wherewith to discover a person inquired for,)

and soon after he was betrayed into their hands^.

The younger Spencer taken with him is hung on a

*' ginam arma deferentes. Ad
'* hujus niendacii confirmatio-
" nem finguntur duo cardinales
" esse exercitui reginse adhse-
" rentes nuntii praemissorum/']

« [Th. de la More, p. 599.
Avesbury, p. 6.]

V [He was treated with con-

siderable barbarity, having first
been hung, then decapitated,
last of all quartered ; his head
was placed on London bridge,
one of his quarters was sent to
Dover, another to Bristol, a
third to York, and the fourth
to Newcastle. Avesbury, p. 6.^

273 The Church History book hi.

A.D. 1326. gallows fifty foot high, and the promised two thon-
19Edw.lL g^jj^ pounds were duly paid, and equally parted be-
twixt several persons employed in his apprehension.
King Ed. 18. Many persons of quality were sent down from
ligne^^ the parliament then sitting to king Eldward, to
crown. Kenilworth castle, to move, alias to command him
to resign the crown, which at last he sadly surren-
dered. Sir William Trussel, a lawyer of great
abused abilities, being rather to make than find a
precedent in this kind, improved his wits in the for-
malities thereof. Soon after prince Edward his son
is crowned king, whose father is now no more than
plain Edward of Caernarvon, though his mother,
whose title was relative to, and a derivative from
her husband the dethroned king, was now more
queen Isabel than ever before. Thus the degradation
of a knight, as some have informed me, extendeth
not to his wife, who by the courtesy of England, if
once, is ever a lady.
He is 19. Edward, late king, with many letters solicited

hii own ^ ^^ ^^ admitted into the queen's company. All in
^'^•^ vain, she found embraces at a less distance dearer
unto her, preferring the society of a lord, who in
effect had deposed a king, before a king, who had
deposed himself: she made many excuses of sickness
and indisposition to enjoy him. So easily can that
sex make plausible pretences, that they cannot what
they will not do.
AndcrueUy 20. Roger Mortimer, whose lust and revenge was
murdered. gqu^Hy uusatiablc, could not be quiet whilst king
Edward was alive; he feared king Edward might
play an after-game of affection in his subjects : in
order therefore to his death, he is removed from
Kenilworth (where the earl of Leicester his keeper

CEKT. XIV. of Britain, 273

was suspected too sympathising with his sorrow) a. d. 1326.
unto Berkley castle, where he was barbarously^^ — ^^*
butchered, being struck into the postern of his body
with a hot spit, as it is generally reported^.

21. Nothing now remaineth in this king's reign,Ab™ce
save to take notice how the clergy (understand such subject^'.
who were active, for neuters shall pass for none)
tstand affected in this great state-difference. I find

not enough to call a number of the bishops cordial
to the king. For besides Walter Stapleton, bishop
of Exeter, of whom before, only John Stratford,
Insfaop of Winchester, heartily adhered unto him,
and yet this Stratford was employed on a message
from the parliament to the king at Kenilworth to
persuade him to resign the crown, though having
no other design than the king's safety therein. He
hoped that in this tempest the casting out of the
lading would save the hulk of the ship, and the sur-
rendering of the sceptre secure the king's person.

22. With John Stratford let me couple Robert dcAndaioyai
Baldock (though no bishop, a bishop's mate) as a^^alJceiior.
priest and chancellor of England*. This man, unable

to assist, resolved to attend the king, and was taken
with him in Wales. Hence was he brought up to
London, and committed to Adam Tarleton, bishop
of Hereford. Here the shadow of Tarleton's mitre
(if pleased to put forth his power) might have se-
cured this his guest-prisoner from any danger,
whereas on the contrary, it is more than suspicious

^ [Yet Avesbury represents cester, p. 6. See below, p. 280.]
his submission as a voluntary < [D3 la Morei p. 60c. In

deed^andseems to have thought which commission he was

his death was natural. Accord, joined by Adam Tarleton « bi-

ing to the same writer he was shop of Hereford, ot* whom

buried at the abbey of Gloir- see afterwards.]

FULLEE, VOL. II. T

5r74

The Cknrch Hi$ioty

BOOK III.

i.u f '26. that lie ^ve a ngnal to the tnniiiltaoas people to
— ^s^'izc his person. For he was diagged to Newgate.

and there payed his life for his loyalty; yet
fievr-r heard to complain of the deamees of his
iM*nnvworth. If anv violence was secretiv ofiered
unto his ]ierson, he might endure it the more
l»fltienth% having read, that the dheip/e f> not aiare
his uinsti*r^ nor the servant Itetter than hh lord^. This
Ibihhiek was a good justicer, nor charged in onr
rhniniclcM with anv misdemeanour, save faithfulness
to an unfortunate master, and his memory will tra-
vorsc his innocence, as confessing the fact, but de-
nying any fault therein*.
knhhii.h<ip 23. Hut we have more than a good number of
iiitharikfiii such ))isIiops, which ungratefully sided with the
"''^'r|uc»en against her husband, and their sovereigD.
Walter Jloynolds archbishop of Canterbury leads
tlieir van, ]>referred to that see at the king's great
importunity, and by the pope his power ofprovisim.
i )n the same token that, a far better man^ Thomas
(!obham by name, dean of Salisbury, (so learned and
|>ious a person that he was generally called the good
clergyman,) legally elected by the commons, was put
by by the pope to make room for this Reynolds. He
afterwards complied with the queen, his new mis-

y ]\Iatt. X. 24.

2 [He, as well as Walter
Stapleton^ was murdered by
tlie fury of the London mob^
ever the foremost in deeds of
lawlessness and cruelty. When
he had been brought to Lon-
don by the influence of Tarle-
ton, the Londoners laying vio-
lent hands upon him, not
without the connivance of the
bishop of Hereford, thrust him

into Newgate, desiring that he
might be drawn and quartered
as a traitor. But when after
many examinations they could
find no spot of treason m him,
nor fix any crime upon him,
disappointed of their ven-
geance, they handled him so
brutally, that he died from the
effects of his ill-treatment early
in the spring.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 276

tress, against his old master, active to perform his a. d. 1326.

desires. This some seek in vain to excuse, by-^ '—

pleasing her imperious spirit, and this archbishop's
fearAilness, alleging that cowardliness is rather a
defect in nature than default in morality.

24. A word by the way of the nature of the The nature
pope's provisions, (lately mentioned,) which nowprovis^^*
began to be a general grievance of our nation.
When any bishopric, abbot's place, dignity, or good
living (aquila non capit muscas) was like to be void,

the pope, by a profitable prolepsis to himself, pre-
disposed such places to such successors as he pleased.
By this device he defeg-ted (when so pleased) the
legal election of all convents, and rightful pre-
sentation of all patrons. He took up churches
before they fell, yea, before they ever stumbled : I
mean, whilst as yet no suspicion of sickness, in in-
cumbents younger and healthier than his holiness
himself. Yea, sometimes no act of provision was
entered in scriptis in the court, only the pope was
pleased to say by word of mouth (and who durst
confute him ?) he had done it. So that incumbents
to livings, who otherwise had a rightful title from
their patrons, were, to purchase their peace, glad to
buy of the pope's provisions. Yea, his holiness sold
them aforehand to several persons, so that not he
who gave the first, but the most money, carried
away the preferment.

25. Next we take notice of Henry Burwash%Burwiwh

biiihnn of

bishop of Lincoln, lately restored to the favour of Lincoln
king Edward, and by him lately esteemed. Yet no

* [In Rymer the name is More, p. 497. Godwin de
spelt Burghershe. See a fur- Praes. Ang. p. 294.]
ther account of him in De la

T 2

276 The Church History book hi.

.T>. 1376. sooner did tlio queen appear in the field with an
' army against him, but this bishop was the first and

forwardest who publicly repaired unto her. This
Bumash was he, who by mere might, against aU
right and reason, took in the land of many poor
])eople, (without making also the least reparation,)
therewith to complete his park at Tinghurst. These
wronged persons, though seeing their own bread,
beef, and mutton turned into the bishop's venison,
durst not contest with him who was chancellor of
England, though neither law nor equity in this his
action ; only they loaded him with curses and exe-
crations. Tliis mindeth me of a modem accident,
when, some twenty years since, a knight went about
injuriously to inclose the conunons of a town, and
demanded of his bailiff what the railing in of the
same would amount to; to whom his servant an-
swered, '^ that if he would take in the conunons, the
" country would find him railings," as here they did
this injurious bishop. Otherwise let me say, that
inclosures made without oppression are a grand en-
riching both to private persons and to the common-
wealth.

/

imiieoi' 26. Here let the reader smile or frovni, I am
"^^^' resolved to write what I find recorded in a grave
author, deriving it no doubt from good intelli-
gence^. This bishop Burwash is said after his death
to have appeared to one of his former fieimiliar friends,
apparelled

Like a forester all in green-a.

With his bow and quiver of arrows, and his bugle

^ Godwin de Pries. Ang* p. 294.

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 877

horn hanging by his side: to him he complained a d. 1326.
that for the injuries done by him to the poor whilst '^ ^^' '
living, he was now condemned to this penance, to be
the park-keeper of that place, which he so wrong-
fully had enclosed. He therefore desired him to
repair to the canons of Lincoln, and in his name to
request them that they would take order, that all
hedges being cut down, and ditches filled up, all
might be reduced to their property, and the poor
men be restored to their inheritance. It is added
moreover, that one W. Bachelor was employed by
the canons aforesaid to see the premises performed,
which was done accordingly.

27. This pretended apparition seems inconsistent a grave
with the nature of purgatory, as usually by papists ^ ^^^'
represented to people. Surely the smoke thereof
would have sooted his green suit, and the penance
seems so slight and light for the offence, as having

so much liberty and pleasm'e in a place of command.
Some poets would have fancied him rather conceived
himself turned Acteon-like, into a deer, to be daily
hunted by his own hound, guilt of conscience, until
he made restitution. But it seems there be degrees
in piu-gatory, and the bishop not in the prison itself,
but only within the rules thereof, privileged to go
abroad, whether on his parole or with his keeper,
uncertain, till he could procure suffrages for his
plenary relaxatioB.

28. Adam Tarleton, bishop of Hereford, is the last a devu
we will insist on, bom in that city, where afterward ^'^^^ "^'
he became bishop, yet not honoured, but hated, and
feared in the place of hia nativity^. He was thQ

c [Th. de h More, p, 599..!

T 3

278

The Church History

BOOK III.

A.D. .3j6.grand engineer and contriver of all mischief against
1? — !^' the king. Witness the sennon preached by him at
Oxford before the queen, (then in hostile pursuit
after her husband,) taking for this text the words of
the sick son of the Shunamite, My head^ my TieadK
Here his wit and malice endeavoured to reap what
God's Spirit did never intentionally sow, and urged
that a bad king (the distempered head of a state) is
past physic or chirurgery to be cured by receipts or
plasters, but the only way is to cut it off from the
body.
And as bad 29- His writing was worse than his preaching.
For when such agents, set to keep king Edward in
Berkeley castle, were by secret order from Roger
Mortimer commanded to kill him, they by letters

^ [The acconntof the preach-
ing of those prelates who sided
with the queen upon this occa-
sion^ as detailed in the Chro-
nicle of Lanercost, is too cu-
rious to be left altogether un-
noticed^ particularly as it serves
to correct two or three errors
of Fuller, and to supply a
blank in the scanty information
furnished us by the generality
of the chroniclers upon this
subject. According to this
Chronicle, the bishop of Here-
ford preached upon the feast
of St. Hilary, (Jan. 13, 1327,)
taking for his text this passage
from Ecclesiasticus : ** Kex in-
^^ sipiens perdit populum

" suum" he enlarged much

upon the follies of the king,
and the evils which had hap-
pened to this kingdom from
his mismanagement. At the
conclusion of his discourse the

people exclaimed with one
voice; We will not have this
king to reign over us» On the
following day John Stratford,
bishop of Winchester preached,
whose text was taken from
2 Kings iv. 19, " Caput meum
** doleo/* Ml/ head, my head, — •
indicating that the head of the
kingdom was sick and unsound.
He was succeeded upon the
third day by the archbishop of
Canterbury, Walter Reynolds,
who took for his text, " Vox
*• populi vox Dei," de-
claring at the end of his dis-
course to all his audience, that
by the consent of the nobles
and commonalty of the realm,
the king had been deposed
from his former dignity, and
that by the unanimous consent
of all his son £dward should
succeed him. Chron. de La-
nercost, an. 1326.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 279

addressed tliemselves for advice to this bishop, then a. d. 1326.

, i9Edw. II.

not far off at Hereford, craving his counsel what

they should do in so difficult and dangerous a matter.
He returned unto them a riddling answer, altogether
unpointed, which carried in it life and death, yea,
life or death, as variously construed, resolved to be
guided and governed wholly by his direction, not to
dispute, but do what from him was recommended
unto them, as knowing him able both in conscience
and policy to advise them.

Life and Death.
To kill king Edward you need not to fear it is good, a strange

apparition.

Life. Death.

To kill king Edward you To kill king Edward you

need not, to fear it need not to fear, it

is good. is good®.

30. This Adam Tarleton was afterwards accused Arraigned
of treason in the beginning of the reign of king he escapes '
Edward the Third, and arraigned by the king's jj^e/^*
officers, when in the presence of the king he thus
boldly uttered himself;

My lord the king, with all due respect unto
your majesty, I, Adam, an humble minister and
" member of the church of God, and a consecrated
bishop, though unworthy, neither can, nor ought to
answer unto so hard questions, without the conniv-
" aiice and consent of my lord archbishop of Canter-
bury, my immediate judge under the pope, and
" without the consent of other bishops who are my
" peers."

Three archbishops were there present in the

« [*' Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est." Th. de
More, p. 602.]

T 4

280 The Churck Hiitory of Britain. book in.

A.D. 1336. place, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, by whose in-
i? — !L«' tercession Tarleton escaped at that time*.
Arraigned 31. Not long after he was arraigned again at the
protected by king's beuch, the news whereof so startled the
^cio^y- clergy, that the foresaid archbishops erected their
standards, I mean, set up their crosses, and with ten
bishops more, attended with a numerous train of
well-weaponed servants, advanced to the place (rf
judicature. The king^ officers frighted at the sight
fled away, leaving Tarleton the prisoner alone at the
bar ; whom the archbishops took home into their own
custody, denouncing a curse on all such who should
presume to lay violent hands upon him.
Cwtthe 82. The kinir offended hereat, caused a jury of
f?^ Ujmen to be e^p^melled. «.d to i^^ JJL,
pwi^bed. to form of law into the actions of the bishop of
Hereford. This was a leading case, and the first
time that ever laymen passed their verdict on a
clergyman. These jurors found the bishop guilty,
whereupon the king presently seized on his tem-
porals, he proscribed the bishop, and despoiled him
of all his movables. However, afterwards he came
off, and was reconciled to the king, and by the pope
made bishop of Winchester, where he died, a
thorough old man, and blinded with age, many
envying so quiet a death to one who living had been
so turbulent a person. But these things happened
many years after.

^ [The archbishops of Can- taken part against Cdward 11^
terbury and Dublin had both Tho. de la More^ p^ 59^0

SECT.

TO

MASTER THOMAS WILLIAMSS

AND

MASTER WILLIAM VANBRUG^

OF LONDON, MERCHANTS.

Astronomers affirm that some planets^ Saturn^ Jupiter,
Sfc.^ are by many degrees greater than the moon itself,
and this they can easily evidence by demonstration.
However, the moon is bigger^ and shetvs brighter to
meris eyes, because of the vicinity thereof, whilst other
stars are dimmed and diminished by their distance.

a [Arms. Argent, a chevron
between three cocks gules, on
a chief sable, three spear heads
argent, embrned gules. This
is the coat of Williams of
Gwernevet, an ancient Welsh
family, of which this Thomas
Williams was probably a de-
scendant.]

b [This William Vanbrugh
or Vanburgh was the second
but eldest surviving son of
Giles Vanburgh, a wealthy

merchant of Ghent, who fled
from that city to escape the
persecution of Alva, came to
London, and settled in the
parish of St. Stephens Wal-
broke, where he, ^as well as
several of his descendants, lies
buried in a family vault built
by him for that purpose. His
son and successor William
had a brother Giles Vanburgh,
father of the celebrated sir
John Vanburgh, architect and

28a Tke Church History book hi.

l/e ix Hot the happiftt man who Am the highest friends,
too remote to iisaist him, whilst otlters lesser might be
nearer at his need. JVif oicn experience can avouch tke
truth thereof, in relation to your courtesies besiouvd
upon me.

|00N after his death king Edward was

iiuich lameiitetl by those of whom in

his lifetime he was never be]oved^

A\"hether this proceeded from the

mere mutability of meii's minds,

(wt*ar}' to loiter loug in the lazy posture of the

same aft'ection.) or whether it proceeded from the

pride of Mortimn-, whose insolence grew intolerable;

or whether it was because his punishment was

j»\>noraIIy a]tprehende<l to be too heavy for his

fiiult : s«> that dei'osition without death, or (at the

won>t^ (K-ath without such unhuman cruelty had

Kvu surtioient.

Kii^t Kd- (l»e of our Enjrlish poet historians acquainteth us

svi^iiihiaf- ^^"'th a |»as!5age. which to my knowledge appeareth

Ktnitni. ii^ij jij ,-,ti,^,r authors.

At t.iloui.H'^tor i.'ntoiiibe«l £i\Tt\ and buried
\Vhi»r\> stuuo say Ciod shewed for him great grace
v^ilh that txtut-. uith niinicles laudefied

I'lan-ttoit'iix kin^ at arms. His cut. as well as in tliat pretixed

iiiu-tc WtllUtn, lu wki)ni. in to the work above-named,

«s-tmuwt)»«iw)tlt'nu>ousother$. Fuller has given this coat,

^^lUCT h«s «W iit^-ribed his with a slight deviation from

" l*i»)9th Sight." bore as his correctness, Mr. William Van-

Ivkl^TiMt i.><at ofamts. "(.lulw, brugh married Dorothy, daugh-

" »»n H (\>M w thive twTTuleta ler of sir Dudley Carleton, and

" vort i it! chief k donu-lion died at a very advanced a^e in

" avjp'Ht." which was subsc- i7<^4- He lies buried in Wal-

t^Ht-Hllv ittMSnucJ t*» hi* ne>- broke churdb.]

Iihcw "nil J»>hn by Ileirtv S^t. '"Exstiactuaamabitutideni."

iwtt}!^. ^rtcr. " It w-ill be [ Ilor. Ep. I. 1. ii. 14.]
mvH thM lu the present wjod-

CJBNT. XIV. of Britain, 283

Ofte tymes, in diverse many case A.D. 1337.

As is written there, in that same place. 1 Edw. iii.

For which king Rychard, called the Second
To translate him was purposed whole and sounds.

It is much that one but a small saint whilst alive
should be so great a one when dead, as to be mira-
culously illustrious. But every man may believe his
proportion.

2. Indeed great was the conformity betwixt this a pair of
king Edward and that king Richard, both being matched.
secundij the second of their name : but not secundi,
happy in their success. And had king Richard the
Second known aforehand what casualty did attend
him, no wonder if he secretly sjmtipathized with his
condition. Both sons of valiant and beloved fathers,
both of proper and amiable persons. Both debauched

by the ill counsel of their dissolute companions.
Both deposed from their crowns. Both murdered
whilst prisoners in a clandestine, and (as some report)
self-same way of cruelty.

3. Ingenuous people are very loath to believe King Ed-
king Edward the Third accessary to his father's ^tU^n his
death, otherwise than by accepting the crown which ^^^^^ ^^'
he should have refused, and antedating his own
sovereignty. Which may be excused by his tender
years, thirteen as some, fifteen as others compute
them*. Nor is it a weak argument of his innocence

with impartial people, because he reigned above fifty
years, and lived to be a thorough old man. An
happiness promised by God to such who are obedient

c Sir John Harding in the Avesbury, Hist. Edwardi, III.

life of king Edward the Se- p. 5 ; or fourteen, if it be com-

cond. Qchap. 177. ed. J 543.] puted from his father's death.

^ [Thirteen, according to ib. p. 6.]

S84 The Church History book hi.

A. p. 1337. to their parents. Besides, it is considerable, that

'- — ' this king having a numerous issue of active children

of both sexes, none visibly appear a cross unto him,

^^ for any notorious undutifulness.

Hit admSt. 4. The former })art of this king's reign affords but
Ui his wwi. little church history, as totally taken up vnth his
achievements in Scotland and France, vrhere his
success by sea and land was above belief, and even
to admiration. He conquered both before his &ce
and behind his back. Whence he came and whither
he went. North and south, the one in his person,
the other by his substitutes in his absence. Inso-
much that he got more than he knew what to do
with, exhausting the land to man the cities which
he had gained. Herein he stands without a parallel,
that he had both the kings he fought against, viz.
John de Valois of France, and David the king of
Scotland, his prisoners at one time, not taken by any
cowardly surprise, but by fair fight in open field.
And hu- 5. It soundeth much to the commendation of his
^" modesty and moderation, that intending to found an
order of knighthood at his castle of Windsor®, where
he had these two royal prisoners, in the institution
thereof he neither had any insolent relation to his
own conquest, nor opprobrious reflection on his
enemies' captivity, but began the innocent order of
the garter, unreferring to any of his former achieve-
ments. But more hereof in due time.
England 6. The king and state began now to grow sensible
ignorant in of the great gain the Netherlands got by our English
dotw. ^^^^' ^^ memory whereof the duke of Burgundy not
long after instituted the order of the golden fleece,

^ Others say in London town.

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 286

wherein indeed the fleece was ours, the golden a. d. 1337.

theirs, so vast their emolument by the trade of !^ — .'

clothing. Our king therefore resolved if possible to
reduce the trade to his own country, who as yet
were ignorant of that art, as knowing no more what
to do with their wool than the sheep that wear it, as
to any artificial and curious drapery, their best clothes
then being no better than friezes, such their coarse-
ness for want of skill in their making. But soon
after followed a great alteration, and we shall enlarge
ourselves in the manner thereof ^

7- This intercourse now being great betwixt the The king's
English and the Netherlands, (increased of late tempt the
since king Edward married the daughter of the earl ^^c«"
of Hainault,) unsuspected emissaries were employed
by our king into those countries, who wrought them-
selves into familiarity with such Dutchmen as were
absolute masters of their trade, but not masters of
themselves, as either journeymen or apprentices.
These bemoaned the slavishness of these poor
servants, whom their masters used rather like hea-
thens than Christians, yea rather like horses than
men. Early up, and late in bed, and all day hard
work, and harder fare, (a few herrings and mouldy
cheese,) and all to enrich the churls their masters,
without any profit unto themselves.

8. But oh how happy should they be if they To come
would but come over into England, bringing their EngUmcU
mystery with them, which would provide their wel-

^ QThe first staple of wool a tax was granted to the king

in England was held at West- of fifty shillings upon every

minster in 1353, according to sack of wool, and that the

Avesbiiryy Hist. Edw. III. yearly export was reckoned at

p. 194. Th& same writer also a hundred thousand sacks,

observes^ that in the year 1355 p. 216.]

286 The Church History book hi.

A.I). 1337. come in all places! Here they should feed on &t
" '*' beef and mutton, till nothing but their fulness should
stint their stomachs : yea they should feed on the
labours of their own hands, enjoying a proportionable
profit of their pains to themselves, their beds should
be good, and their bed-fellows better, seeing the
richest yeomen in England would not disdain to
marry their daughters unto them, and such the Eng-
lish beauties, that the most envious foreigners could
not but commend them.
And oiitain 9* Liberty is a lesson quickly conned by heart,

their dnire* •■ . . • 1 •^r • ^r 1 a a

men having a principle withm themselves to prompt
them in case they forget it. Persuaded with the
premises, many Dutch servants leave their masters
and make over for England. Their departure thence
(being picked here and there) made no sensible
vacuity, but their meeting here altogether amounted
to a considerable fulness. With themselves they
brought over their trade and their tools, namely,
such which could not, as yet, be so conveniently
made in England.
Their 10. Happy the yeoman's house into which one of

w^lpUon. these Dutchmen did enter, bringing industry and
wealth along with them. Such who came in strangers
within their doors, soon after went out bridegrooms,
and returned son-in-laws, having married the daugh-
ters of their landlords who first entertained them.
Yea, those yeomen in whose houses they harboured
soon proceeded gentlemen, gaining great estates to
themselves, arms and worship to their estates.
The king 11. The king having gotten this treasury of
Sl^^h foreigners, thought not fit to continue them all in
the Dutch, ^j^q placc, Icst ou discontcut they might embrace a
general resolution to return, but bestowed them

CENT. XIV.

of Britain,

287

through all the parts of the land, that clothing a. d, 1337,

thereby might be the better dispersed. Here I say '- — -'

nothing of the colony of old Dutch, who frighted
out of their own country with an inundation, about
the reign of king Henry the First, (possibly before that
nation had attained the cunning of cloth-making,)
were seated only in Pembrokeshire. This new ge-
neration of Dutch was now sprinkled every where,
so that England (in relation I mean to her own
counties) may bespeak these inmates in the language
of the poet.

Quae regie in terns vestri non plena laboris?

Though generally (where left to their own choice)
they preferred a maritime habitation.

East.

West.

North,

Smth.

1. Norfolk, Nor-
wich fustians.

2. Suffolk, Sud-
bury bayes.

1. Devonshire,
kersey.

2. Gloucestershire,
doth.

1 . Westmore-
land, Kendal
cloth.

2. Ijancashire,
Manchester

1. Somerset-
shire, Taun-
ton serges.

2. Hampshire,
doth.

3. Essex, Colches-
ter sayes and

3. Worcestershire,
cloth.

cotton.
3. Yorkshire,
Halifax cloths.

3. Berkshire,
doth.

serges.
4. Kent, Kentish
broadcloths.

4. Wales, Welsh
friezes.

4.

4. Sussex, doth.

I am informed that a prime Dutch cloth maker in
Gloucestershire had the surname of Web given him
by king Edward there: a family still famous for
their manufecture. Observe we here, that mid-
England, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, and Cam-
bridge, having most of wool, have least of clothing
therein.

12. Here the Dutchmen found fullers' earth, aFuUeiV
precious treasure, whereof England hath (if not precious
more) better than all Christendom besides : a great ^^*«^^**y-

288 The Church History book hi.

A. D. 1337. commodity of the quorum to the making of good

! cloth, so that nature may seem to pomt out our land

for the staple of drapery, if the idleness of her inhabit-
ants be not the only hinderance thereof. This fiillere'
earth is clean contrary to our Jesuits, who are
needless drugs, yet still staying here though daily
commanded to depart, whilst fullers' earth, a
precious ware, is daily scoured hence, though by law
forbidden to be transported.
Woollen 13. And now was the English wool improved to
English the highest profit, passing through so many hands,
wealth. eyeiy one having a fleece of the fleece, sorters,
combers, carders, spinsters, weavers, fiillers, dyers,
pressors, packers ; and these manufactures have been
heightened to a higher perfection since the cruelty
of the duke d'Alva drove over more Dutch into
England. But enough of this subject, which let
none condemn for a deviation from church history;
first, because it would not grieve one to go a little
out of the way, if the way be good, as this digression
is for the credit and profit of our country. Secondly,
it reductively belongeth to the church history, seeing
many poor people both young and old, formerly
charging the parishes^ (as appeared by the accounts
of the church officers,) were hereby enabled to main-
tain themselves.
The pope's 14. The oxtortion of the pope being now some^
utaren what abated in England, the Caursines or Lombards,
^^^^' formerly the money merchants of his holiness, and
the grand usurers of England, did not drive so full a
trade as before. Whereupon they betake them-
selves to other merchandize, and began to store-
England with foreign commodities, but at unreason-

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 289

able rates, whilst England itself had as jet but little a. d. 1336.
«nd bad shipping, and those less employed «^. '■ — •*

15. But now king Edward, to prevent the en- »«* at last
grossing of trade into the hand of foreigners, and to hibited by
restore the same to his native subjects, took order ^^'
that these aliens should no longer prey on the radical
moisture of this land, but began to cherish navi-
gation in his own subjects, and gave a check to such
joommodities which foreigners did import as in
(Bucient poems is largely described, whereof so much

as <M)neemeth our purpose :

He made a statute for Lombards in this land,
That they should in no wise take on hand
Here to inhabit, here to charge and discharge,
But forty days no more time had they large,
This^ood king by wit of such appriefe.
Kept hi8 merchants and the sea from mischief b.

But this was a work of time to perform, and took
not full eflfect to the end of this king's reign ; yea the
LomVards were not totally routed till the reign of
Icing Richard the Third.

16. Ji^bout this time the clergy were very bounti-A survey
fid in contributing to the king's necessities, in pro- derby's
portion to their benefices. Hereupon a survey was^^®**®^*'
exactly taken of all their glebe land, and the same
{ftdrly engrossed in parchment) was returned into

the exchequer, where it remaineth at this day, and
is the most useful record for clergymen (and also for
impropriators as under their claim) to recover their

g [Of the complaints against sq. and 353. sq.]

the Lombards, and the ordi- ^ Liber de custodia Maris^

nances made in consequence extant in Hacluit's Voyages,

of such complaints, see the hook i. p. 191. [ed. 1 599*3
Rolls of Parliament, II> p* 3 3 5 •

FULLEB, <r0L. II. U

\

S90 The Ckardk Uisimy book iil

A. IK lAi^ risrfat '. Manv a stra^slinfir acre, wandering out of

II KJ 111. *" * » w C ' tD

^ the w^T, had long since by saciilegions goides be«i

seduced into the posi^esaon of false owners, had not
this re\»rd dirvcred them at last to their true pro-
prietaiy.

Ptetir «K^ IT. The worjt i>. whilst some dioceses in this ter-

. rier were exactiT done, and remain fediiT lesfible at

i|«^T>M»^

this daT, ocbers wen? ?•> sliffhtlr slubbered over, that
itbou^ kepc with equal caiefnlness) they are useless
in e^ect^ as n«>t to be lead. Thus I was informed
th>ra a clerk in that office lately deceased*, who,
whea living:. w^»s older and as able as any therein.
Ai>! rh^is manuscfiptsw ilike those men who wrote
tboTj. t thooirh scaniniT ^^h their equals^ hold not aD
out to the <;uDe Ieci:th. their kmmidum radicakj
their ink I :r^ean. noc lasdng alike in all originals.
OKy^raML IS. It w^&s i>>w senenlly complained of as a grand
t:TiovarM\ that the ckf^ engroisged all places of
jiKixniturv in the lai^L Xoching was left to laym^
b(:t c'ttber militarr commandsk. as graeral, adminl,
A:w v>r sach ?uii^=s* places as concerned only the
vxMnr kcter o; ;be comnoNm law: and thoee also
:?c;mvv1v re^Mnrwi to the smdents theieof. As for
ett:hfc!^>> ir.to toieun pairs. noUemen were em-
jvoyvd the«vttu wben exf^jiise, not eiqiierieiice, wm
n\u:Tv\i tbiefecatiV axKi ceieinoDy the sobstance of
the !«ervxv: ocijerwise when anr difficnltr in civil
law, theix cksw^nKXr-ti wete exer cnteitained. The
K^n.) chazxviW w^j^s exer a bishop. <as if against
t\:tti: V tv^ c^ixvvov ir.v othe*- tberein. * Teau that court .
^MvnfclN *;KytKv\? *s x sttkxI of dixinesw wh«e the

^^k^ V*x^ K^:^ *?.»«' rcKasi- ' \rix IEObt.

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 291

clerks were clerks, as generally in orders. The same a.d. 1336.

was also true of the lord treasurer and barons of the '- —

exchequer.

19. Some imputed this to the pragmaticalness of Several

_ , , . , T 1 . 11 opinions of

the clergy, active to msmuate themselves mto all the causes

1 J. !_ • j^ aa • thereof.

employment, how improper soever to their pro-
fession I Others ascribed it to the king's necessity ;
the war engrossing the main of his men of merit ; so
that he was necessitated to make use of clergymen.
Others attributed it to the king's election, (no way
weak in head or hand, plotting or performing,) find-
ing such the fittest to serve him ; who being single
persons, and having no design to raise a family, were
as knowing as any in the mysteries of money"*, and
safest to be entrusted therein. But more hereof
hereafter.

20. Robert Eglesfield, bachelor of divinity, chap- The found-
lain to queen Philippa, wife to king Edward theJ^J^n^g
Third, founded a college on his own ground, by the o^^^'by
name of Queen's college, (commending the patronage ]^\^^^^
thereof to his lady the queen, and to the queens of
England successively,) which he endowed with lands

and revenues for the maintenance of a provost and
twelve fellows, which were to be augmented as the
revenues increased.

21. Now though this was called Queen's, from a pair of

i.i . TiiiTfc»'j prinoesbred

their honorary patronesses, it may be styled Prmce s therein.
college, fipom those pair of students therein. Edward
the Black prince, who presently after this foundation

1 [This is not strictly cor- they were the only persons

rect. See Heylin's Examen, suited for holding the chan-

p. 60. And doubtless as the cellor's office.]

canon and civil law were stu- ^ Matters of weight,
died exclusively by the clergy,

U 2

292

The Church History

BOOKUL

A.D. 1340. had his education therein^ and Henry the Fifth, is

I e 15H Ilf

— — '. — .* yet prince of Wales, under Henry Beaufort^ chui«-
cellor of the university, and his uncle ; his diamber
was over the college gate, where his picture at this
day remaineth in glass, with this inscription
under it :

In perpetuam rei memoriam.

Imperator Britannise,
Triumphator Gallise,
Hostium victor, et sui,
Henricus quintus hujus collegii,
Et cubiculi (minuti satis)
Olim magnuB incola)^.

Which lodging hath for this sixteen years belonged
to my worthy friend Mr. Thomas Barlow^ that most
able and judicious philosopher and divine, being ft
library in himself, and keeper of another, that of sir
Tho. Bodley's erection, out of which he hath court-
eously communicated to me some rarities of this
university.
Qtieens 22. Now according to the care and desire of the

3 to founder. The queens of England have ever been
* ^^ nursing mothers to this foundationP. O what advan-
tage they have when lying in the bosoms of their
royal consorts, by whom they cannot be denied what

" Rossus Warwicensis MS.
[Hist. Regum Angliae,] in
Henrico quinto, [p. 207, ac-
cording to the edition since
printed by Hearne, 1716. This
inscription is now in the li-
brary.]

o [Afterwards bishop of
Lincoln in 1675, (Godwin De
Prassul. p. 304), and provost
of Queen's college, Oxon. In

the archives of this library
many of his MSS. are stiU
preserved ; and among the rest,
a copy of his letter^ in hiB own
hand, to Fuller, containing ob-
servations and information re-
specting the university, chiefly
inserted in this History.]

P [*' Reginae erunt nutrices
*' tuae,** the motto of the col-
lege.]

CSNT. XIV. of Britain. 29S

ig equal, and of whom they will not desire what is a. d. 1340.

otherwise. Thus queen Philippa obtained of her^ '- — '-

husband, king Edward the Third, the hospital of St.
Julian's in Southampton, commonly called God's
house. Queen Elizabeth, wife to king Edward the
Fourth, procured of him the priory of Sherboum in
Hampshire, and queen Mary by her intercession
prevailed with king Charles for the perpetual patron*
age of certain benefices in the same coimty.

23. Nor let not our virgin queen be forgotten, as Queen Eii-
in effect refoundress of this from the third year of singular
her reign, being informed that the title of the ""^^'
foundation thereof, with the lands thereunto be-
longing, were in question, and subject to eviction ;

by act of parliament conferred a sure estate of
the same.

24. I meet in the records of the tower rolls withThiscoUege
a passage concerning this college, and though I do t^een two
not perfectly understand, I will exemplify it. blSiops.

" And a little after, upon divers matters moved
** between the said archbishop % and the archbishop
** of York', upon certain privileges pretended by the
said archbishop of York in the college called
Queen-hall in the imiversity of Oxford. The said
archbishop of Canterbury, in presence of the king
and of the lords, promised, that if the said arch-
bishop of York could suflSciently shew any privi-
lege, or specially of record, wherefore the said
*^ archbishop of Canterbury ought not to use his
*♦ visitation of the said college, he would then
abstain. Saving to himself always the visitation
of the said scholars abiding in the said college,

<i Tho. Arundel. ' Henry Bowet.

U 3

294

The Church History

BOOK III.

(4

44

44

.1340 " according to the judgment and decrees made and
" given by king Richard the Second, and by our
lord king Henry that now is, as in the record
thereof made*, thereof more plainly is declared'."
It seems hereby, so far as I can apprehend, this
college was so parted betwixt the two metropolitans,
that the dead moiety, viz. the lands and revenues^
thereof belonged to the inspection of the archbishop
of York, whilst the living half, namely, the scholars,
especially in matters concerning their religion, per-
tained to the visitation of the archbishop of Canter-
bury.

ProvosU.

1340. Richard de Rette-
ford.

[William de Mus-

champe.]

1350. John de Hotham.

Heiiry Whitfield.

Thomas de Car-
lisle.

1404. Roger Whelpdale.
1420. Walter Bell.
1426. Rowland Byris.
[1432. Thomas de Eg-
lesfeld.]
1442. William Spenser
[1459. Jo^ii Peyrson.]
[1482. Henry Bost.]
1489. Thomas Langton.
1495. Christ. Bainbridge.
1508. Edward Rigge.

John Pantry.

1534. William Denyse.
1559. Hugh Hodgeson.
1 561. Thomas Francis.
1 563. Lancelot Shaw.
1565. Alan Soot.

1575. Barthol. Bousfield.
1 58 1. Henry Robinson.
1599. Henry Airy.
1 61 6. Barnabas Potter.
1626. Christopher Potter.
1645. Gerard Langbain.

Benefaetoru,

Robert Lang-
ton.

Thomas
Langton.

Edmund
Orindal^.

Christo.
Bainbridge.

William
Fettiplace.

Henry Ro-
binson.

Henry Ayrie.

Bishops.

Henry Beau-
fort, bishop
of Win-
chesteryand
cardinal of
St. Euse-
biuB.

Christopher
Bainbridge,
ardibishop
of York,
and cardi-
nal of St.
Praxedis.

Henry Ro-
binson, bi-
shop of Car-
lisle.

Barnabas
Potter, bi-
shop of Car-
lisle w.

Learned wriien.

John Widdifiex.

John de Tierin,
of whom her^
after, anno 1 397.

This house hath
lately been hap-
py in kamed
lawyersjsir John
Banks, sir Ro.
Berkley, sirTha
Tempest, attor-
ney general of
Ireland, judge
Atkins, court-
eous to all men
of myprofessioii,
and myself espe*
dally.

Sir Thomas Over-
bury.

Christopher Pot-
ter, in his excd-
lent work of
Charity Mis-
taken.

Gerard Lang-
bain z.

Thomas Barlow.

8 Ex Rot. Pari. 130. Hen- in the next book, sect. 11. §.
rici IV. 24 — 27.

^ See this recorded at large

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 296

So that at this present are maintained therein, one a. d. 1340,

provost, fourteen fellows, seven scholars, two chap- '. — .*

lains, two clerks, and other students about one
hundred and sixty.

25. In the meantime the pope was not idle, but T^f pope

, , . makes use

laid about him for his own profit, knowing kmg of theking's
Eldward could not attend two things at once. And
therefore whilst he was busied about his wars in
France, his holiness bestirred him in England,
cropping the flowers of the best livings in their bud
before they were blown. Yea in a manner he may
be said to seeth the kid in the mother's milk. So
that before livings were actually void, he provision-
ally pre-provided incumbents for them, and those
generally aliens, and his own countrymen*.

26. Though late, the king ffot leisure to look onA.^»343-

® ° ° , The statute

his own land, where he foimd a strange alteration ; of pro-
for as France lately was made English by his valour, ^nawV
England was now turned Italian by the pope's covet- "^®*
ousness. In prevention therefore of future mischief,
this statute of provision was made : whereby such
forestalling of livings to foreigners was forbidden.

27. Our authors assign another accidental cause Man's
of the king's displeasure with the pope, namely, worketh

God's
pleasure.

^ [He left the chief part of " finitae lectionis subjicere :

his library to the college.] " John WicklifF was commuuar

w [Nineteen bishops are enu- ** of Queens college, after that

merated in Wood as belonging ** probationer of Merton^ and

to this college, p^ 151.] ** head of Canterbury col-

* Balliol, Merton, and " lege."]

Queen's colleges claim him and 2 Eminent for his review of

all perchance rightly at several the council of Trent,

times. [Hall has subjoined & [See the letter of the

the following note to his edi. commons to the pope against

tion of Leland*s British Writ- these reservations and pro-

ers, p. 378. •* Lubet hac de visions of benefices in Aves-

*• re verba T. Barlovii viri in- bury, p. 1 10.]

U 4

visions rea-

296 The Church History book ill.

A. D.I 343. that when his holineM created twelve dardinab at

|Q TfA III

'. — '. the request of the king of France, he denied to main

one at the desire of this king of England. Surely it
was not reasonable in proportion, that his holinflH
giving the whole dozen to the king of Franoe, might
allow the advantage to the king of England. How-
ever, betwixt both, this statute was made to the
great enriching of the kingdom, and contentment of
the subjects therein.
Statutes of 28. Yet this law of provisions (as all others) did
n^ p!^t. not at the first making meet with present and perfect
ly obeyed. Q^j^^jjence. The papal party did struggle for a tlme^
till at last they were patient perforce, finding the
king's power predominant. True it is^ this grievance
did continue, and wai9 complained of, all this^ and
most of the next king's reign, till the statute of
prcsmunire was made, which clinched the nail that
now was driven in. So that afterwards the land was
cleared from the encumbrance of such provisions.
Papal 29. A good author tells us, habent imperia sues

England terminos^ hue cum venerint, sistunt^ retrocedunt, ruunt.
declines. Empires have their bounds, whither when they
come, they stand still, they go back, they fall down.
This is true in respect to the papal power in Eng-
land. It went forward until the statute of mortmain
was made in the reign of king Edward the First. It
went backward slowly when this statute of pro-
visions, swiftly when this statute of pr€Bmunire was
made. It fell down when the papacy was abolished
in the reign of king Henry the Eighth.
The pope 30. Three years after the statute against the

takes wit in , . . j . i i • . j i

his anger, popo s provisious was made, the kmg presented unto
him Thomas Hatfield to be bishop of Durham, one
who was the king's secretary, and when this is, all is

CBKT. XIY.

of Britain.

397

said that can be in his commendation, as utterly a. d.i346.

devoid of all other episcopal qualifications. How — ^

0Ter, the pope confirmed him without any dispute or
delay; and being demanded why he consented to
tlie preferment of so worthless a person, he an-
iwered, that rebus sic stantibus^ if the king of Eng-
land had presented an ass imto him, he would have
ronfirmed him m the bishopric. Indeed as yet his
holiness was in hope, that either the king would
reyoke the foresaid statute, or else moderate the
execution thereof.

SI. This year authors generally agree (some few a. d. 1350.
making it later, viz. after John king of France wastutionor'
taken prisoner) king Edward instituted the order of ^^^^.
the garter, consisting of

i. One chief guardian or sovereign, being the king
of England.

ii. Five and twenty knights, whereof the first set
were termed founders, and their successors ever
since called fellows or companions of the order.

iii. Fourteen canons resident, being secular
priests^

iv. Thirteen vicars, or choral priests.

V. Twelve military gentlemen of the meaner sort,
decayed in age and estate, commonly called the poor
knights of Windsor.

^ [" There are not fourteen
** canons resident in the church
" of Windsor, but thirteen
" only, with the dean ; it
being king Edward's pur-
pose when he founded that
'* order, consisting of twenty-
" six knights, himself being
'* one, to institute as many

t€

H

*' greater or lesser canons, and
*' as many old soldiers, aim-
'* monly called poor knights,
to be pensioned there :
though in this last the num-
ber was not made up to his
** first intention." Heylin in
the Appeal, part 11. p. 35. See
also his Examen, p. 61.]

(«

t(

«

298

The Church History

BOOK III.

^* Ed' III* ^^' ^^^ prelate of the garter, being always the

bishop of Winchester.

vii. One chancellor thereof, being anciently the
bishop of Salisbury, (in whose diocese Windsor is,)
but lately a lay person. The truly honourable and
well-experienced statesman and traveller, sir Thomas
Row, if I mistake not, was the last chancellor of the
garter*'.

viii. One registrar, being always the dean of
Windsor**.

ix. One usher, who is one of the ushers of the
king his chamber, called the black rod.

X. A chief herald, added for the more solemnity

by king Henry the Fifth, and called garter. This

order the king founded within his castle of Windsor,

to the honour of Almighty God, and the blessed

Virgin Mary, and of the glorious martyr St. Greorge,

and to the exaltation of the holy catholic faith.

ThequaUfi- 32. Four csseutials are requisite in the persons

these eligible into this order, that they be gentlemen of

^°^«*''"- name and arms, by father's and mother's side, for

three descents. Secondly, that he be without spot

or foul reproach, understand it not convicted of

heresy, or attainted of treason. Thirdly, that he

have a competent estate to maintain the dignity of

the order. Fourthly, that he never fled in the day

c [" Sir James Palmer, one
*' of the gentlemen ushers of
** the privy chamber, succeeded
" him in the place of chancel-
" lor after his decease, a. 1644."
The above remarks are from
Dr. Heylin. See The Ap-
peal^ part II. p. 35. Examen.
p. 62.]

d [A custom adopted in
later times, but not so ori-
ginally. See Dr. Heylin, as
above, who has sharply review-
ed and corrected the errors
of this passage : having written
expres^y on this subject in his
History of St. George.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 299

of battle, his sovereign lord or his lieutenant being a. d. 13150.
in the field. ^^ ^^' "^-

33. Their habiliments are either ordinary, as aThdr
blue ribbon with the picture of St. George ap-
pendant, and the sim in his glory on the left shoulder

of their cloak, (added, as some say, by king Charles,)
being for their daily wearing ; or extraordinary, as
their collar of SS., their purple mantle, their gown,
kirtle, chaperon, and chiefly their garter. This
being made of blue, is with Hony soit qui male pense,
in golden letters, enchased with precious stones,
festened with a buckle of gold, and worn on the left
leg of the fellows of this order.

34. They take an oath, that "to their power. Their oath,
during the time that they are fellows of the order,
they shall defend the honour, quarrel, rights, and
lordships of their sovereign, that they shall endea-
vour to preserve the honour of the order, and,

** without fraud or covin, well observe the statutes
" thereof." This is taken absolutely by the natives
of this kingdom, but by foreigners relatively, and
in part with their reference to some former order.

35. They oblige themselves, first, to be personally Other rites
present (without a just cause specified to, and ac-boundTo
cepted by, the sovereign or his deputy) at Windsor ^
on the festival of St. George. Secondly, that if
coming within two miles of that place, (except hin-
dered by some important business,) they repair
thither, put on their mantles, (lying constantly
liegers there,) proceed to the chapel, and there make

their offering. Thirdly, that they be never openly
seen vdthout their Georges, which they shall neither
engage, alien, sell, nor give away on any necessity
whatsoever. Lastly, that they take order their

€€
it

it

800 The Omrtk Huicrjf boos in,

A.D.i3<o^nrter at their demth be aifelT and acdenmlr Bent

16 F4 . IIL

back to the soTereign, to confer the same oa one to

succeed him in the order.

Orte iwv 36. 1 hare done when I hare told thmt thdr plara
ma J be racated <m three occaaona. First, by dndi,
which lajeth this (as all oth^ honoor in the doat
Secondly, by depriTadcm on the person's nusde*
meanour, or want of the foresaid qnalificatHHa.
Thirdly, by cession, or surrender; when a fweigB
prince (entereth into enmity with this crown) ii
pleased to send his garter back again.

Eseoi in 37- Exccss in apparel began now to be great in

MtnLtL England, which made the state take order to re-
trench it. Some had a project, that m^i's clothes
might be their signs to shew their birth, d^ree, or
estate, so that the quality of an unknown penson
might at the first sight be expounded by his ap-
parel. But this was soon let fall as impo68ibl&
Statesmen in all ages (notwithstanding their seyeral
laws to the contrary) being fain to conniye at men's
riot in this kind, which maintaineth more poor
people than their charity. However, the ensuing
passage must not be omitted.

A.D.1361. 38. " Item, that the clerks which have a degree
^^ in a church, cathedral, coUegial, or in schools, and
'^ the king's clerks which have such an estate that
^^ requires fur, do, and use according to the consti-^
^^ tution of the same, and all other clerks which
" have above two faimdred marks rent per annum,
'^ use, and do as knights of the same rent. And
^^ other clerks under that rent use as squires of an
^^ hundred pound rent. And that all those, as well
'^ knights as clerks, which by this ordinance may

#c

4€

CEKT.xni. ofBrHam. 175

** use for* in winter, by the same manner may nse it a.d. 1368.

^ in summer'.

89. Pass we now from soft for to hard steel, I clergymen
„^ . eo,nm«>d fr«n the king for tt,e «ming ofX^"
all clergym^an, "™^

40. ^ And besides this, the king commands and
reqnires all the prelates there assembled, that in
respect of the great danger and damage which
perhaps might happen to the realm and church of
England, bj reason of this war, in case his adver-
sary should enter the kingdom to destroy and sub«-

^ Tert the same, that they will put to their aid
^ in defence of the kingdom, and cause their subjects
'^ to be arrayed, as well themselves, and their
^ religious men, as parsons, vicars, and other men of
^ holy church whatsoever, to abate the malice of his
** enemi^ in case they should enter the kingdom,
^ which prelates granted to do this in aid and
*^ defence of the realm and holy cimrch. And so the
^ parliament endedfif."

Here we see, in hostes publicos omnis homo miles, Morescaied
none are dispensed with, to oppose an invading **^ ^"^
enemy. But where were these foreign foes, France
and Scotland, being now both of them ordered into
a defensive posture, whose invasion was expected ?
Possibly these dangers were repres^oted through
state-multiplying glasses, to quicken the care, and
continue the taxes on the Engliidi nation.

41 . The lords and commons in parliam^it began a petiuon
now to find themselves much aggrieved, that the^^^en»g
clergy engrossed all secular offices, and thereupon ^p^^^-

secular

e Pellvre in the French ori- Rolls of Parliament, II. p. 279.] P^***®'
^nal. fs Rot. in Tur. Londin. 37

f Rot. 37 Edw. III. [See Edw. III.

aOSt The Church History book iil

A. a i^7o.pt^^9ontoil the ensuing petition to the king, according
*-/i!!Llli to tliis oftivt insisting only in the substance tbereot
42. *^ Anil iHvause that in this present parliam^
•• it ^\*as dovlanxl to our lord the king, by all the
•• oarK lK\r\>n5s and commons of England, that the
•* jj\^vonunont of the kingdom hath been performed
•• for a long time by the men of holy church, which
*• an* not justifiable** in all cases, whereby great
" nus^^hiofe and damages have happened in timee
•* l^asl. and moro may happen in time to come in
*• dishoriting of the crown, and great prejudice of
*' tho kin;^ionl for divers causes that a man may
** divlan* : — ^That it will please our said lord the
^^ kii\g« that the laymen of the said kingdom which
** an* surtioiont and able of estate, may be chosen for
** this and that no other pennon be hereafter made
•* ohauwUor. tnmsurer. clerk of the privy seal, barons
** \>f the oxoh<\juen chamberlains of the exchequer,
^^ ix^niptmllon and all other great officers and
'^ ^*>\*n\ors of the said kingdom, and that this thing
*^ U* now in such manner established in form afore-
^^ saKU chac by ih> way it may be defeated, or any
'^ thii\^ %K>iH* to the contrary in any time to come;
** sa\ii^ always to our lord the king, the election
** and n^iuovin^ of §uch officers, but that always they
"^ Iv la^ttH*»u such as is abovesaid^"
-|V«kM^«¥c 4c:t To thb )H*cicion the king letumed, ^ that he
llll)!^^ ^ *'* \\\mKl oAiaiu u(K>it thi$ p^nnc as it shall best seem
** to him bv che a^lvkv of his jeood counsel.'* He

^ ^l«^i3aMo$. :3t :!is'' Fr^roA wv*c\ij aw: "queux ne soot
x\(^iit.iU : v^uvc^ . "»* ^vshcr 'J^*C " rtTv? ;u»cxcuihlis en tool

i^^i(iv\t ut ib^^r ew^^u^arvttt. ^ Et R«. PatL in Toit.
'^ uttw\«^^ ^Nr :5. lai t^e LkOsL, hi 45 £«iv. III. ^Sec

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

SOS

therefore who considereth the present power of the a.d. 1370.
clergy at the council table, will not wonder if all^^ — '■ — '-
things remained in their former condition, till the
nobility began more openly to favour John Wicliffe
his opinions, which the next book, God willing,
shall relate.

44. We will close this with a catalogue of the Simon Me-
archbishops of Canterbury, contemporary with kingbisho'p^ '
Edward the Third, and begin with Simon Mepham, l^^'
made archbishop in the first year of his reign^, so
that the crown and the mitre may seem in some
sort to have started together, only here was the
odds, the king was a young (yea, scarce a) man,
whereas the archbishop was well stricken in years.
Hence their difference in holding out, the king sur-
viving to see him buried, and six more (whereof
four Simons inclusively') heart-broken as they say
with grief. For when John Grandison, bishop of
Exeter, (making much noise with his name, but
more vnth his activity,) refused to be >dsited by
him, (the pope siding with the bishop,) Mepham so
resented it, that it cost him his life™.

^ [See Parker's Antiq. Bri-

tan. p. 325-]

1 [Simon Mepham, Simon
Islippe, Simon Langham, and
Simon Sudbury.]

™ [Oct. 12, 1333. Godwin,
p. 106. Parker, ib. p. 330.
This was a part of the infa-
mous policy of the see of
Rome. By abetting the bishops
and abbots in their factious op-
position to their metropolitan,
this usurping see endeavoured
to weaken the influence and
character of the episcopal or.
der. It is impossible to behold

without indignation the frau-
dulent conduct of the papal
powers in thus sowing disaf-
fection in the very heart of the
church for their own political
aggrandizement ; laying the
very foundation of that con-
tempt for episcopacy which
was afterwards productive of
such fatal consequences. From
the time of Edward I. to the
Reformation the history of the
English archbishops presents
little else than a series of the
most vexatious and aggravated
insults and oppositions offered

M

904 The Chttrtk HiMiary book ul

V. t ■ 1 : 1 u

A. D. 1370. 45. John Stratford was the seoond,

'first bishop of Winchester on the Ixwd's dsjr,

ford hit whereon it was solemnly sung, Mamy are tie ^

Jlictions of the righteous^ whereof he was very vppn-
hensive then, and more afterwards^ wh^a his own
experience had proved a comment thereon. Yet
this might comfort him whilst living, and make
others honour his memory, that a good consdenoe
without any great crime generally caused his mo-
lestation. For under king Edward the Second he
suffered for being too loyal a subject o, (siding with
the king against the queen and her son,) and undo:
king Edward the Third he was molested for being
too faithful a patriot^ namely, in pitying his poor
countrymen's taxations, for which he was accused
for correspondency with the French, and complying
with the pope, (pope and king of France then blow-
ing in one trumpet,) whereat king Edward was
highly incensed.
His last his 46. However, Stratford did but say what thoa-
^' sands thought, viz. that a peace with France was for

them by the bishops of Rome, refuge in the priory of Christ-
who were resolved at all hazards churchy Canterbury. The letter
to lord it over their brethren.] which he wrote to the king on
^ [When Edward returned this occasion is printed in
from Toumay at the end of Avesbury, p. 72, as also the
the year 1340, he suddenly indignant letter of the king to
entered the Tower of London; the dean and chapter of St.
and being offended with his Paul's against the archbishop
chief officers on account of and those of his other officers
their failing to supply him who had conspired to rob him,
with money for his wars, he as he terms it, of his expected
imprisoned some, and deposed glory. lb. p. 77. See also
others. The temper of the Parker, ib. p. 331. Stratford
king furnished occasion to the died on the vigil of St. Bar-
enemies of the archbishop to tholomew in 1348. Godwin,
accuse him, and he was ac- p. no.]

cordingly compelled to take

CENT. XIV. of Britain, S05

the profit of England, especiallj as proffered upon a. d. 137a
such honourable conditions. This the archbishop H^ii!!'
was zealous for upon a threefold account: first, of
piety, to save the eflfiision of more Christian blood ;
secondly, of policy, suspecting success, that the tide
might turn, and what was suddenly gotten might be
as suddenly lost; thirdly, on charity, sympathising
with the sad condition of his fellow-subjects, groan-
ing under the burden of taxes to maintain an unne-
cessary war : for England sent over her wealth into
France to pay their victorious soldiers, and received
back again honour in exchange, whereby our nation
became exceeding proud and exceeding poor. How-
ever, the end (as well as the beginning of the Psalm)
•was veri^ed of this archbishop. The Lord delivereth
them out of aU^ dying in great honour and good
esteem with the king; a strong argument of his
former innocence.

47- The third was Thomas Bradwardine, whose P<»^

Brad war-
election was little less than miraculous. For com- dine the

mpnly the king refused whom the monks chose : the wshop.
pope rejected whom the monks and king did elect,
yhereas all interests met in the choice of Bradwar-
dine. Yea, which was more, the pope as yet not
knowing that the monks and the king had pre-
elected him, of his own a<5cord (as by supernatural
instinct) appointed Bradwardine for that place, who
little thought thereon. Thus omne ttdit punctum,
and no wonder, seeing he mingled his profitable
doctrines with a sweet and amiable conversation:
indeed he was skilled in school-learning, which one
properly ealleth spinosa theoloqia^, and though some

o Camden in Eliz.

FULLER, VOL. II. X

S06 7%e Church History book hi.

A«D. 1370- will say, can figs grow on thorns, jet his thorny

divinity produced much sweet devotion.

The bcit 48. He was confessor to king Edward the Third,
yS^^y? whose miraculous victories in France some impute
more to this man's devout prayers, than either to
the policy or prowess of the English nation. He
died before he vras enthronized, few months after
his consecration, though now advanced on a more
glorious and durable throne in heaven, where he
hath received the crown from God, who here
defended the cause of God^. I behold him as the
most pious man who from Anselm (not to say Au-
gustine) to Cranmer sat on that seat. And a better
St. Thomas (though not sainted by the pope) than
one of his predecessors commonly so called^.
Simon laUp 49- Simou Islip was the fourth, a parsimonious
bishop. " (but no avaricious) man, thrifty whilst living, there-
fore clandestinely enthronized, and when dead,
secretly interred vrithout any solemnity : yet his fru-
gality may be excused, (if not commended herein,)
because he reserved his estate for good uses, founding
Canterbury college in Oxford. Thus generally
bishops, founders of many colleges therein', denomi-
nated them either from that saint to whom they
were dedicated, or from their see, (as Exeter, Can-
terbury, Durham, Lincoln,) putting thereby a civil
obligation on their successors to be (as visitors, so)
benefactors thereunto. This Canterbury college is
now swallowed up in Christ Church, which is no

P He wrote De Causa Dei survived his consecration only

[contra Pelagium. See above, five weeks and four days. God-

P- 357O win, p. 112.]

^ [See Parker, ibid. p. 363. ^ £xcipe Merton college.
He died Aug. 26^ i349> having

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

807

single star as other colleges, but a constellation a. d. 1370.
of many put together'. ^ ^' "''

50. Simon Langham is the fifth, much meriting by Langham,
his munificence to Westminster abbey*. He waSand&S^'
made cardinal of St. Praxedis, and by the pope bishop ^"^^
of Prseneste in Italy, with a faculty to hold as many
ecclesiastical preferments as he could get. Hereupon
he resigned his archbishopric of Canterbury, lived
for a time at Avignon in France, and there buried
(according to his own directions) in a temporary
tomb, in a religious house of his own, till three years
after removed to Westminster. William Wittlesey
succeeded him^ famous for freeing the university of
Oxford from the jurisdiction of the bishop of Lin-
coln, formerly the diocesan thereof. As for Simon
Sudbury, the last archbishop of Canterbury, in the
reign of king Edward the Third, of him, God willing,
hereafter.

» [Parker, ibid. p. 365. Islip
died at Mayfield, April 26,
1366, Godwin, p. 1 14.]

( [His benefactions to West-

minster are enumerated in
Parker, ib. p. 375.]

^ [Oct. II, 1368. Godwin,
p. 117. Parker, ibid. p. 379.]

X 2

1

THE

CHUKCH HISTORY

OP

BRITAIN.

THE FOURTH BOOK,

FROM THE FIRST APPEARING OF JOHN WICKLIFFE UNTIL
THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.

X 3

■ . ■ .

■ • i

t.-:

■ n

■ • ■.

.■• •-

f-

•••.

i:'f

<.'■

7 '■'

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

JAMES HAY,

EARL OF CARLISLE, VISCOUNT DONCASTER, BABON
OF SAULEY AND WAI.THAM.«

E read in Holy Writ, when the Israelites
fled before the Philistines, who spoiled
a field of barley, how Eleazar the son
e^ of Dodo made them pay dear for their
trespass, so stopping them in the full speed of

■ [•' The right honourable
" James Hay, ear! of Carlisle,
" son of James Hay, the itrat
" earl of that name, created
" Sejit. 13, 1633 : a prodigal
" of his estate to serve Lis
" sovereign and his frieDds io
" the time of war, as bin father
" was to serve his in the
" arts of peace ; os feastings,
" masques, &e.

" Royal was king James his
>< munificence towards his fiu
" ther, and noble his towards
'* king James his son. One
" of his ancestors sayed Scot.
'* land against an army of
>* Danes, with a yoke in his
" hand ; his father saved king

" James from the Gowrlee with
" a knife in his hand : and he
" (the son) would have de-
" fended king Charles I. with
" a sword in Lis hand, first aa
■' a volunteei at Newbury,
" 1643, wherehe was wounded,
" and afterwards as colonel,
" till he yielded himself, at the
" same time with his sovereign,
" paying 800/. composition, and
" giving what be could save
" ^m his enemies in largesses
" to his friends, especially the
" learned clergy, whose prayers
" and good converse he reck-
" oned much upon, as they did
" upon his charities, which
" completed his kindness witb
4

312 DEDICATION.

their conquest that he saved Israel by a great
deliverance \

Inspired truths need not the security of human
history to pass them into our belief. However,
other writers afford examples how one man, in a
manner, hath routed a whole army, and turned
the flight of his party into an unexpected victory.

Thus the Chronicles*^ inform us, that when the
Scots fled from the Danes, at a place called Long
Carty, one Hay, an husbandman, then at plough
with his two sons, snatching the yoke into his
hand, (it is the man makes the weapons, not the
weapons the man,) not only stopped the enemies'
further pursuit, but beat them back with a great
overthrow; whose valour king Keneth the Second
(seven hundred years since) rewarded with as much
groimd of the best in Scotland as a &lcon flew
over at one flight before it did take a stand. And
the memory hereof is continued in your arms, who
doth carry a chronicle in your coat, crest, and
supporters.

Let none quarrel at your supporters, being two
men holding each a yoke in his hand, seeing they

** bounty, as that adornod his ^' language that was courtly

bounty with courtesy; cour- " and yet real." Lloyd's Me-

tesy not affected^ but natu- moirs^ p. 676.
rally made up of humility To this nobleman Fuller

" that secured him from envy, dedicated his History of WaL

" and a civility that kept him tham Abbey.]

" in esteem; he being happy ^ i Chron. xi. 13.

'< in an expression that was ^ Buchanan, Hist. Scot. p.

*' high and not formal, and a 55.

DEDICATION. 813

are the supporters general of all mankind, Solomon
(being himself a king) observing that the king
himself is maintained by husbandry ^. Besides, those
yokes procured the Scotch liberty, who otherwise
had been miserably enslaved to the Danish inso-
lence. And if the bearing of arms were so ancient
amongst the Jews bb the rabbles will have it, it
is proportionably probable that the posterity of
Shamgar gave the goad « for the hereditaxy ensigns
of their family.

Nor must your motto be forgotten, Conscientia
miUe scuta, ^* A good conscience is a thousand
shields," and every one of proof against the greatest
peril. May your honour therefore be careful to
preserve it, seeing lose the shield and lose the
field, so great the concernment thereof.

No family in Christendom hath been ennobled
on a more honourable occasion ^, hath flourished for
longer continuance, or been preserved in a more
miraculous manner.

It is reported of the Roman Fabii s, no less
numerous than valiant, (three himdred and sixty
patricians flourishing of them at once,) they were
all slain in one battle, one only excepted, who,
being under age to bear arms, was preserved
alive.

A greater fatality befell your family, in a fight

^ Ecdes. V. 9. for saving king James from

« Judg. iii. 31. the Gtownes.]

^ [His father was ennobled 9 Titus Livius, lib. 2.

814 DEDICATION.

at Duplin Castle, in the reign of our Edward the
First, when the whole household of Haves'* was
finally extirpated, and not one of them visible iu
the whole world. Only it happened that the chief
of them left his wife at home big with child, from
whom your name is recruited, all springing as it
were from a dead root, and thence deriving a
posthume pedigree.

This puts me in hopes that God, who so strangely
preserved your name in Scotland, will not suffer
it so soon to be extinct in England, but give you
posterity by your noble Consort when it shall seem
seasonable to his own will and pleasure '.

All that I will add is this, that seeing yooir
honour beareth three smaller shields or in-ese^
cheons in your arms, the shadow of the least of
them, with its favourable reflection, is sufficient
effectually to protect and defend the weak endea-
vours of

Your most obliged
Servant and Chaplain,
THOMAS FULLER.

^ Camd.Brit.in Scot. Strath- i [He died without issue, in
®"*> P^- 7°5- 1660.]

CHURCH HISTORY

BRITAIN.

HE Romanists observe, that several a.d. 1371.

J +S Edward

auvantagea concurred to the speedy iii.
pi'opagation of Wickliffe's opinions ; asseverai
namely, the decrepit age of Edward ^^^o^-
■' the Third, and infancy of Richard his^P'!^^
Buccessor, being but a child, as his grandfather was ■*?*'• ^°^
twice a child, bo that the reins of authority were
let loose ; secondly, the attractive nature of novelty,
drawing followers unto it ; thirdly, the enmity which
John of Gaunt bare unto the clergy, which made
him out of opposition to favour the doctrine and
person of Wicklifle ; lastly, the envy which the pope
had contracted by his exactions and collations of
ecclesiastical benefices ■. We deny not these helps

*■ HarpaHeld in his Historia was compiled chiefly from Tlio-

WickliffiaoB, cap. i. [published tnasWaldenais,orThoinaaNet-

at the end of his Historia Ang. ter of Walden, in Essex, a Car-

Ecclesiastica. Whatever Harps- melite, the strenuous opponent

field has written respectinz of WicklifFe, and who was sent

Wickliffe ought to be receired to the council of Constance,

with caution, since his account niiere Wickliffe's errors were

816

The Church History

BOOK lY.

Widclifle
guilty of
many
errors.

^•^^37^- were instrumentally active in their seyeral degreeg,
III- but must attribute the main to Divine Providence
blessing the gospel, and to the nature of troth
itself, which, though for a time violently suppressed,
will seasonably make its own free and clear passage
into the world.

2. And here we will acquaint the reader^ that
being to write the history of Wickliffe, I intend
neither to deny, dissemble, defend, or excuse any
of his faults. We have this treasure (saith the
apostle) in earthen vessels^; and he that shall en-
deavour to prove a pitcher of clay to be a pot of
gold, will take great pains to small purpose. Yea,
should I be over-officious to retain myself to plead
for Wicklifie's faults, that glorious saint would
sooner chide than thank me, unwilling that in
favour of him truth should suffier prejudice. He
was a man, and so subject to error, living in a
dark age, more obnoxious to stumble, vexed with
opposition, which makes men reel into violence;
and therefore it is unreasonable that the constitu-
tion and temper of his positive opinions should be
guessed by his polemical heat, when he was chafed
in disputation. But besides all these, envy hath
falsely fathered many foul aspersions upon him.
The learn- 3. We cau givo uo accouut of Wickliflfe's parent-
wickiiffe. age, birthplace, or infancy ; only we find an ancient

condemned. His most celebrated
work against Wickliffe^ entitled
"Doctrinale Antiquitatum fidei
ficdesise Catholicse adversus
Wiclivitas," was first published
at Paris^ in three vols, folio^ in
1532^ and passed through va-
rious editions ', he wrote also
another treatise of considerable

importance, viz. '* Fasciculiu
zizaniorum cum tritico," which
has never been published^ bat
a very fine MS. of it is still
preserved in the Bodleian. Of
Walden, see Alegre, p. 337;
Oudin. iii. 2214.]
^ 2 Cor. iv. I a.

^ CBNT. XIV.

of Britain.

311

t fionily of the Wickliffes in the bishopric of I^-^'^{^^^'
p ham S since by match united to the Brakenburies ^, in.

persons of prime quality in those parts'^. As for
' this our Wickliffe, history at the very first meets
! with him a man, and full grown, yea, graduate of
Merton College in Oxford®. The fruitful soil of
his natural parts he had industriously improved by
acquired learning, not only skilled in the fashionable
arts of that age, and in that abstruse, crabbed
divinity, all whose fruit is thorns, but also well
versed in the scriptures, a rare accomplishment in
those days. His public acts in the schools he
kept with great approbation, though the echo of
his popular applause sounded the alarum to awaken
the envy of his adversaries against him.

4. He is charged by the papists, as if discontent wickiiflre
first put him upon his opinions. For having usurped ambition
the headship of Canterbury College^, founded by teift.^"*^**'
Simon Islip, (since, like a tributary brook, swal-
lowed up in the vastness of Christ Church,) after
a long suit, he was ejected by sentence from the
pope, because by the statutes only a monk was
capable of the place. Others add, that the loss of

c Camd. Brit, in the bishop-
ric of Durham, [p. 60 1 .]

^ [More probably about the
y^r 1324^ in the parish of
Wickliffe^ near Richmond, in
Yorkshire. According to Le-
land's Itinerary he was born at
Spreswell^ a poor village about
a mile from Richmond^ v. p.
99. ed. 1 7 1 1 . See Lewis's Life
of Wickliffe, p. i .]

c Bale's Cent. vi. §. i. [He
was first admitted a commoner
of Queen's Collese, in Oxford,
then newly founded by Robert

Egglesfield; was afterwards a
probationer in Merton College,
and eventually, in the year 1365,
was appointed by archbishop
Islip to be the warden of his new
college^ called Canterbury Hall«
from which he was shortly
afterwards expelled by Simon
Langham, ^o succeeded Islip,
a monk of Canterbury who fa-
voured his own body. Lewis,
lb. 13.]

' Harpsfieid, Hist. Wickliffi-
ana, cap. i.

318 The Church History book n.

^•^J37^'the bishopric of Worcester, which he desired, in-
^^ censed him to revenge himself by innovations. And
can true doctrine be the fruit, where ambition and
discontent hath been the root thereof? Yet such
may know, that God often sanctifies man's weak-
ness to his own glory; and that wise Architect
makes of the crookedness of men's conditions
straight beams in his own building, to raise his
own honour upon them. Besides, these things are
barely said, without other evidence ; and if his foes'
affirming be a proof, why should not his friends'
denial thereof be a sufficient refutation? Out of
the same mint of malice another story is coined
against him, how Wickliffe, being once gravelled in

public disputation, preferring rather to say nons

than nothing, was forced to affirm that an accident
was a substance*^. Yet methinks, if the story were
true, such as defend the doctrine of accidents sub-
sisting in the sacrament without a substance, might
have invented some charitable qualification of his
paradox, seeing those that defend falsehoods ought
to be good fellows, and help one another.

The em- 5. Seven years Wickliffe lived in Oxford, in 6ome

ployment of

Wickliffe tolerable quiet, having a professor's place and a cure
*" * of souls ; on the week-days in the schools proving
to the learned what he meant to preach, and on
the Lord's day preaching in the pulpit, to the vul-
gar, what ke had proved before : not unlike those
builders in the second temple, holding a sword in
one hand and a trowel in the other ^, his disputing
making his preaching to be strong, and his preaching
making his disputations to be plain. His speculative

ft Idem ibidem. b Nehemiah iv. 17.

I CKNT. XIV.

of Britain.

319

■ positions against the real presence in the eucharistA. D.1371.
I did offend and distaste, but his practical tenets*^ iil
I against purgatory and pilgrimages did enrage and
k bemad his adversaries ; so woundable is the dragon,
i under the left wing, when pinched in point of profit.
\ Hereupon they so prevailed with Simon Sudbury,
archbishop of Canterbury, that Wickliffe was silenced
and deprived of his benefice ^ Notwithstanding all
which, he wanted nothing secretly, supplied by in-
visible persons, and he felt many a gift from a hand
that he did not behold, .^^^''

6. Here it will be seasonable to rive in a list P^fferenoe

in the niiin-

of Wickliffe's opinions, though we meet with much ber of
variety in the accounting of them. opinions.

i. Pope Gregory the Eleventh observed eighteen
principal errors in his books ^, and Wickliffe is
diarged with the same number in the convocation
at Lambeth ^

ii. Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury, in
a synod held at Preaching Friars, in London, con-
demned three-and-twenty of his opinions; the ten
first for heretical, and the thirteen last for erro-

neous ".

i [It was not Sudbury, but
his successor, William Courte>.
n^, who was so active against
Wickliffe. Gregory XI., in-
deed, sent his bulls to arch-
bishop Sudbury to proceed
against Wickliffe; but the pope
dying before the proceedings
were ended, no sentence was
passed. Lewis, ib. 49, 80, 97.
Wickliffe was not, however,
either silenced or deprived,
enjoying his living of Lutter-
worth, and preaching there till
the day of his death. Lewis,
122.]

k Harpsfield in Hist. Wick*
liffiana, p. 684.

A Foxe, Martyr, i. 564.
[Nineteen Errors. They are
printed in Wilkins's Concilia,
iii. 123, from the register of
archbishop Sudbury.]

"™ Idem. i. 568. [Printed
in Wilkins*s Concilia, iii. 157.
This synod was held in the
year 1382, by William Courte-
nay: twenty-four errors were
condemned, but not nominally
attributed to Wickliffe. See
Wilkins, ib. p. 157.]

320 The Church History book it.

wi^ iii. In the council at Constance five-and-fbrty
articles of false doctrines were exhibited agiunst
Wickliffe, then lately deceased °.

iv. Thomas Waldensis computeth fourscore errore
in him.

V. John Lucke, doctor of divinity in Oxford,
brings up the account to two hundred sixty-six ^

Lastly, and above all, John Cochlaeus (it is fit
that the latest edition should be the largest) swells
them up to full three hundred and three p.

Wonder not at this difference, as if Wickliffe*8
opinions were like the stones on Salisbury Plain,
falsely reported that no two can count them alike.
The variety ariseth, first, because some count only
his primitive tenets, which are breeders, and others
reckon all the young fiy of consequences derived
from them. Secondly, some are more industrious
to seek, perverse to collect, captious to expound,
malicious to deduce far distant consequences; ex-
cellent at the inflaming of a reckoning, quick to
discover an infant or embryo error which others
overlook. Thirdly, it is probable that in process
of time Wickliffe might dilate himself in supple-
mental and additional opinions, more than he at
first maintained ; and it is possible that the tenets
of his followers in after-ages might be falsely
fathered upon him. We will tie ourselves to no
strict number or method, but take them as we find
them, out of his greatest adversary, with exact quo-
tation of the tome, book, article, and chapter where
they are reported.

^ Foxe, i. 586. P In Historia Hussitarum

^ HarpsfieldfHist. Wickliffe, in Prolog, torn! primi.
p. 669. See Wilkins, ib. 339.

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

SSI

Thomas Waldensis accuseth Wicliffe to have a. d. 1371.

maintained these dangerous heretical opinions.

Of the Pope.

i. That it is blasphemy to call any head of the
Church, save Christ alone. — Tom. 1. book 2. art. 1.
chap. 1 X

ii. That the election of the pope by cardinals is
a device of the devil. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 39 ''.

iii. That those are heretics which say that Peter
had more power than the other Apostles. — ^Tom. 1.
b. a. art. 1. ch. 2 \

iv. That James, bishop of Jerusalem, was pre-
ferred before Peter. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 1. ch. 4 \

V. That Rome is not the seat in which Christ's
vicar doth reside. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 41 ".

45 Edward
III.

<1 [i. " Si Augustinus timuit
** vocare Christum hominem
" Deum^ ex hoc quod ejus sen-
*' sus non est patulus ex scrip-
'^ tura,quanto magis timendum
'* est vocare Christianum ali-
** quern caput Ecclesise ne forte
** blasphemetur in Christum,
** cum hoc nomen ex Trinitatis
*' consilio tanquam illi pro-
" prium est servatum." f. 75*
ed. 1532. Quoted from Wic-
liffe's work^ De Christo et An-
tichristo, ch. 5.]

^ [a. De Electione Papce.
" Quse major infidelitas quam
** approbare electiones Cardi-
** nalium qui ex vobis sine
'* dubio sunt diaboli incarnati/*
f. 131. Quoted from his work,
De Veritate et Mendacio, ch.
16.]

s [3. ** Erubescant heretici
'^ dicentes quod Petrus habet
*' ceteris apostolis excellentio-
*' rem potentiam quia est epi-

FULLER, VOL. II.

•* Scopus Romanorum.'* f. 74, a.
Quoted from his work, De
Christo, &c.^ ch. 6.]

t [4. " Patet secundo quod
*' isti tres princi pales Apostoli
'* non contulerunt sensum vel
" notitiam Evangelii Sancto
'* Paulo. Sed quod Jacobus
" qui erat episcopus Hieroso-
" lymitanus, ubi Christus fuit
" Episcopus, a Deo in hoc Evan.
*' gelio Simoni antefertur."
f. 77. Quoted from the same.]

* [5- *' Quod Roma est
" locus aptus ut Papa imme-
'* diatus Christi vicarius ibi
" resideat revera non est color,
*' nisi in altera infami istarum
'' causarum ; primo quia Papa
" ibi infideliter perdit vitas
** animarum^ sicut prius Caesar
•* infideliter ibi perdidit vitas
'* corporum Christi martyrum."
f. i33> b. Quoted from his
De Sermone Domini in Monte,
c. 28.]

Y

322

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A.D. i37». vi. That the pope, if he doth not imitate Christ

III. and Peter in his life and manners, is not to be called

the successor of Peter. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. S5\

vii. That the imperial and kingly authority are
above the papal power. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 38^.

viii. That the doctrine of the infallibility of the
Church of Rome, in matters of faith, is the greatest
blasphemy of Antichrist. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch.
48 ^

ix. That he often calleth the pope Antichrist. —
Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 54*.

X. That Christ meant the pope, by the^ abomina-
tion of desolation, standing in the holy place. —
Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. chap. 32*^.

X [6. " Si papa non sequitur
** Christum in moribus, nee
** imitatur Petnim in conver-
** satione sancta, sed vivit
** omnino contrarie, quid ipsi
** et Petro, ut ex vita Petri
" habeat illud nomen ? — Non
" sequitur nisi a contrario
" sensu." f. 125, b. Quoted
from the same, c. 29.]

y [7. ''Papa et cardinales
" fuerunt non ordinati a Do-
*' mino sed per diabolum intro-
" ducti. In cuJQssignum nomen
" papse vel cardinalis non inse-
" ritur in Scriptura." — ** Cum
'' hoc nomen papa sit terminus
extra fidem scriptur», videtur
quod in dotatione ecclesiae
'• prsesumpta^ per Csesarem est
'' inventum;et8icsiconnotetis-
*< tam ordinationem tunc nimis^
salubre foret ecclesise quod
non forent papa vel aliqui
" cardinales." f. 129. Quoted
from his Dial. Veritatis et
Mendacii, ch. 24^ and Con-
clusio xii.]

u

€€

<C

€€

* Q8. ** Radicalia fundatio.
' ficta in ista materia stat in
' istO; quod Romanaecclesia sic
' determinat ; sed ipsa non po-
' test peccare, et specialiter in
' materia fidei, ergo sic gene-
' raliter est credendum;et inter
' omnes blasphemias quae un-
' quam de Antichristo surrep-

' seranthaec est major." f. 145.
Quoted from his Sermo £pi-
stolaris^ 58.]

* [9. "Christus in scriptura
' non docuit aliquam speciem
' ordinis de capitulo Anti-
* christi. — Capitulum istud in
^ istis speciebus continetur, ut
' est papa, cardinales, patri-
' archae, archiepiscopi, epi-
' scopi, archidiaconi, officiales,
' et decani, monachi et canon.
' ici. Fratres in istis quatuor
' ordinibus sunt et qusestores."

f. 154, b. Quoted from his
De Ecclesia, ch. 6.]

^ Matt. xxiv. 15.

c [10. •• Cum videritis aho^
" minatumenf, &c. Probabile

CKNT, XIV.

of Britain,

323

Of Popish Prelates. a. d. r 3 7 1 .

•^ ^ 45 Edward

xi. That from the words, and works, and** silence ^^^'
of prelates in preaching, it seemeth probable that
they are devils incarnate. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 2. ch.
16«.

xii. That bishops' benedictions, confirmations, con-
secrations of churches, chalices, &c., be but tricks to
get money. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 57 ^

Of Priests.

xiii. That plain deacons and priests may preach
without license of pope or bishop. — Tom. 1. b. 2.
art. 3. ch. 70 e^.

xiv. That in the time of the apostles, there were

'' quod Christus intelligit per
" haec verba papam sive Ro-
** manum pontificem." From
his Sermo Domini in Monte,
ch. 22.]

^ Ex verbo, opere, et taci-
turnitate praelatorum.

« [11. "Ex verbo et opere
" et taciturnitate prselatorum
" ecclesise sic vocatse suppo-
'* nendum videtur atque proba-
'* bile quod sint diaboii incar-
*' nati." Et post concludit :
" Sed quia ignoramus con-
•* versionem vel exitus eorum

non videtur de ipsorum dam-

natione temere judicandum,
" sed istud videtur esse sanum
" atque catholicum quod Cbris-
'^ tianus non communicet cum

eis in sacramentis, &c."

€C

€t

«

Sermo Iv.]

^[12. ** Suppono quantum

*' ad istos duos or dines, sc.

'^ confirmationem et dationem
ordinis quod non est ratio
quare inferiores presbyteri

•* non possent eos dare." From

<t

*t

bis De quatuor Sectis« cb. 4.
'* De tribus dignitatibus sive
** officiis quBPi episcopus sibi
" servat, quae sunt juvenum
" confirmation clericorum or-
" dinatio et locorum conse-
** cratio; omnia sonant in cu-
" pidinem lucri." f. 159, b.
From bis Speculum de Eccle-
sia, ch. 14.]

s [13. " Ex suggestione dia-
** boli quia discipulorum Anti-
" christi negant episcopi evan-
" gelizationem pauperum sa-
" cerdotum nisi habeant ab eis
** licentiam. — Sacerdotes prae-
" dicti habent ex speciali dono
** Dei notitiam et animum
" evangelizandi, sed nee licet
" Deo nee homini impedire
•* eos, ne in hoc impleant ver-
** bum Dei, ut currat sermo
** Christi liberius. Ergo non
'^ licet Episcopis in hoc impe-
" dire dictos presbyteros." f.
181, b. From his Sermo Epi-
stolaris, 62.]]

Y 2

dS4

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A. D. 137 1. only two orders, namely, priests and deacons, and
III. that a bishop doth not differ from a priest. — Tom. 1.
b. 2. art. 3. ch. 60''.

XV. That it is lawful for laymen to absolve no less
than for the priests. — Tom. 3. ch. 68*.

xvi. That it is lawful for clergymen to marry. —
Tom. 2. ch. 128K

xvii. That priests of bad life, cease any longer to
be' priests. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 81 ™.

Of the Church.

xviii. That he defined the church to consist only

of persons predestinated. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 2. ch. 8".

xix. That he divideth the church into these three

^ [14. ** Possunt quidam viri
" religiosi ista nomina [rc. epi-
" scoporum] habere et carere
" veneno quod est modo sub isto
" nomine introductum ; ut olim
" omnes sacerdotes vocati fue-
" runt episcopi ; et sic de aliis
" nominibus quae modo sapiunt
" consuetudinem diaboli in ec-
*' clesia introductam." f. 163,
b. From his Treatise De
Ecdesia, ch. 6.]

i [15. '* Tam necessarium
" est sacramentum poenitentise
" quam sacramentum baptismi;
** sed laicus potest unum mi-
" nistrare in casu necessitatis
" ergo et alterum." f. 146, b.
From his work, De Papa, ch.

k [16. "Conjugium secun-
" dum legem Christi eis licitum
** oderunt ut venenum [cleri-
" ci]." f. 133. From his work,
De Officio Pastorali, xxix.]

1 Waldensis, in several places
of his book.

™ [17. ** Sicut rex, princeps
' ' vel dominus tempore quo est in
" mortal! peccato non sortitur
" nomen sui officii nisi nomine-
" tenus et satis eequivoce ,* sic
'* nee papa, episcopus vel sacer-
" dos, dum lapsus fueritin mor-
" tale." Wicliffe inter Conclu-
siones Damnatas, cap. 93. See
also I, 2, 2, 8.]|

» [18. " Patet ex fide scrip-
" turse et multiplici testimonio
** sanctorum quod nullum est
" niembrum sanctse matris ec-
'' clesise nisi persona praedesti-
nata, et de ilia ecclesia lo-
quitur fides nostra, et non de
ecclesia malignantium vel de
'* ecclesia falso nuncupata. Se-
" cundo videtur mihi quod
" quoscumque prselatos Csesa-
" reos, vel a fide scripturse no-
" torie delinquentes, debemus
*' non supponere esse membra
" sanctae matris ecclesiae." f.
81, b. From Wicliffe's De
Dotatione Ecclesiae^ ch. 2.]

«

«

<«

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

3^

members; clergjanen, soldiers, and labourers. — ^Tom.A.D.1371.
1. b. 2. art. 1. ch. 12«. ^^ ^u^

XX. That the church was not endowed with
any immoveable possessions before Constantino the
Great. — Tom. 1. b. 4. art. 3. ch. 37 p.

xxi. That it is no sacrilege to take away things
consecrated to the church.— Tom. 1. b. 4. art. 3.
ch. 41 a.

<<

C(

<<

€t

{«

C«

<«

^ [19. '• Ecclesia dicitur
•* communiter tripartita; sc.
'* ecclesia clericorum qui debent
esse Christo propinquissimi
et ecclesiae triumpbanti, et
" juvare residuum militantis
ecclesiae, ut sequitur Cbris-
turn propinquius qui est
caput nostrum totius eccle-
siae; ut patet, Ephes. i.
Secunda pars militantis ec
" clesiae dicitur esse militum.
*' Ita quod sicut prima pars
'^ istius ecclesiae dicitur instru-
** entium oratorum, ita se-
** cunda pars ecclesiae dicitur
corporalium defensorum.
Tertia vero pars ecclesiae di-
citur vulgarium vel laborato-
•« rum." f. 88. From De
Cbristo et Anticbristo, cb. i.
De Veritate et Mendacio^ et
alibi.]

P [20. "Episcopi possent
" vivere continue in paupertate
" evangelica et pauperibus dis-
•• tribuere fideliter quod super-
" est de eleemosynis sibi datis.
Quod a probabili fecerunt
apostoli qui erant episcopi
" et multi alii episcopi in tre-
•* centenario illo in quo vixe-
" runt exproprietarie ante do-
'* tationem ecclesiae." f. 280.
From bis Dialog. Veritatis,
cap. ig, &c.]

«c

<<

<c

€€

«

<l [21. **Non dubium quin
" clerus noster bodiernus isto
*• vae specialiter irretiantur ut
" magniiicans sacrilegium tau-
" quam peccatum gravissimum
" et introducens opinionem de
" re sacra quod quicquid da-
*' tum vel dedicatum ecclesiae
" illud eo ipso est sacrum et
" auferre illud a vocata eccle-
" sia est summus gradus sacri-
" legii, sicut dicunt. Et sic
" bona possunt per laicos con-
" ferri ecclesiae, sed in nuUo
'' casu auferri ab ea, et ita
" cumulantur tempondia us-
" que ad putredinem, tam eo-
rum^ quam clericorum occu-
pantium : quia simile est ac
si ilia temporalia fuissent in
'* tartaris devorata, quia ut
" asserunt, licet laicis valde
" meritorie dare illis bona tam
" mobilia quam immobilia.
" Sed postquam ilia fuerint
" per illam donationem stoli-
'* dam consecrata non licet clero
•• reddere ilia bona — quia ut in-
** quiunt committerent grave
'' sacrilegium sic reddendo."
f. 284, a. From De Sermone
Domini^ ii. cb. 13. And in bis
Trialog. iv. c. 1 8. " Nos au-
tem dicimus illis quod nedum
possunt auferre temporalia
" ab ecclesia babitualiter de-

Y 3

(e

n

i<

<(

n

326

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A. D. 1371. xxii. That all beautiful building of churches is
^^ ^L blameworthy, and savours of hypocrisy. — ^Tom. 3.
ch.l43'.

Of Tithes.

xxiii. The parishioners by him were exhorted not
to pay tithes to priests of dissolute life*. — ^Tom.l.
b.2. art. 3. ch. 65*.

xxiv. That tithes are pure alms, and that pastors
ought not to exact them by ecclesiastical censures.
—Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 64".

Of the Scripture.

XXV. That wise men leave that as impertinent,
which is not plainly expressed in scripture. — ^Tom.
1. b. 2. art. 2. ch. 23*.

" linquente^ nee solum quod
" licet illis hoc facere, sed quod
" debent facere sub poena dam-
'' nationis gehennee, quoniam
" debent de sua stultitia pceni-
** tere et satisfacere pro pec-
'* cato quo Christi ecclesiam
" taliter macularunt."]

' [22. " Christus videtur pa-
" rum curare de templi aedificio
'' sumptuoso ; et sic de basilicis
" ab hypocritis in ecclesiam
" introductis, ut patet, Matt.
" xxiv. Talia autem sensi.
" bilia mundo splendentia vi.
" dentur aperire ostium domus
" et introducere in suum cu-
" biculum inimicos." f. 296, b.
£x Sermone Domini, c. 6.]

^ [The same is stated, in a
summary of Wicliffe's teach-
ing, by Walsingham, p. 284.]

t [23. " Fideles ex istis eli-
" ciunt^ quod deficiente curato
" notorie in suo officio pasto-

" rali licet subditis immo de-
** bent subtrahere ab ipso ob.
" lationes et decimas, et quic-
" quid fuerit occasio ad tale
" facinus nutriendum." f. 172.
£x lib. De Cura Pastorali, ch.
8.]

V [24. " Ex istis a quibus-
" dam colligitur quod curatus
" non debet decimas a suis
** subditis per excommunica-
" tionem vel censura alias ex-
** torquere. Patet per hoc
** quod curatus non debet circa
" talia cum subdito suo con-
" tendere, in cujus signum
*' Christus et ejus apostoli non
" exigebant sic decimas sed
*< fuerunt de alimento et tegu.
" mento debitis contenti."- f.
170. Ex eod. c. 6.]
X [25. " ' Prudentes habent
banc consuetudinem quando
difficultas circa veritatem
*< aliquam ventilatur^ in pri«

<<

(<

CENT. XIV.

vf Britain,

mi

XXVI. That he shghted the authority of general A.D.1371.

45 Edward
IIL

councils. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 2. ch. 26 y.

Of Heretics,

xxvii. That he called all M^riters, since the thou-
sandth year of Christ, heretics. — Tom. 2. ch. 81 ^.

Of Prayer.

xxviii. That men are not bound to the observa-
tion of Vigils, or canonical hours.; — Tom. 3. ch. 23.
andch. 25*.

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mis oonsiderant quid fides
Scripturae loquitur in hoc
puncto, et quod fides in hac
materia definierit credunt
stabiliter tanquam fidem. Si
autem fides Scripturae neu-
tram ejus partem expresserit,
dimittunt illud tanquam eis
impertineiis et non litigant
vel contendunt quae pars ha-
beat veritatem.* Haec Wit-
clef, De Veritate etc. c.
xvi." AUCTOR. "Ex hoc
fundamento maxime infideli
videtis quomodo destruit ar-
ticulum fidei quo credimus
ecclesiam Catholicam/' &c.]
y Q26. "Concilii generalis
auctoritas est universali ec-
clesiae in auctoritate multum
consimilis^ quamvis secun-
dum rei veritatem disparts
ponderis. Sed et contra
auctoritatem ejus loquitur
Witcleff in secunda parte

sermone xlv.
* Conformiter

debet de con-
ciliis suis generalibus quae
adeo solemnizant. Nonenim
accipi debet vel credi con-
cilium apostolorum, nisi de

(<

(<

sermonum,
WITCL.
autem dici

quanto creditur quod Spiritus
Sanctus confirmavit eorum
sententiam^ sed cum multi
" concurrentes ad modernum
" concilium sunt ut plurimum
" apostatae, stolidi et ignari^
" blasphema foret lex vel regu-
" la quae dictaret quod gene-
** raliter standum est et ere-
^' dendum judicio majoris par-
" tis.' "]

2 [27. The passaeeto which
reference is here made X cannot
find, except it be the following;
*' Haec verba numquid sancti
" omnes jaculabuntur in Wit-
" clefiT, quorum sententias per
" glossam suam facit esse.
Berengarios de Catholicis."]
* [28. " Fortis instantia con-
tra orandi instantiam vagam
praedicans libertatem sequitur
'' ibi, cap. 7. de quatuor Sectis.
" *Si quis quaerat quid talis
*' presbyter ita de ratione fa-
'* ceret cum non debet Deum
** taliter deprecari ? Dictum
" est^ quod unus debet in casu,
"quo Deus inclinaverit, prae-
" dicare, alius dicere orationem
" Dominicam, vel aedificare
" proximum^ aut spiritualiter

Y 4

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3528

The Church History

BOOK IV.

D. 1371. xxix. That it is vain for laymen to bargain with
hl"^ priests for their prayers.— Tom. 3. ch. 11 ^

XXX. That to bind men to set and prescript forms

of prayers, doth derogate from that liberty God hath

given them. — ^Tom. 3. ch. 21 ^.

" aut corporaliter secundum
** quod Deus inclinftverit faci-
" enduiUj et sic standum est
** consuetudini loci, de quanto
" non repugnat regula; Christi
" vel etiam rationi.* Haec
** Witclef. Hoc ultimum sic
'^ intelligitur apud ejus asse-
** clas : Et sic non est ceden-
" dum consuetudini loci de
** quanto sihi videtur re-
" pugnare regulae libertatis
*• Christi vel etiam rationi.**
ell. 25. '^ Quod tamen matuti-
" narum vigiliarum celebri-
" tatem jam diximus noctibus
" frequentandam Witcleff in-
" digne contrectat, increpans
" ex ea religiosos nostros, trac-
" tatu suo secundo, de Ser-
" mone Domini in Monte, cap.
''65, ubi sumens textum
" Matthaei, Quomodo media
** nocte clamor foetus est, Ecce
** Sponsus veniV:— et deinde
*' expositionem Hieronymi,
** * quod subito intempesta
" nocte, et securis omnibus,
" quando gravissimus sopor
" est^ per angelorum clamorem
" et tubas praBcedentium for-
** midinem Christi resonabit
" adventus, et sic Christum
'' venturum in similitudinem
" iEgyptii temporis ; ita reor
" (inquit Hieronymus) tra-
" ditionem apostoli jam per-
*' mansisse, ut de vigilia
" Paschseante noctis dimidium,
*• populos dimittere non li-
" ceat expectautes adventum

" Christi.* — Sequitur : • Unde
'^ et psalmista dicebat : Media
" nocte surgebam ad confiten^
" dum ^t6t/— Subdit et Wit-
" cleff : ' Patet ex dictis istius
" sancti quamlevis evidentiaest
" in medio noctis surgere et di-
" cere matutinas mode quo
•• religiosi nostri privati fo-
" ciunt. Ex isto sermone
" nudo psalmistse psallimns.
" Ac si nostri religiosi fatui sic
" arguerent ; psalmista sic fecit
" semel ad minimum, sicut de
" ^gypto exivit populos
" Israeliticus semel in medio
" noctis, semelque veniet
" Christus ad judicium, ergo
" illi debent regulariter sur-
" gere, et dicere ilia hora matu-
tinas.' "]

^ [29. '^ Contra haec sc. quod
Deuspossitimpediri aut sanc-
" torum precibus retineri ne
usque ad quantum culps
justitia postulat, ipse sae-
"viat; Witcleff rixatur sic:
" ' Posset stultus dimittere
" opera meliora et intendere
*' orationi^ ac si necessitaret
'' Deum ad dandum homini
" illud quod petit.' " Cap.
Secundo de Oratione.]

c [30. «' Denique subjicit in
" secundo capitulo illius li.
" belli de oratione contra actam
" obligationem ad canendum
" divinum officium, secundum
" aliquem usum limitatum,
" specificans usum Sarum in
** Anglia. ' Ut dictum est de

((

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M

C<

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

329

xxxi. That to depress the benefit of other men's a. d. 1371.
purchased prayers, he recommended all men to hope^ iii.

and trust in their own righteousness.
ch.8d.

Tom. 3.

Of Alms.

xxxii. That we ought not to do any alms to a
sinner, whilst we know him to be so. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2.
art.3. ch.81«.

Of the Sacraments.

xxxiii. That chrisme and other such ceremonies
are not to be used in baptism. — Tom. 3. ch. 45.
and ch. 46 ^

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confessione, videtur generalis
obligatio sub tanta poena ad
usus talis observantiam : talis
usas non est prudens^ cum
apostoli longe magis profue-
rint ecclesise sine observantia
talis usus ; ideo obligare tarn
generaliter et tarn stricte ho.
mines ad orationes hujus-
modi, videtur libertate Do-
mini derogare.' "]
^ [3^* " Quis Christianis
imbutus principiis non com-
pungitur audiendo Witcleff
tarn indulgere Pelagio in
laude operum quae vocat
bonam ?itam^ et divinae gra-
tis nihil tribuendum docet ;
nee propter ea orandum, nee
in ea coniidendum, sed in
justitia propria vitse huma-
nse. In libro de Oratione,
c. I. ' Deus non vult nos
esse in oratione vocali nimis
prolixos^ sed omnino ut ora-
tion! justae vitee vel operis
intendamus. £x istis colli-
gitur quod nemo sperat in

((

((

*' nuda oratione alterius, sed
" omnino in propria justitia
" vitffi suae; "J

® [32. From his work de
Dominio civili, ch. Ixxii. " Nos
" non debemus praestare vel
" donare aliquid peccatori dum

cognoscimus ipsum esse ta-

lem, quia sic foveremus pro-
*' ditorem Domini nostri."]

' [33* "Christus exemplar
" totius ecclesiae non fiiit in
" persona sua taliter confirma-
" tus, nee in baptismo suo
" chrisma hujusmodi, sed
" aquam simplicem requisivit.
*' Nee sic dedicavit ecclesias,
" sed episcopi hoc accipiunt
*' ex singular! opere Salomo-
" nis ; et sic difficultatur
" ecclesia infideliter propter
" solemnizationem talis con-
" suetudinis introductae."

From Wicliffe*s De Sermone
Domini in Monte, pars ii. 13.
ch. 46. "Sic ipse [Witcleff]
" concludit post multa, libro
'^ de Papa» c. 1 1. ' Cum enim

sso

The Church Hutory

BOOKIV.

Award
II.

xxxiv. That those are fools and presnmptaous
which aflinn snch infants not to be saved which die
without baptism : and also, that he denied that all sins
are abolished in baptism. — ^Tom. 2. ch. 99 and 108^^.

xxxY. That baptism doth not confer, bnt only
signify grace, which was given before. — Tom. 2.

ch.97K

xxxvi. That in the sacrament of the altar the

host is not to be worshipped, and such as adore it

are idolaters. — ^Tom. 2. ch. 26*.

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ngna ista non sint nisi gra-
tia ngnatoniniy signata per
ae safficiont sine signis.* "^
e Q34. " Argumentum ejus
tertiam est, 1 1. cap. Trialogi.
Delato infante fidelium ad
eoclesiam ut secundumChristi
regulam baptisetur, et de-
ficiente aqua> vel requisitis
aliis, stante pia intentione
totius populi, interim mortuo
natonuiter nutu Dei, videtor
grave damnationem infantis
hujusmodi definire. Re-
spondet in capitulo sequenti.
' Concedo quod Deus si volu-
erit potest damnare infantein
talem, et si voluerit potest
ipsum salvare; nee audeo
partem alteram definire ;
nee laboro circa reputatio-
nem vel evidentiam in ista
materia ; sed ut mutus sub-
ticeo.* Sequitur. ' Illi au-
tem qui ex auctoritate sua
sive scientia^ in ista materia
definiunt, tanquam pree-
sumptuosi et stolidi non
se fundant/ Ch. 108. Inter
Condusiones ter damnatas,
208. ' Baptismus delet
omne peccatum originale vel
actuale, mortale aut veniale

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" quod invenit; sed de veniali
" omissionis non oportet/
" Haec Witcleff."]

^ Il35- ** Dicit rWTdiffe] in
*' eodem^ cap. 1 2, Quarti Tria-
logi. * ^ptismns flaminis
est baptismus Spiritos Sancti.
** Ideo duo baptismi priores
" sunt signa antecedentia, et
** ex suppositione neoessaria
" ad istum tertium baptismum
" flaminis. Ideo absque dubi-
" tatione si iste insensibilis
baptismus affuerit, baptizatus
a crimine est mundatus, et si
" iUe defuerit quantumcnmque
" adsint priores> baptismus non
" prodest animae ad salutem.
" Ideo cum iste sit insensibilis
" et tantum nobis ignotus,
" videtur mihi imprudens prae-
" sumptio taliter damnationem
" hominis vel salvationem ex
*' baptismate diffinire.* "]

* [36. "Hanc tamen ado-
'* rationis Christianae spedem
'* ipse vocatidololatriam bestia-
" lem: De Eucharistia cap. ix.
" versus finem ; ubi, ' Nimis
** multi (inquit) sunt laici et
" bestiales nimis sensibilibus
*' intendentes^ et multi (ut ait
" Apostolus) in adorando hos-

CENT. XiV.

of Britain,

831

xxxvii. That the substance of bread and wine still a.d. 1371.
remain'' in the sacrament.— Tom. ii. ch. 231 ^^ ^!'"^

xxxviii. That Grod could not, though he would, ""

make his body to be at the same time in several
places. — ^Tom. 2. ch. 55°*.

xxxix. That the sacrament of confirmation is not
much necessary to salvation. — ^Tom. 2. ch. Ill °.

xl. That confession, to a man truly contrite, is
superfluous, used by Antichrist, to know the secrets
and ^ain the wealth of others. — ^Tom. 2. ch. 144 <>.

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'^ tiam tanquam gentes ad si-
*' molachra muta, prout dace-
" bantur captivati euntes ad
** idololatrandum. Qui autem
'* adorat humanitatem Christi
'^ ut talem in hostda^ adorat in
*' ipsa Christum hjrperdulia, et
** nemo rite adorat ipsam sub

ratione propria. £t sic vere

concluditur quod homo sit
** multipliciushonorandusquam
*^ hostia, et adorandus tanquam
** imago Dei, vas virtutum, et
** sic Christi verius quam hos-
*• tia oonsecrata/ " Compare
also ch. 25.]

^ This is scattered in seve-
ral places of his book.

* [37. •* ' Si (inquit) panis sit
** factus identice corpus Christi
'' et illud corpus est realiter
^* ipse Christus, ergo ille panis
" est factus realiter Christns
*' Deus. Sed quae idololatria
'* foret amplius detestanda ?
*' Sic enim haberet queelibetec-
'* clesia dominum Deum suum^
'* qui reciperet preedicationes
" abominabiles/ " [Wicliffe in
Trialog.iv.8.] ch.S7. "'NihU
" horribilius quam necessario
*' manducare carnaliter car-
*^ nem, et bibere carnaliter san-
" guinem hominis tarn tenere

' prsedilecti.' (DeEucharistia^
" c. I .) ch. 24. De Simonia c.
'* 20. 'Corpus (inquit) panis^
" servando panis substantiam
" est miraculose factum, cum
".hoc corpus Domini non au-
*' deo dicere identice secundum
*' substantiam vel naturam, sed
" tropice secundum significan-
'* tiam vel figuram.' "]

™ [38. This reference has
escaped my search. I have no
doubt of its being incorrectly
printed, as many of the others
were in the old edition.]

^ [39. ** ' Non (inquit) video,
" quod generaliter sit hoc sa-
'* cramentum de necessitate

salutis fidelium. Nee quod

preetendentes se confirmare
" pueros regulariter hoc con-
" firmant, nee quod, hoc sa-
'* cramentum sit specialiter
" episcopis Csesareis reserva-
'* tum. Et ulterius videtur
'* mihi quod foret plus religio-
" sum et conformius modo lo-
'* quendi Scripturee, negare
*' quod nostri episcopi dant
*' Spiritum Sanctum vel con-
** firmant ulterius Sancti Spi-
•* ritus dationem.' " Trialog.
iv. 14.]

o [40. *' * Quantumcumquc

€*

CC

882

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A. D.1371. xli. That that is no due marriage, which is con-
^* mT"^ tracted without hope of having children. — Tom. 2.

ch.lSOP.

xlii. That extreme unction is needless, and no
sacrament. — Tom. 2. ch. 163^.

i

Of Orders.

xliii. That religious sects confound the unity of
Christ's church, who instituted but one order of
serving him. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 2. ch. 15'.

xliv. That he denied all sacred initiations into
orders, as leaving no character behind them. —
Tom. 2. ch. 109".

xlv. That vowing of virginity is a doctrine of
devils. — ^Tom. 8. ch. 91 *.

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(inquit) magnusfueritChristi
episcopus non potest quem-
quam absolvere. — Immo con-
" tritus quasi secure absolvitur
" etsi humana absolutio non
'* sequatur/ "]

P [41. *' Conjugium sive ma-
*' trimonium describit Witdeff,
** dicens iv© libro ter damnati
Trialogi cap. ii. quod conju-
gium sit legitima copulatio ;
" qua secundum Dei legem
" licet eis sine crimine iilios
** procVMre. Ordinavit enim
" Deus quod Adam et £va
*' et per consequens quod
" cuncti duo conjuges in pro.
'^ creatione carnali taliter co-
" pulentur."]

q [42. ''Si ista corporalis
'* unctio foret sacramentum ut
" modo fingitur, Christus et
*' cseteri Apostoli ejus promul-
'' gationem et executionem de-
** bitam non tacerent." Tria-
log. iv. 15.]

(t

tt

et

«

' [43. '* ' Unitas sectse requi-
'* rit unitatem regulae et pa-
" troni ; tunc cum istss sects

quatuor tarn in patrono quam

in regula variantur a secta
" Christie evidens est quod istae
** sectse sunt dispares, sicutsunt
** ordines, ex confusions pro-
" pria variati/ Haec ille, [in
•* libro de An tichristo cap. ii.]"
See also ch. 13.]

s [44. *' Quidam multipli-
'' cant in ordinibus et sacra-
" mentis multis characteres ;
'' sed istorum fundationem et
** fructum nee in Sacra Scrip-
" tura nee in rations consi>
•' dero." Trialog. iv. 15.]

* [45. "ErubescatergoWit-
** cleff infelix qui virginitatem
" Deo dicatam et Christo pro-
" fessam damnat et doctrinam
'* dsemoniorum dicit. — Quanto
'' magis damnandus est Wit-
" deff qui contra Christi apo-
" stolos» contra ecclesiam, con-

CENT. XIV.

of Britain,

888

Of Saints. A. D.1371.

45 Edward

xlvi. That such Christians, who do worship saints, ^^^'
border on idolatry. — Tom. 3. ch. 130 ".

xlvii. That it is needless to adorn the shrines of
saints, or to go in pilgrimage to them. — Tom. S.
ch. 131 \

xlviii. That miracles conceived done at saints'
shrines may be delusions of the devil. — Tom. 3.
ch. 124, 1253^.

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tra naturam boni, tales pro-
fessiones damnat et vulgi
religionem carnalem exaltat ;
ita ut conversationes eorum
communes in ecclesiis con-
globationes aut globos indig-
nanter appellet, in opere de
Ecclesia et Membris cap. xv.
et alibi."]

^ [46. " Quid aiunt Gen-
tiles? quod colimus plures
deos. Quid Witcleff in dia-
logo suo Mendacii cap. xvi. ?
' Erubesce esse de genera-
tione adultera nisi docere
sciveris quod hsec signa mor-
tua miraculose fiunt ab ho-
mine quem asseris esse sanc-
tum.* Sequitur. 'Idem est
legem Christi postponere et
ista apocrypha chronicorum
anteferre, et Antiquum die-
rum relinquere^ et deos re-
centes infideliteracceptare."']
* [47- " Jungatur patribus
suis Witcleff dicens libro ii.
de Sermone Domini in
Monte, cap. xvii. *Quid
rogo valet omare sepulchra
hominum mortuorum, et in
ista hypocrisi laborare ? Nam
nee animee nee corpora sunt
nunc in istis sepulchris quee
incolunt collocata^ ct ta-

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men ex fide patet quod
Christus est essentialiter in
qualibet creatura, et virtua-
liter secundum humanitatem
per omnem partem ecclesise
militautis ; quare ergo non
honoramus istud caput eccle-
sise et hypocrisim sepul-
chrorum dimittimus?'."]
y [48. '' Talia miracula sunt
illusiva quia diabolus in per-
sona defuncti potest facere
his majora." Trialog. iii. 30.
Quantum ad orationes et
miracula patet quod sunt
illusiones diaboli somniatse
cum publicatur hodie quod
quilibiet sacerdos consecrando
eucharistiam facit infinita
miracula, et tanta et quanta
fecit Dominus Jesus Chris-
tus, et secundum apostoluni,
I Corinth, xiii. Si viator
hahuerit omnem Jldem ita ut
montes transfirat, charitatem
autem non hahuerit nihil est.
Multo ergo magis signa
ostensa sive a Deo sive a
diabolo in presentia corporis
mortui non indicant quod sit
sanctum ; ideo una de prse-
cipuis cautelis diaboli per
quam seduxit viantes est de-
ceptio in his signis. Cre-

384

The Church History

BOOK lY.

'«• xlix. That saints* prayers (either here or in heaven)
are only effectual for such as are good. — ^Tom. 3.
^ch.ll5».

Of the King.

1. That it is lawful in causes ecclesiastical, and
matters of faith, after the bishop's sentence, to ap-
peal to the secular prince. — Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3.

ch. 79 •.

li. That dominion over the creature is founded in
grace. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 81 ^.

** damus igitur vivis operibus
" conformibus legi Dei et di-
** mittamus hsec signa frivola."
(Dialog. Majoris Mendacii,
cap. xvi.)]

' [49. " Dixit cap. iii. de
" Oratione. * Dicunt quidam
'' presbyteri Dominis qui ro-
" gant orationum suarum suf-
** ^agia, quod vivant juste ser-
*' vando Dei mandata ; et erunt
*' orationum suarum et meriti
" ecclesifls totius participes ve-
*' liut nolint ; et quantumcum-
*' que clamaverunt sine tali jus-
" titia secularis Domini privata
" oratio nihil valet/ "]

a [50. "'Cum/ inquit [Wit-
" cletf in opere suo Epistolari
*' Sermone xxvii.], * Papa ex-
'' pleat multos casus, in quibus
'* excommunicttus debet ex-
'* communicationem pro suo
" perpetuo tolerare, et hi se-
" cundum legem quam in reg-
" num nostrum induxerunt
" debent post xl dies pro tali
" excommunicatione detrudi in
" carcerem ; manifeste sequitur
'* quod rex et regnum nostrum
*' facti sunt in casu tortores
" pauperum, quia faciunt sicut

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debent. Mota est autem
propter salvationem r^ni
et extinctionem nequitiae Aji-
tichristi qusedam evangelica
medicina, quod liceat cui-
cumque coUegio regni ab
excommunicatione tali cu-
juscumque sacerdotis r^is
nostri ad regem et ejus con-
silium appellare. Et fadt
argumenta primo. Non du-
bium quin ad regem et ejus
militiam pertinet in tali casu
cognoscere, quia pertinet ad
eos consensum talem nefa-
rium pracavere ; ergo perti-
net ad eos eum corrigere, et
ne omissione damnentur er-
rori hujusmodi contraire.* "]
^[51. " Sententia ejus de
humano dominio seculari se-
ditioni videtur annexa, qua
ponit et sustinet nullum
posse censeri dominum secu-
Larem vere, sine gratia gra-
tum faciente, in libro suo
de Dominio Civili cap. ii. et
deinceps ; unde est conclusio
ter damnata, c. xciv. ' Om-
nis homo in peccato mortali
caret quocumque dominio et
usu licito operis etiam boni

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

335

lii. That God divesteth him of all right whoA. D.1371.
abuseth his power— Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 3. ch. 83 ^. ^^ niT^

Of Christ.

liii. That Christ was a man, even in those three

days wherein his body did lie in the grave ^Tom. 1.

b. 1. art. 3. ch. 43^.

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de genere.' £t de Civili Do-
minio c. xx. ' Civilis dominus
excedendo limites suos forte
facit perdendo dominum et
abligando se perpetuo car-
een^ eoque ipso est excom-
municatus, et exulans omni
dominio prius habito priva-
retur;' et conclusione ter
damnata^ c. xciii . ' Sicut rex»
princeps vel dominus tem-
pore quo est in mortal! pec-
cato non sortitur nomen sui
officii nisi nomine tenus, et
satis sequivoce ; sic nee papa,
episcopus^ vel sacerdos dum
lapsus fuerit in mortale Sec'
et conclusione c. Ixxv. ' Ad
verum seculare dominium
requiritur vera justitia do-
minantis, sic quod nullus
existens in peccato mortali
est dominus alicujus rei.'"]
c [52. *'De justitia tituli
quam a diebus patrum nos-
trorum certam credidimus,
Witcleff redigit ad incertum
per hoc medium, quod cum
dominus temporalis peccat
mortaliter eo quod contra-
venit primae justitis, eo et
ipso Deus spoliat eum omni
jure ad dominium ejus, nee
habet de csetero nisi ad
abusum. Unde de Dominio
Civili cap. vi.Witcleff : 'Deiis
limitans omni famulo suo
continuum servitium con-
stituit utrobique usus limites

tt

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" abusum penitus interdicens ;
" ideo non dubium quin eo
" ipso quo abutitur potesta-
" tern, injuste occupat bona
*' Dei sine licentia ad hoc data,
*' et per consequens Omnipo-
tens eo ipso spoliat ipsum
jure suo, quia aliter indubie
" oporteret quod Deus autho*
*' rizet abusum quern injustus
•' continuat quicquid facit.' "]

^ [53. The discussion con-
cerning the divine and human
nature of our Lord occupies
several chapters. The passages
to which Thomas de Walden
objects are chiefly taken from
Wicliflfe's Trialogus, ch. vii.
and his treatise de Incarna
tione Domini, ch. iv. *' Instat
Witcleff ; • Nunquid Christus
pro sancto triduo fuit verus
" Christus ? Immo vero Chris-
" tus. Igitur (dicit) fuit Deus
'' et homo pro sancto triduo
conjunctim: et ultra: ergo
anima rationalis et caro con-
junctim erant ille homo pro
'* illo triduo : et sic Christus
" non fuit vere mortuus, quia
^' anima non distabat a carne.' "
— *V Arguit iterum Witcleff
'^ demonstrative ducendo ad
" inconveniens, ch. iv. * Si
'* Christus desiit esse homo
" pro sancto triduo et in resur-
" rectione iterum fuit homo,
" igitur bis factus est homo.' "]

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996

The Church History

BOOK lY.

A. D.1371. liv. That the humanity of Christ being separated,
45 ^^'^^ is to be worshipped with that adoration which is | b

called latria. — ^Tom. 1. b. 1. art. 3. ch. 44 ®.

Iv. That Christ is the humanity by him assumed. Ig
— ^Tom. 1. b. 1. art. 3. ch. 44«.

Of God.

Ivi. That God loved David and Peter as dearly,
when they grievously sinned, as he doth now when
they are possessed of glory. — Tom. 2. ch. 160^

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* [55« After quoting this
pasnage from the Athanasian
Creed, " Sicut anima rationalis
" et caro unus est homo^ ita
'* Deus et homo, unus est
" Christus," the writer then
refers to the summary of Wic-
liffe's doctrine, which he had
placed at the head of his chap-
ter, viz. '* Christi humaniiatem
" a diviniiate sejunctam latria
'* adorandam esse, dicehat Wit-
'* cleffe" Then he proceeds,
** Sed forsan quseritur; Unde
" hoc mihi occurrit in dictis
ejus, ubi dicit sine figura
loquendi, carnem solam ve-
*' rum Christum et verum ho-
" minem. Nam si caro sola
" a carne disjuncta est verus
" homo : sed sicut anima ratio-
" nalis et caro unus est homo,
'* ita Deus et homo unus et
'* Christus ; ergo si de potentia
" majestatis humanitas Christi
" esset a Verbo disjuncta, hu-
** manitas ilia esset adhuc ve-
'* rus Christus ; et tunc non
** esset verus Deus ; esset ergo
'* Christus alius et sequivocus
** Christo nostro qui Deus est et
'* homo. Quicquid ad casum
*' dixeris, non potest habere
" calumniam, immo in scrip-

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*' tis tuis confirmationem prae-
'* validam ; ubi dicis in cap. z.
" ' Quod si per impossibile hu-
" manitas Christi loret dimissa
'^ propris personalitati, con-
" versans nobiscum ut proxi-
'^ mus, diligeres earn ut salva-
torem et redemptorem tuum
adoraresque eum latria, sicut
prius: quia nnlli alteri ho-
" minem a Deo poteris obli-
" gari. Si ergo ille esset sal-
" vator et redemptor tuus, jam
" dimissus, jam esset Christus.
" Nullus enim alius a Christo
" foret redemptor tuus ; quod
*' si digne adorares eum latria,
** esset Deus tuus. Sicque
" pure creatura esset tibi
** Christus et verus Deus.'
" Procul absit ilia logica ab
" ecdesia sancta Dei quae est
" merse idolatrise tarn affinis."]
^[56. For Wicliffe's senti-
ments on predestination Tho-
mas de Walden refers fre-
quently to the Trialogus iii. 7,
and according to these passages
Wicliffe held the doctrine af-
terwards adopted by Hus and
his followers, that the predesti-
nate cannot fall from grace:
*' Mihi videtur quod gratia ista
quae dicitur pra^destinationis.

u

CENT. XIV.

of Britain,

337

Ivii. That God giveth no good things to his ene-A.D.1371.
mies. — ^Tom. 1. b. 2. art. 8. ch. 82.8^ ^* iiiT

Iviii. That God is not more willing to reward the^
good than to punish the wicked. — Tom. 2. ch. 153.^

lix. That all things come to pass by fatal neces-
sity.i— Tom. j^ ^ j a^. 1. ch. 21.»^

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vel charitatis finalis perse-
verantise non potest a quo-
quam excidere; quia si ex-
cidit non est ilia.' Hsec Wit-
cleffe in prsefato libro ch.
vii." — "Haec etsimilia tuipse
scribi^, capite 13. tertii Tria-
logi ter damnati. * Est
gratia prsedestinationis vel
finalis consummationis, qua-
liter solum prsedestinati sunt
Deo chari vel grati ; et alia
est gratia vel chari tas secun-
dum pr«esenten) justitiam,qua
creatura rationalis est ad mo-
dum chara Deo; et ilia est
satis fluxibilis in viante; et
propter assistentiam vel de-
ficientiam talis gratise Deus
non magis vel minus afficitur
creaturse; ut tantum dilexit
Petrum, David et cffiteros
quando graviter peccaverunt,
sicut quando modo in patria
sunt beati.' "]

e [57. *' ' Deus non dat ali-
quid nisi justis, dicens adeo
notasse scripturam, quod
Deus pluit super justos et
injustos, et solem facit oriri
super bonos et malos^ non
autem dicit quod aliquid do.
nat.' Heec Witcliff, cap. 2^°
de Dominio divino."]
h [58. "'Quantum ad illud
(inquit) quod Deus est pro-
nior ad praemiandum quam
ad puniendum satis istud est
imbrigabile apud scholastic

FULLER, VOL. 11.

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** COS ; specialiter cum Deus sit
" in infinitum pronus ad pu-
*' niendum. Ideo cum in pu-
** nitione sua sit summa jus-
" titia, videtur quod non sit
*• proclivior ad aliquem pr«-
'' miandum ; ideo vel hoc dic-
tum magistrale taceo, vel
glosso illud secundum ter-
minos magis certos, et minus
** impugnabiles ; quia non vi-
" deo magnam prudentiam
verba hujusmodi defenden-
do.' H«c Wicliffe, [in 4
Trialog. cap. 12.]"]
' Waldensis in several places
layeth this to his charge.

^ [59* ** * Omnia quae eve-
" nient (inquit) de necessitate
" evenient, quia sic sequitur
" ex praedictis, cum omnia fu-
" tura sint, et non potest
'* Deus aliter rem facere quam
** ut fecit, vel facturus est.
'* Omnia ergo futura fixa, et
" immutabili necessitate fa-
*' tura sunt quod sunt.' Unde
" primo Trialogi cap. ix. Wit-
** cleffe; ' Quis rectiloquus (in-
" quit) negaret banc conse-
" quentiam ; Deus intelligit
" hoc, ergo hoc est intellectum
" a Deo } Sed de quacumque
'* creatura signata antecedens
" est absolute necessarium et
** aeternum, ergo et consequens.
* Et in barbarizatione cujus-
daui Evangelii feriae secundae
hebdomadae quintae quadra.

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The Church History

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^' ^}^''h Ix. That Grod could not make the woild otherwise

45 Edward ^^

III' than it is made. — ^Tom. 1. h. 1. art. 1. ch. IS. *

Ixi. That God cannot do any thing which he dotti
not do. — ^Tom. 1. h. 1. art. 1. ch. 10."*

Ixii. That God cannot make that something

should return into nothing. — Tom. 1. b. 1. art. L

ch. 17. °

Mochpity 7. Here the ingenuous reader must acknowledge

lifle'i own that many of these opinions are truths, at this day

lost. publicly professed in the protestant church. For the

rest, what pity is it that we want Wicliffe's works,

to hear him speak in his own behalf. Were they

all extant, therein we might read the occasion, inten-

'^ gesixnse : Christus (inquit)
" multotiens dixit quod quic-
" quid erit, necessario erit/ "]

1 [6o. " • Deus', inquit (Wit-
cleff, inter conclusiones i55.)>
*' 'non potest mundum majo-
'^ rare vel minorare, sed ani-
** mas ad certum numerum
" creare et qon ultra. Quae-
'* runt fideles nunquid pro-
'* ducto iUo numero sic sig-
*' nato potest adhuc unam ani-
'* mam recentem producere?
" Quod si non unde venit ilia
** impotentia vel evenit? Non
** ex parte creaturee, quia ilia
" divinam potentiam ullatenus
'* alligare non potest.* Brevi-
" ter dicit ; * ipsa Dei voluntas,
'* quae hunc sibi numerum ani-
'^marum fixit, ipsam Dei po.
'* tentiam alligavit quia non
*' potest plura secundum suam
" omnipotentiam quam ante
" decrevit setema voluntas."]

™ 6i. ['* * Omnipotentia Dei
" et ejus actualis creatio cose-
*' quantur ; et inde est Deus
'' omnipotens quia omne possi.

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** bile producit. Quia nolo (in-
" quit) vagari circa intelligi-
** bilitatem^sive potentiam pro-
" ducendi res quae non sunt,
*' concedens quia nihil est pro-
*' ducibile, nisi quod est.' Hsec
Witdeff."]

^ [62. '* Declarat autem hoc
in tractatu Universalium,
cap. xiii. ' Suppono (inquit)
" primo, quod sicut creatio est
'* productio de puro esse intel-
" ligibili, et sic de nihilo in
" effectu ad esse essentiale
'* extra Deum ; sic annihilatio
'* si foret, esset cessio creaturs
" in purum nihil in effectu ;
" sic quod existentia creaturs
" haberet purum esse intelli.
" gibile. £x quo videtor primo
" quod Deus non posset ad-
" nihilare aliquam creatoram
" nisi adnihilaret totam uni-
" versitatem creatam ; et tamen
" id non potest propter Chris-
<* tum et beatos; ideo videtur
*< quod non potest adnihilare.'**]
[See also ch. 20.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 389

tion, and connexion of what he spake; together with a. D.1371.
the limitations, restrictions, distinctions, qualifica- m.
tions, of what he maintained. There we might see
what was the overplus of his passion, and what the
just measure of his judgment. Many phrases^ here-
tical in sound, would appear orthodox in sense. Yea,
some of his poisonous passages, dressed with due
caution, would prove not only wholesome, but cor-
dial truths; many of his expressions wanting, not
granum ponderis^ but salisy no weight of truth, but
some grains of discretion. But now, alas ! of the
two hundred books, ® which he wrote, being burnt,
not a tittle is left, and we are fain to borrow the
bare titles of them from his adversariesP, from whom
also these his opinions are extracted, who winnow
his works, as Satan did Peter, not to find the com,
but the chaff therein^. And how candid some papists
are in interpreting the meaning of protestants, ap-
pears by that cunning chymist ^ who hath distilled the
spirits of Turcism out of the books of Calvin himself.

8. Now a synod was called by Simon Sudbury, a. d. 1376.
archbishop of Canterbury % at Paul's in London, (thoap^earebe-
parliament then sitting at Westminster,) whither ^^ in st^"
Wicliffe was summoned to appear; who came ac-^*^'^-
cordingly, but in a posture and equipage different

o iEneas Sylvius, Hist. Bo- Museum ; and some few in the

hem. ch. xxxv. p. 104. [ed. college libraries in Oxford.]

^B^I- '55'*] ^ Luke xxii. 31.

P So Jo. Bale, ib. [This is a ^ See the book called Cal-

great mistake. The MSS. of vino-Turcismus. [Written by

Wicliffe are extremely nume- Dr. Wm. Reynolds, a Ro-

rous ; probably none of his manist, and published at Ant-

treatises are lost. A very large werp, 1597. 8vo.]

collection of them is in Trinity [^ Translated from London

college Dublin, in the Bod- to Canterbury, A, D. 1375.

leian library, among the Har- Walsingham, p. 188.]

leian MSS. in the British .

z 2

840 The Church History book it.

A. D.I 376. from expectation. Four friars were to assist^ the
ni. lord Piercy to usher, John duke of Lancaster to
accompany him. These lords their enmity with the
prelates was all Wicliffe's acquaintance with them;
whose eyes did countenance, hands support, and
tongues encourage him, bidding him to dread no-
thing, nor to shrink at the company of the bishops,
for " they are all unlearned'* (said they) ** in respect
** of you."* Great was the concourse of people ; as in
populous places, when a new sight is to be seen,
there never lack lookers on ; and to see this man-
baiting, all people of all kinds flocked together.
The brawl 9, The lord Picrcy, lord marshal of England, had
bishop and much ado to break through the crowd in the church,
^ S!ureh! 80 ^hat the bustle he kept with the people highly
offended the bishop of London, as profsuiing the
place and disturbing the assembly. Whereon fol-
lowed a fierce contention betwixt them; and lest
their interlocutions should hinder the entireness
of our discourse, take them verbatim in a dialogue,
omitting only their mutual railing*, which, as it
little became persons of honour to bring, so it was
flat against the profession of a bishop to return;
who, by the apostle's^ precept, must be patient^ not a
brawler.

Bp. Courtney^ Lord Piercy, if I had known be-
forehand what masteries you would have kept in the
church, I would have stopped you out from coming
hither.

t [See Lewis, p. 97. The Foxe's acooant is very incor-

dialogue which follows is taken rect in many particukors.]

from Foxe, who does not men- ^ i Tim. iii. 3.

tion a sjmod having been called : < [Translated from Hereford

nor was it likely, for Widiffe to London in 1375. Wakings

appeared merely before the ham, ib.]
archbishop as his ordinary.

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 341

Duke of Lancdst. He shall keep such masteries a. d. 1376.
here, though you say nay, ^° 111.

Lord Pier cj/. Wicliflfe, sit down, for you have
many things to answer to, and you need to repose
yourself on a soft seat.

Bp. Courtney. It is unreasonable that one, cited
before his ordinary, should sit down during his an-
swer. He must and shall stand.

Duke of Lancast The lord Piercy his motion for
Wicliffe is but reasonable. And as for you, my lord
bishop, who are grown so proud and arrogant, I will
bring down the pride, not of you alone, but of all the
prelacy in England.

Bp. Courtney. Do your worst, sir.

Duke of Lancast. Thou bearest thyself so brag
upon thy parents^^, which shall not be able to help
thee ; they shall have enough to do to help them-
selves.

Bp. Courtney. My confidence is not in my parents,
nor in any man else, but only in God in whom I
trust, by whose assistance I will be bold to speak the
truth.

Duke of Lancast. Bather than I will take these
words at his hands, I would pluck the bishop by the
hair out of the church'.

These last words, though but softly whispered by
the duke in the ear of one next unto him, were not-
withstanding overheard by the Londoners ; who, en-
raged that such an affiront should be offered to their
bishop, fell furiously on the lords, who were fain to
depart for the present, and for awhile by flight and

y His father Hugh CouTtney> field in Hist. Wicliffiana, 683 k
earl of Devonshire. [Walsingham, p. 191*]

56 Foxe Martyr. 558. Harps-

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The Church History

BOOK IT.

A.D. 1375. secreey to secure themselves ; whilst what outrages
III. were offered to the duke's palace, and his servants,
historians of the state do relate*.
Why tbe ]0. Woudor not that two persons most concerned
undWic^ to be vocal were wholly mute at this meeting;
^*white! namely, Simon the archbishop, and Wicliffe himself.
The former (rather acted than active in this busi-
ness) seeing the brawl happened in the cathedral of
London, left the bishop thereof to meddle, whose
stout stomach and high birth made him the meeter
match to undertake such noble adversaries. As for
Wicliffe, well might the client be silent, whilst such
council pleaded for him. And the bishops found
themselves in a dangerous dilemma about him; it
being no pity to permit, nor policy to punish, one
protected with such potent patrons. Yea, in the
issue of this synod, they only commanded him to
forbear hereafter from preaching or writing his doe-
trine ; and how far he promised conformity to their
injunctions doth not appear,
widiffe's 11. In all this synod, though Wicliffe made but a
marJdcms- dumb shcw, rather seen than heard, yet the noise of
Mid*^' his success sounded all over the kingdom. For when
■ a suspected person is solemnly summoned, and dJs-
missed without censure, vulgar apprehensions not

a [The citizens would have
executed their purpose on the
duke and others of the nobility
had they not been prohibited
by the bishop himself. But in
order to shew their sense of the
indignity which the duke had
offered to the bishop, they re-
versed his arms in the Chepe —
** arma ejus in foro sunt pub-
** lico reversata." The duke
and Henry Percy during the

commotion which they had
caused were at dinner, but
hearing that the citizens were
in quest of them fled with all
speed to Kennington, where
Richard the prince and his
mother were then staying. But
the duke afterwards took his
revenge by deposing the mayor
and some of the aldermen.
Walsingham, p. 192.]

cKjJT.xiv. of Britain. 848

only infer his innocence, but also conclude, either a. d. 1376.
the ignorance or injustice of his adversaries. In ^ in.
public assemblies, if the weaker party can so subsist """""^
as not to be conquered, it conquers in reputation, and
a drawn battle is accounted a victory on that side.
If Wicliffe was guilty, why not punished ? if guilt-
less, why silenced? And it much advantaged the
propagating of his opinions, that at this very time
happened a dangerous discord at Rome, long lasting,
for above forty years, and fiercely followed ; begun
betwixt Urban the Sixth and Clement the Seventh :
one living at Rome, the other residing at Avignon.
Thus Peter^s chair was like to be broken betwixt
two sitting down at once. Let Wicliffe alone to
improve this advantage; pleading, that now the
Romish church, having two, had no legal head ; that
this monstrous apparition presaged the short life
thereof; and these two antipopes made up one anti-
christ. In a word, there was opened unto him a great
door of utterance^ made out of that crack or cleft
which then happened in this seasonable schism at
Rome.

12. Edward, the third of that name, ended his The death
life, having reigned a jubilee, fiill fifty years. A^*^ofkSJ^
prince no less successful than valiant ; like an am- ^^ ^^
phibion, he was equally active on water and land.
Witness his naval victory nigh Sluys, and land con-
quest at Cressy, Poictiers, and elsewhere. Yet his
achievements in France were more for the credit
than commodity, honour than profit, of England.
For though the fair provinces he conquered therein
seemed fat enough to be stewed in their own liquor,
I mean rich enough to maintain themselves, yet we
find them to have sucked up much of our English

z 4

844 The Church HUtory book iv.

A.D.iayy.sauce, to have drained the money and men of tliis
^' HL^land to defend them. This made kmg Edward to
endeavour to his power to preserve his people firom
popish extortions, as knowing that his own taxes did
burden, and the addition of those other would break
the backs of his subjects. He was himself not un-
learned, and a great favourer of learned men ; col-
leges springing by pairs out of his marriage bed;
namely. King's hall, founded by himself in Cam-
bridge ; and Queen's college, by Philippa his wife in
Oxford. He lived almost to the age, and altogether
to the infirmities of king David, but had not, with
him, a virgin Abishag, a virgin concubine, to heat
him : but (which is worse) in his decrepit age kept
Alice Pierce, a noted strumpet, to his own disgrace
and his people's disprofitK For she, (like a bad
tenant, which, holding an expiring lease without im-
peachment of waste, cares not what spoil he maketh

^ [If we may trust Walsing- *' ac etiam contra jura posto-

ham she greatly abused her in- ^' lare minime verebatur ; unde

fluence with the king, who had " propter scandalum et grave

now grown old and infirm. Ac- " dedecus, quaeexinde regi Ed-

cordingly in the year 1376 the ** wardo non solum in hac terra

parliament made an open com- " sed in exteris regionibus ni-

plaint against her. ** Milites " mium resultabant milites pe-

*' parliamentales graviter eon- *' tierunt banc ab illo penitus

" questi sunt de quadam Alicia ** amoveri." Hist. Angl. p. 189.

" Peres appellata, fcemina pro- A curious picture of the man-

'' cacissima, quae nimis familia- ners of the times, if not over-

" ris extiterat domino regi. drawn; but it must be remem-

*' Hanc utique accusabant de bered, that it was a very com-

" malis plurimis per eam et mon practice in those days, to

" fautores ejus factis in regno, pick out some obnoxious indi-

'* Ilia etenim modum mulie- vidual, especially if high in the

rum nimis est supergressa. king's favour, as a sacrifice to

Sui etenim sexus et fragili- popular discontent. This good

tatis immemor, nunc juxta deed she did; she restored

justiciarios regis residendo, Wickham's fortune, which had

" nunc in foro ecclesiastico jux- been confiscated by the means

" ta doctores se collocando pro of John of Gaunt* otow#p.333.
** defensione causarum suadere.

«

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

345

thereon,) senBible of what ticklish terms she stood a. d. 1377.
on, snatched all she could rape and rend unto her-^' mT
self. In a word, the bad beginning of this king, on
the murder of his &ther, must be charged on his
mother's and Mortimer^s account. The failings at
his end may be partly excused by the infirmities of
his age, the rather because whilst he was himself he
was like himself, and whilst master of his own ac-
tions he appeared worthy of all conmiendations^.
Richard the Second, his grandchild by Edward the
Black Prince**, succeeded him, being about twelve
years of age, and lived imder his mother's and imcle's
tuition. ^

13. A parliament was called at Westminster, Lwty Uan-
wherein old bandying betwixt the laity and clergy, a^st the
The former moving, "Tliat no officer of the holyj^i^^t.
" church should take pecuniary sums, more or less,
of the people for correction of sins, but only enjoin
them spiritual penance, which would be more
pleasing to God, and profitable to the soul of the
" oflfendere." The clergy stickled hereat, for by this
craft they got their gain ; and no greater penance
can be laid on them, than the forbidding them to
impose money-penance on others. But here the king
interposed, " That prelates should proceed therein as
** formerly, according to the laws of the holy church,
" and not otherwise." Yea, many things passed in
this parliament in favour of the clergy; as that.

«

«

«

c [Edward died at Shene,
June 21, i377> attended by
Alice Pierce. He was buried
at Westminster. Walsingham,
p. 192.]

** [Who died this same year.
Walsingham, p. 190. The same
writer gives this prince a brief

but very expressive commenda-
tion — '* eo obeunte, omnis obiit
spes Anglorum."]

« Ex Rotulis in Turre Lon-
dinensi; iRicardill. [See also
a MS. in Queen*s college. Ox-
ford, collected from the RoUs,
&c. entitled Jura Cleri^ p. 238.]

K IT.

rm *tn

3DC IT -far IT crime} hj

dins r

trrOUe L

r 3IIIIISQSESL JUUfelil^

:r^ Til ani -jok^ zree to die

-5^ .=.-«»aE His

^'rr^ IRK ^mmm m^ per-
:7^ "rrzHL-n. xiciibisaiiQ oc Can-
I "Zfc ?ifi£Li»ii^ 31 iff «*fTAp^ at
:isr«r»iiZir^- m^t 3UW all ei-
jr-~5"«re»i. V*ng miccui into
£L Ji *.im*i> X fpscjanaa and

u *«v^*' ■'*::c ^^^ H/ti^ > ?uils> '' nasi IiAmi. ' .Aiif sLSse-

• x^*c*» "Timssisi: imi fail" ie- ma?* :£» "rcierc ieoca. ct saa

• cti. taac Mil •nsaaaec reigwss -aa^sr ^^ ^^^ikt musvaev m

• >fi iitw ^ smor «c ^aR. yiiTT i rn g WxcJe. p. x66.

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

347

courtier, one Lewis Cliflford, on the very day ofA.D. 1378.

• • 1*1 1 2 Richard

examination, commanding them not to proceed to 11.
any definitive sentence against the said Wicliffe^. '

Never before were the bishops served vrith such a
prohibition: all agreed the messenger durst not be
so stout with a mandamus in his mouth, but because
backed with the power of the prince that employed
him. The bishops, struck with a panic fear, pro-
ceeded no further ; the rather because the messenger
so rudely rushed into the chapel, and the person of
this John Wicliffe was so saved from heavy censure,
as was once the doctrine of his godly namesake, ybr
they feared the people^ : only the archbishop sum-
moned a synod at London, himself preaching at the
opening thereof. We find nothing of his sermon,
but his text was excellent, watch and pray. Four
constitutions he made therein, three whereof con-
cerned confession, grown now much into discredit
and disuse by Wicliife's doctrine, and therefore con-

In fact the bishops seemed very
glad to wash their hands of the
affair altogether ; and therefore
more readily suffered this in-
termission» and that of the citi-
zens, with whom, as we have
just seen, they were highly po-
pular. As the same chronicler
observes : — " Insuper nee illud
" esse silendum aestimo cum
" episcopi praedicti cum isto
schismatico in capella archie,
piscopi apud Lambheth con-
" venissent non dico cives tan-
tum Londinenses sed viles
ipsius civitatis se impudenter
iiigerere prtjcsumpserunt in
eandeni capellam et verba fa-
cere pro eodem, et istud ne-

•c

it

tf

«<

«<

<<

<t

" gotium impedire, confisi (ut
*' reor) de ipsorum prsemissa
" negligentia praelatorum/'Tlie
same writer also distinctly states
that Wicliffe, by the cunning
explanation of his dogmas, de-
ceived his examiners and the
bishops, and thus escaped pu-
punishment. lb. 208.

Lewis Clifford was of the
queen's household; de curia
principissa. (Walsingham, ib.)
and was sent by Joan the
queen mother, a favourer of
Wicliffe. Lewis, ch. x.]

^ Antiq. Brit. p. 258, Foxe,

i- 565.

1 Mark xi. 32.

348

The Church History

BOOK nr.

A.D. i378.ceiyed more needful to press the strict observation

iL thereof*.
TiBDiac. 15* In the parliament kept at Gloucester this
^jj^^^j^same year^, the conunons complained that many
^^J?^' clergymen, under the notion of sylva cmdtia, ** lop-
" wood," took tithes even of timber itself: requesting
that in such cases prohibitions might be granted to
stop the proceedings of the court-christian. It was
moved also that sylva ccedtia (though formerly ac->
counted wood above twenty years old) might here-
after be declared that which was above the growth
of ten years, and the same to be made free from
tithes™. But this took no effect, the king remitting
things to their ancient course. To cry quits with the
commons in their complaints, the archbishop of
Canterbury inveighed as bitterly of the franchises in-
fringed of the abbey church of Westminster ; wherein
Robert de Haulay, esq., with a servant of that church,
were both despitefully and horridly slain therein, at
the high altar, even when the priest was singing
high mass, and pathetically desired reparation for
the same".

^ Lyndewode's Provincials,
lib. V. fol. 183.

* [This parliament was held
at Gloucester, apparently at
the instigation of the duke of
Lancaster, who hated the citi-
zens of London, with whom
the clergy were then popular.
He had been the chief instiga-
tor in violating the sanctity of
the abbey church at Westmin-
ster ; from which he had justly
incurred the indignation of the
Londoners. Walsingham^ p.

215O

«» Ex Rot. in Turre Londin.
Richardi IL parte prima, nu<
mero 45. [MS. Jura Cleri,

P- 253.]

^ [Walsingham, 214. The

immunities of the abbey were

discussed and settled in the

parliament held the next year,

in which it was ordained that

no sanctuary should be granted

to debtors; or if they fled

there, their goods should be

sold to satisfy their creditors.

lb. 220.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 349

16. Some of the lords rejoined on their parts, that a. d. 1378.
such sanctuaries were abused by the clergy, to pro- ^ n."^
tect people from the payment of their due debts ; sanctuana
the aforesaid Haulay being slain in a quarrel on that ^^^fj
occasion. And whereas upon the oaths and exami-
nation of certain doctors in divinity, canon, and civil
law, it appeared that immunity in the holy church
were only to be given to such who, upon crime, were
to lose life or limb, the same was now extended to
privileged people, in actions of account, to the pre-
judice of the creditor. They added moreover, that
neither " God himself (saving his perfection), nor the
** pope (saving his holiness), nor any lay-prince, could
" grant such privilege to the church ; and the
" church, which should be the favourer of virtue and
" justice, ought not to accept the same if granted °."
The bishops desired a day to give in their answer,
which was granted them ; but I find not this harsh
string touched again all this parliament, haply for
fear but to make bad music thereon. Complaints
were also made against the extortion of bishops*
clerks, who, when they should take but eightpenceP
for the probate of a will, they now exacted greater
sums than ever before : to which, as to other abuses,
some general reformation was promised.

17. In the next parliament called at Westminster, Aliens de-
one of the greatest grievances of the land was re-J^j^
dressed, namely, foreigners holding of ecclesiastical"®^^-
benefices. For at this time the church of England
might say with Israel, Our inheritance is turned to
strangers, our houses to aliens^. Many Italians, who

o Ex Rot. Tur. Londin. 2 Ric. P Ibid. num. 46. [See MS.
II. part 2. num. 27. [See the Jura Cleri, p. 263 and 272.]
Parliament Rolls, ib. p. 37. a.] Q Lam. v. 2.

850

7%e Church History

BOOS IT.

'^•£-[379-knew no more English than the diffimenoe between
II. a teston and a shilling, a golden noble and an angd,
in receiving their rents, had the httest liTings in
England by the pope collated upon them. Yea,
many great cardinals, resident at Borne, (thoee hinges
of the church must be greased with Elnglidi reve-
nues,) were possessed of the best prebends and par-
sonages in the land, whence many mischi^ did
ensue'. First, they never preached in their parishes:

r See the catalogue of their
names and numbers in Mr.
Foze, Acts, i. p. 562. [This
statement Foxe obtained from
public documents, and there-
fore it may be relied on. The
following preferments which

were held by non-resident fb-
reiguers, and certified into
chancery, I have taken from
that author, and have reduced
the annual ralue from marks
to pounds.

COVKNTRY AND LICHFIKLD.

Deanery of Lichfield 3^

to wmch were annexed the prebend of Brewood 53
and the parsonage of Adbaston ao

NORWICH.

Archdeaconry of Suffolk 66

SURRBY.

Parsonage of Godalming, ibidem 40

YORK.

Deanery of York 400

Prebend of Driffield ibid 100

of Wistow ibid 100

of Stransall ibid 66

Archdeaconry of York 100

SALISBURY.

Deanery of Sarum, held with the

vicarage of Meare ib no

Church of Heigh Jutbury ib. . . 5o o
of Stoning

6 8

6 8

o o

13 4

o o

o
o
o

13

o

Chapel of Herst ib.

of Wokenham ib.

of Sanhurst

46 13
40 o

36

a
40

o
o
o

o
o

4
o
o
o
o

Church of Godalming

in D. of Winton, and treasuryship

of Sarum, held with church of

Figheldon in D. of Sarum . . 26 13 4

Church of Aldwardbury c. Pulton 10 o o

Prebend of Calne 100 o o.

Archdeaconry of Berck. held with church of

Mordon , . . 106

Archdeaconry of Dorset, with Gissiche ... 68

o
o
o

4
o

254 12 4

136 13 4

13 4
13 4

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 851

of such shepherds it could not properly be said, that a.d. 1379.
he leaveth the sheep and fleeth\ who (though taking ^ n.
the title of shepherd upon them) never saw their

Prebend of Woodford and Wyvelford ib. . . . 36 13 4

of Heiworth ib 80 o o

of Netherbamby and Beminster . . . 106 13 4

— — — of Gillingham 80 o o

CANTERBURY.

Archdeaconry of Canterbury 167 10 o

BATH AND WELLS.

Archdeaconry of Wells, with the churches of

Hewish, Berwes, and Southbrent annexed . . 160 o o

Treasury of Wells with Mertock annexed . . 60 o o

Archdeaconry of Taunton, with the preb. of Myl-

verton 80 o o

ARCHDEACONRY OF STOW. 2 Richard

Prebend of Corringham, with a moiety of St. Mary II.

of Stow 145 o o

Prebend of Sutton 266 13 4

of Nassington 200 o o

ARCH. OF NORTHAMPTON.

Parsonage of Adderbury 100 o o

ARCH. OF OXFORD.

Prebend of Thame 133 6 8

ARCHD. OF BERKS.

Prebend of Aylesbury « $3 6 8

ARCHD. OF SUFFOLK.

Archdeaconry of Suffolk 66 13 4

ARCHD. &C. OF SABUM.

Archdeaconry of Sarum, with C. of Figheldon

annexed : 33 6 8

C. of Alwerbury, with the chapels of Patton and

Farld 23 o o

Prebend of Calne 100 o o

Archdeaconry of Berck 80 o o

Prebend of Worth 100 o o

of Woodford and Wilford 26 13 4

ARCHD. OF CANTERBURY.

Archdeaconry of Canterbury, with the church of

Lydden, the taxation of tenth deducted . . 20 o o

Church of Tenham ditto 130 6 8

Hakington in Canterbury 26 13 4

St. Clements, Sandwich 568

St. Mary's, Sandwich (of which half only was re-
ceived) 800

YORK.

Deanery of York 373 6 8

Prebend of South Cane 106 13 4

DURHAM.

Archdeaconry of Durham, church of Wermouth . 133 6 8]

> John X. 1 2.

i

S52 The Church Hhtory book it.

A.D. 1379- flock, nor set foot on English ground. Secondly, no
II. hospitality was kept for relief of the poor ; except
they could fill their bellies on the hard names erf
their pastors, which they could not pronounce ; lord
cardinal of Agrifolio, lord cardinal de St.Angelo,
lord cardinal Veverino, &c. Yea, the Italians gene-
rally farmed out their places to proctors, their own
countrymen; who, instead of filling the bellies,
grinded the faces of poor people: so that what
betwixt the Italian hospitality, which none could
ever see, and the Latin service, which none could
understand, the poor English were ill fed and worse
taught. Thirdly, the wealth of the land leaked out
into foreign countries, to the much impoverishing of
the commonwealth. It was high time therefore for
the king and parliament to take notice thereof; who
now enacted, that no aliens should hereafter hold
any such preferments, nor any send over unto them
the revenues of such benefices: as in the printed
statutes more largely doth appear.
iiieroM- 18. Whiles at this time clergy and laity cast
Tyiw!wi?<iii* ^^^^ ^^ other's faces, and neither washed their
Jiokstmw. ^^jj^ j.^ punish both burst forth the dangerous rebel-
lion of Wat Tyler and Jack Straw, with thousands
of their cursed company. These all were pure level-
lers (onflamed by the abused eloquence of one John
Ikill, an excommunicated priest^) who, maintaining
that no gentry was Jure divino, and all equal by
nature.

When Adam delv'd, and Eve span.
Who was then the gentleman ▼?

^ [Of Ji^u Ball see Thomas p. 247. sq. and in Henr. de

id Walsdughani) p. 275, and a Knyghton, 2636.]
dc'lailtHl account of this rebel- ^ [See the abstracts of Ball's

Ihmi in the same chronicler, sermon on this text in Wal-

T

C£NT. XIV. of Britain. S58

endeavoured the abolishing of all civil and spiritual a. d. 1380.

degrees and distinctions. Yea, they desired to level '~

men's parts as well as their purses ; and, that none
Bhould be either wealthier or wiser than his fellows,
projected the general destruction of all that wore a
pen and inkhom about them, or could write or read.
To effect this design they pretended the people's
liberty And the prince's honour ; and finding it diffi-
cult to destroy the king, but by the king, they ad-
Tanced the name to pluck down the thing signified
thereby ; crying up, that " all was for king Richard."
They seemed also to be much for reformation ; which
cloak they wore to warm themselves therewith when
naked, and first setting up; but afterwards cast it
off in the heat of their success, as not only useless,
but burdensome unto them.

19- As the Philistines came out in three compa- The nhWe
nies^ to destroy all the swords and smiths in Israel, thw
so this rabble of rebels, making itself tripartite, en-P*"*®*-
deavoured the rooting out of all penknives, and all
appearance of learning^. One in Kent, mider the
aforesaid Wat and John ; the second in Suffolk ; the
third under John Littstarre, a dyer in Norfolk. The
former <rf these is described in the Latin verses of
John Gower, prince of poets in his time^ of whom
we will bestow the following translation.

Watte vocat, cui Thome venit, neque Sytnme retardat,

Betteque Gibbe sftmitl: Hykke venire jubent.
CoIleiurit,.queiti Gibbe juvat 0ocutnenta parantes^

(CwP quibjiis ad damimDfi WiWe.coire vovet.

singham, p. 275. The causes w i Sam. xiii. 17.

of this rebellion are well stated ' [At the commencemeiit of

both by Knjghton, 2633, and the rebellion their numbers

Stow, 283, but passed over in amounted to 100,000. Wal-

silence by other chroniclers.] singham, p. 248.]

FULLER, VOL. II. A a

com-

Bobbin

as fir-

ward vc" fixn.
Bet auk » qiik^, to Gifab jnd to Hvfck, diM nothfr voild

tJOTT bfirind,
Gjbh, a good vixjp of that Boer, dodi hdp mad CoD more

mkdiief to do.
And WiU he doth rov, the time k oome nov, hell job vith

their campanr too.
Darie oomplainfi., vfailes Gngg gets the gainB, and Holib

with them doth partake,
Ixflicin aloud, in the midst of the oovd, ooneoreth as deqp

is bis stake.
Hudde doth spoil, whom Jodde dodi foil, and Tebb lends

his heljMDg haiMi,
But Jack, the mad patch, men and houses doth soatdi, and

kills all at his command.

Oh the methodical description of a confusion ! How
doth Wat lead the front, and Jack bring up the
rear? (For confusion itself would be instantly con-
founded, if some seeming superiority were not owned
amongst them.) AU men without surnames, (Tyler
wa« but the addition of his traded and Straw a mock
name, assumed by himself; though Jack Straw would
liave been John of Gold, had this treason took effect,)
so obscure they were, and inconsiderable. And as
they liad no surnames, they deserved no Christian
names, for their heathenish cruelties ; though, to get
them a name^ they endeavoured to build this their
Babel of a general confusion.

y [According to Walsingham Tyler's name was Helier. lb.

252.)

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

355

20. Many and heinous were the outrages by them a.d. 1380.

committed, especially after they had possessed them '- — -

selves of London. All shops and cellars were broken rous out-
open ; and they now rustled in silk, formerly rattling ^^ ami.
in leather ; now soaked themselves in wine, who were °^'*®^
acquainted but with water before. The Savoy in the
Strand, being the palace of John duke of Lancaster,
was plundered' ; so was the hospital of St. John's ;
and sir Robert Hales, lord prior therein, and treasurer
of England, slain. But as their spite was the keenest
at, so the spoil the greatest on the law ; well know-
ing that while the banks thereof stood fiilly in force,
the deluge of their intended anarchy could not freely
•overflow. They ransacked the Temple, not only de-
stroying many present pleas, written between party
and party, (as if it would accord plaintiff and defend-
ant to send them both jointly to the fire,) but also
abolished many ancient records, to the loss of learn-
ing, and irrecoverable prejudice of posterity*. The
' Church fared as ill as the Temple; and Simon Sud-
bury, archbishop of Canterbury^, after many indigni-

Walsingham, p. 249.]
|Walsingham, p. 248. One
of their infatuated demands
was that the king should grant
them a commission to decapi-
tate all lawyers, escheators^
and all other persons con-
cerned in the law; entertain,
ing the hope that if once these
persons were destroyed no laws
would be passed hereafter. Mad
as this was, it speaks not well
for the professors of the law at
that time in England. lb.
252.]

^ [At that time lord chan.
cell or of England. Wal sing-

ham, p. 248 . The rabble vented
their rage on sir Robert Hales
and the archbishop because they
had strongly dissuaded the king
from going out to meet the
rebels on Blackheath. Walsing-
ham, p. 248. The same writer
has given a detailed account of
the cruelty exercised towards
the archbishop. lb. 250. He
was first struck on his neck by
•an axe, but the wound not
proving mortal, he raised his
hand to his head, exclaiming,
" Ah ! ah ! It is the hand of
" the Lord ! " Before he could
remove his hand the execu-

A a 2

SS6

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A. D. 1380. ties offered him, was at last by them beheaded on

^ ^Tower-hill, patiently ending las life, and dying a

state-martyr. But most fiercely fell their fnry on

the Dutch in London, (ofibnded, belike, with them

for engrossing of trade,) and these words, '' bread and

^ dheese,"* were their neck-verse, ot Shibboleth, to

distinguish them ; all pronouncing ^ broad and cause,"

being presently put to death. Of all people only

some Franciscan friars found favour in their sight,

whom they intended to preserved What quality, to

us occult, conmiended them to their mercy ? Was it

because they were the most ignorant of other friars,

and so the likest to themselves? But perchance

these rebels, if demanded, were as unable to render

a reason why they spared these, as why they spoiled

others; being equally irrational in their kindnesses

as in their cruelties.

judatand 21. When I read that passage of Judas in the

^^leied. counsel of Gamaliel^ it seemeth to me plainly to

describe the rising, increase, and ruin of these

rebels :

i. Rising. There rose up Judas of Galilee in the
days of the taadng: so Tyler appeared, and this re-
bellion was caused by poll-money, heavily imposed
by the king, and the arrears thereof more cruelly
exacted by his courtiers that farmed it. And pity it

tioner repeating the blow am-
putated the tips of his fingers;
yet notwithstanding all this ex-
tremity of cruelty, suffering,
and mutilation, he expired, not
until the blow had been eight
times repeated.]

^ See Godwin, de Prsesul.
-^"gl* [p- 435- Walsingham

stoutly accuses the mendicant
orders of being the fomenters
of this rebellion ; and this re-
ceives some countenance from
the fact that the rebels in-
tended to give quarter to no
ecclesiastics except to the friars.
Chron. 265, 6.]
*^ Acts, V. 37.

C£NT. xiv. of Britain. S57

k fio foul a rebellion could pretend so fair an oom^A.D.1380.

sion i&t the extenuating thereof. '—

ii. IncMrease. And d/rew away much people after
him : so the snowball increased here. John Gower
telleth us in his parallel of the martyring of Simon
Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, with Thomas
Beeket, his predecessor®,

Quatuor in mortem spirarunt fcedera Thomse ;
Simonis et centum mille dedere necem.

But four conspirM Thomas his blood to spill ;
Whiles hundred thousands Simon help to kill.

Nor was this any poetical hjrperbole, but an histori-
cal truth, if the several numbers of their three armies
were summed up together.

iiii Ruin. He also perished^ and ally even as mamf
as obeyed him^ were dispersed: so here, no sooner
was Wat Tyler, their general (as I may term him)
killed by valiant Walworth, the lord mayor of Lon-
don, and his assistance (for it was John Cavendish,
esq., that despatched him with a mortal wound^) in
Smithfield ; and Jack Straw, their lieutenant-general,
legally beheaded^ (too brave a death for so base a
fellow) but all the rest mouldered away and va-
nished.

In memory of sir William Walworth's valour^
the arms of London, formerly a plain cross, were

® In his book called *' Vox given several particulars not

'* Clamantis," lib. i. cap. 14. to be found in the printed

f Weever's Funeral Monu- Chroniclers.]
ments, p. 693. h [Created a knight^ with

ff Stow, Survey of London, sir John Cavendish, for their

p. 53. and 236. [and Stow's valour on this occasion. Stow*s

Chronicle, p. 289. who has Chron. 288.]

A a 3

S58 The Church History book iv.

A. D. 1380. augmented with the addition of a dagger, to make

' '-^ the coat in all points complete ^. Happy when the-

cross (as first there in place) directeth the dagger,
and when the dagger defendeth the cross; when
religion sanctifieth power, and power supporteth
religion.
dlllIS!th^ 22. But Alanus Copus (for he it is whose Ecde-^
this rebel, siastical Historj of England goes under the name
Widiffe^t of Harpsfield) heavily chargeth all this rebellion on
the account of Wicliffe's doctrine; "whose scho-
lars," saith he ", " to promote their master's opinions,
" stirred up this deadly and damnable sedition, and
" sounded the first trumpet thereunto." Adding
moreover, that Wicliffe's tenet, that " Dominion is
" founded in grace, and that a king guilty of mortal
" sin is no longer lord of any thing,*' was cos hujus
sedilionisy the whetstone of this sedition. But to
what liar the whetstone doth properly belong will
presently appear.
His maU- 23. It is uo nows for the best of God's children

cioas uan-

der con- to be slandered in this kind. Jeremy was traduced,
Thou f attest away to the Chaldeans i ; St. Paul was
accused. We have found this man a pestilent Jellow,
a mover of sedition ^ ; yea, our Saviour himself was
charged, that He made himself a king^ and was a
traitor to Caesar ^ But as these were foul and false
aspersions, so will this appear, if we consider.

^ [This is positively denied the sword of St. Paul. See the

by Stow. The old seal of the Survey, p. 237.]

city, being unfit for use, was ^ In his Hist. Wicliffiana,

broken, and a new one em* cap. 12.

ployed, a little prior to this J Jer. xxxvii. 13.

time ; but the old arms of the ^ Acts xxiv. 5.

city were not altered, but re- 1 John xix. 12.
mained as before, a cross, with

CENT. XIV.

of Britain,

859

i. When John Ball was executed at St. Albans, a. d. 1380.
and Jack Straw at London >», not the least com- ^
pliance with Wicliffe or his doctrine is either
charged on them or confessed by them ^.

ii. No wild beast will prey on his own kind.
Now it is certainly known that John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancaster, was the principal patron and
supporter of Wicliffe, whose life they sought to
destroy, and whose palace in the Strand they
pillaged ^.

iii. Wicliffe himself came within the compass
of their destructive principles, designing the death
of all who wore a pen and ink ; and that Wicliffe
had both pen and ink Cope himself doth know,
and the court of Rome with shame and sorrow will
confess.

iv. Wicliffe lived some years after, and died
peaceably possessed of the living of Lutterworth,
in Leicestershire. Surely, had he been reputed the
inflamer of this rebellion, the wisdom of the king
and council would have taken another order with
him.

m

See his confession at large
in Stow's Survey of London,
P* 54- [Walsingham, 265, 275.
Both these persons were priests.
Walsingh .261. Robert West-
brom also^ the chief of the east-
ern party^ was also a priest,
lb. 265.]

^ [This is not exactly cor-
rect; for the former is expli-
citly charged with teaching
Wicliffe's doctrines. See Wal-
singh. p. 275 ; and Henry de
Knyghton, a canon of Leices-
ter, of the same church as Ri-
pindon, Wicliffe's friend and

follower, by no means unfa-
vourable to Wicliffe^ states
that Ball was Wicliffe's pre-
cursor: **Hic habuit praecur-
" sorera Johannem Balle veluti
*' Christus Johannem Baptis-
" tam, qui vias suas in talibus
" opinionibus praeparavit, et
plurimos quoque doctrina
sua ut dicitur perturbavit."
2644.]

« [Through hatred of this
nobleman, giving out that they
would never accept a king
whose name was John. Wal-
singh. p. 248.]

Aa 4

<t

<i

^

SGO The Church History book iv.

A. D. 1380. V. Amongst the articleB laid to the change of
4 Rich. II, wi^],'ffi^ ^jy^ jjg followers, in this king's reij^

examined at Oxford and eLsfiewhere, not a tittle of
this rebellion is pressed upon them; which their
malicious adversaries would not have omitted, if
in any hope to make good that accusation against
him.

vi. Whereas it is charged on Wicliffe that he
held that dominion was founded in grace, which
occasioned this rebellion ; we know this, that Hiiss^
his scholar, though he did hold that a king, being
in mortal sin, was only called a king €Bquivoea
denominoMone^ yet the same Huss confesseth, (to
use his own words p,) ipsum Deum hujusmodi regem
apprcbare qtwad esse principem eMerius^ that God
himself allows such a king to be a prince in all
outward matters. So that, leaving him to divine
justice, he never dreamt of any resistance or rebel-
lion to be made against him.

vii. The modem Protestants (heirs, say the papist^
to Wicliffe's doctrine) so far abominate these reh^
their levelling and ignorant principles, that they are
known both to maintain distances of people, and to
have been the restorers of lost, yea, the revivers of
dead, learning and languages. How had the mathe-
matics measured their own grave, Greek turned
barbarism, Hebrew (as it readeth) gone backward,
never to return again, had not Protestant critics,
with vast pains and expense, preserved them !

P IIuss, Tract de Decimis, of Huss, but the summary of

C. laB, [ed. 155S.] See his argument by Davenant,

ishop I)avenant*8 Determina- from whom the question is

tion, [Quiest. xxx. p. 1 36. ed. derived.]
1639. These are not the words

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

861

viif. it is more suspicious, that this rebellion came a. d. 1380.
out of the Franciscan convent, because some nf ^ ' ' *
these,' belike, were the rebels' whiteboys, and, as is
afore-mentioned, to be spared in a general destruc-
tion.

In a word, I wonder how many ingenuous papists
can charge Wicliffe of rebellion, in maintaining
dominion to be founded in grace, when the grandees
of their own religion (Aquine, Cajetan, Bellarmine,
Suarez) maintain that dominion is so founded in
grace, (in the pope,) that a king, by him excommu-
nicate, may lawfully be deposed and murdered.

24. William Courtenay, archbishop of Canter- ad. 1382.
bury % (in the place of Simon Sudbury, lately slain,) Courtenay

J 1 . J X T J 'J. persecutes

made cruel canons, m a synod at London, agamst {he Wie-
the maintainors of Wicliffe his opinions*^; and^****"*
I wonder that in Lyndewood's Constitutions, no
mention at all of any canons made by this arch-
bishop, who sat above ten years in the see. As for
the heavy persecution which soon after he raised
against Robert Rugge, Thomas Brightwell, Nicholas
de Hereford, Philip Ripington, &c. ^ nothing can be
added to what Mr. Foxe hath related *.

25. In my mind it amounteth to little less than a widiffe his
miracle, that during this storm on his disciples, S^Ju^il^.
Wicliffe their master should live in quiet : strange

4 [Late bishop of London.]]
r [Walsingham, 285.]

5 [See an account of these
persons in Lewis's Wicliffe,
chap. X. Robert Rugge was
chancellor of the university of
Oxford ; Ripindon was also of
the same university, and canon
of Leicester ; Brightwell was
also a doctor of divinity of the

same university, and probably
related to Dr. Nicholas Bright-
well, dean of Newark, in
Leicester, chancellor of Ox-
ford in 1388. Hereford's
protestation is in Knyghton.
2655. See also Stow, p. 302.]
^ [In his Acts, &c. I. p. 57 1 .
sq.]

<^4

868 TAe Church HUtory

A.D. laSi-that he was not drowned in so strong a-
6 Ridi. ri. "
ran against him, whose safety (under C

vidence) is not so much to be ascribed t

strength in swimming as to such as heli

by the chin — the greatness of his noble s

About this time he ended his translatit

Bible into English ", (a fair copy wl

Queen's College, in Oxford, and two mo

University Library,) done no doubt in

expressive language of those days, though

uncouth to our ears : The knave of Jesus (

servant ; and Philip baptized the gelding, fi

Acts viii. ; so much our tongue is impro''

age. As for the report of Polydore Virgi

him to fly out of England in the time o

the Third, et in magna pretio apud Bohen

and to have been of high esteem amongst

mians ; it is true of Wicliflfe's writings, b

his person, who never departed his native «

A. D. 1385. 26. Not long after, therein he ended ]

d^""** his cure at Lutterworth, in Leicestershi]

palsy *. Admirable, that a hare so ofte

with so many packs of dogs should di

quietly sitting in his form. Parsons t

snarls at Mr. Foxe for counting Wicliffe

in his Calendar, as, so far from sufferin

death, that he was never so much as impr

the opinion he maintained. Bat the pi

be justified in the large acception of th'

for a witness of the truth ; besides, the

Wicliife was martyred as to shame, thou;

" [Leland, De Script. Brit. [In Com. de Seripl

380.] 379. ed. Hall, 1701

' Leland, excroDicoTinensi. Walaingh. 311.]

CENT* XIV. a/ Britain. 868

pain, as far as his adversaries' cruelty could extend, a. d. 1385.
being taken up and burnt many years after his — — — 1
death, as (God willing) we shall shew hereafter.

27. William Wickham about this time finished a. d. 1386.

New college

his beautiful college in Oxford ^. Some have raised buUt by
a scandal of him, that he was no scholar at all, from wi<SSiam.
which the very meanest scholar in his foundation
can acquit him by that rule in logic, Quod efficit tale
magis est tale : what maketh the same is more the
same ; by which his learning must be inferred, whose
bounty caused so many learned men. Now because
the maxim runneth with a limitation. Si sit tale^ (if
it be the same,) the truth hereof also appears from
the learned pen ^, who, writing Wickham's life, hath
proved him to have been a sufficient scholar, skilled
in other arts, as well as in practical mathematics and
architecture.

28. Now as Solomon, when about to build his industry
house at Millo, seeing Jeroboam to be an Indus- menu/'
trious man, made him master of his fabric ^^ sof^^^"
Edward the Third, discovering the like sufficiency in^^^^^'
this great clerk, employed him in all his stately meat,
structures : witness this in motto at Windsor
Castle, This made Wickham, meaning that the
building of that castle gave occasion to his wealth

and honour ; whereas on this college he might write.
This Wickham made, the building and endowing
thereof being the effect of his bounty alone : hence

y It was begun anno 1375. complectens vitam ac res gestas

[The first stone was laid March beatissimi viri Guilielmi Wi-

5, 1380; it was finished in cami, quondam Vintoniensis

April, 1386.] Episcopi et Anglise Cancellarii,

^ Dr. Martin, who wrote a &c. Londini, 1 597. 4to.]
book in vindication of his ^ 1 Kings xi. 26.
learning : [Historica Descriptio

864

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A

10

•^:!3^Mt is that this college giveth the anns of Wickham,

viz. two chevrons betwixt three roses, each chevron

allading to two beams fastened together, (called
couples in building,) to speak his skill in architec-
ture ^
A cMtie- 29. This college he built veiy strong, out of a
^^nfd fOT design ^ that it should be able to hold out a siege
defence. ^£ itself, if uccd SO required it ; though may it never
have a temptation in that kind, to try the strength
of the walls thereof! Indeed this college, with
Bourges in France, may lay claim to the name of
Bituris :

Turribus a binis inde yocor Bituris ;

SO called from two towers therein, as this hath the
like : one over the gate, the other over the porch,
in the entrance into the hall ; so that it may seem
a castle college, and made as well for defence as
habitation. So that at this present is maintained
therein a warden, seventy fellows and scholars, ten
chaplains, three clerks, one organist, sixteen choris-
ters, besides officers and servants of the foundation,
with other students ; being in all one hundred thirty-
five.
A.D. 1392. pg^g j^Q jjQ^ from his orchard of grown trees to

A college at °

Winchester his uurscry of grafts, the college at Winchester,
by bishop which a few years after the same bishop finished \

Wickham.

^ Wake*8 Rex Platonicus,
p. 144.

c So say the statutes of this
college.

d [" His monument at Ox-
'* ford. New College, supposed
*' to have taken its name from
'' an ancient hostle, sometime
'* standing on its site, called

" St. Neot's Hall, was first
" began, of which more anon.
" The very next year after it
" was finished he began his
" other college by Winchester,
" the first stone of which was
** laid 26th of March, at three
" of the clock in the morning,
" anno 1387, and in six years'

CSNT. XIV.

of Britain.

366

not much inferior to the former for building and a. d. 1392.

*^ 16 Rich. 11.

endowments, as wherein he established one warden,

ten fellows, two schoolmasters, and seventy scholars,
with officers and servants, which are all maintained
at his charge; out of which school he ordained
should be chosen the best scholars always to supply
the vacant places of the fellows of this college *.

SI. As his charity, so his fiiith (he that provideth^}\^^^oT

/•It 1 - ^ T T\ ^** kindred.

not for his house is worse than an tnfidet) appeared
in this his foundation ; ordering that his own kins-
men should be preferred before others ^. Let their
parents therefore but provide for their nursing when
infants, their breeding when children, and he hath
took order for their careful teaching at Winchester
when youth, liberal living at Oxford when men, and
comfortable subsistence in their reduced age, in those
many and good patronages he hath conferred on the
college. And truly as these his kindred have been
happy in him, so Wickham hath been happy in his
kindred, many of them meriting the best prefer-
ment, without any advantage of his relation. And
as this Wickham was the first in that kind so pro-
vident for his kindred, his practice hath since been
precedential to some other colleges, as the statutes

" space finished in such sort
" that the first warden and
" fellows, after a solemn pro-
'^ cession, entered into the same
** at three of the clock in the
" morning, 28th March, 1393."
Wood's History, &c. p, 176.
The school had already existed
twenty years, having been
opened in Michaelmas, 1373.]
e [" At Winchester he ap-
** pointed the number of an
•• hundred and five persons ;

** viz. one warden, two fellows
'* that are priests, three chap-
** lains^ three clerks, fifteen
" choristers, who are daily to
*' perform divine offices in the
" chapel there, twenty scholars
'^ to apply themselves to gram-
** mar, and a master and an
'* usher to instruct them."
Wood, ib.]

^ [He also remembered every
one of them in his will.]

S66

The Church History

BOOK IT.

A.D. 139^. of this house are generally a direction to other later
' foundations. To take our leave of this bishop, who-
soever considers the vast buildings and rich endow-
ments made by this prelate, besides his expense in
repairing the cathedral at Winchester, will conclude
such achievements unpossible for a subject, until he
reflect on his vast offices of preferments, being bishop
of Winchester, rector of St. Martin's-le-Grand, hold-
ing twelve prebends in comtnendam with it, lord privy
seal, chancellor, and treasurer of England^ besides
other places of meaner consequence.

[Let me conclude this sec-
tion with the testimony of old
John Stow, who has added
some other particulars of the
generosity and munificence of
this glorious prelate. " This
" year (A.D. 1404) died Wil-
liam Wickham, bishop of
Winchester, by whose charges
•* and travel the clergy of £ng.
land was much increased ;
for he builded a noble college
* in Oxford, &c. ; he builded
the great body of the church
" of St. Swithin's in Winches-
** ter, where the sermons are
*' made^ and where his body is
" interred — a very princely
" work ! Neither did he for all
** this diminish any thing of his

<f

«

<(

•(

((

" ordinary household charge9,
** and fed (as the writing en-
" graved on his sepulchre shew-
" eth) both rich and poor. He
*' deceased at the age of seventy
" years. He died rich, for
" beside that he gave to Lis
*' kinsfolk and to the poor,
" he gave somewhat to every
** church in his diocese. He
" gave many things to the
" king, and to his own ser-
*' vants, and to his colleges;
•* neither do I doubt but that
'* he who thus lived is now
'* with God, whom I beseech
^* to raise up many like bishops
** in England." * And let all
the people say. Amen.' Chron.

P-33»]

of Britain

i

A. D. 1301.
.6Rich:!l.

Wardens. Benefaclaraf.

flwiopjh.

Leatneri irriten.

RichnrddeTon- ' Mr. [l:hri>-

Wm. Warhsm,

Thoa. Harding.

wortbe. 1 topher]

arcbhiahop of

Thoa. Nesle.

[1370.] NJch. de Wyke- ' Kawlins.

Nich. Sanders.

ham. 1 Sir Richard

Wm-Waynflete,

Nich. Harps.

'.389.]

Thomas Cranljr. . Read, kut.

bishop of

field.

.396.

Rich. Malforde. Dr. Neivman.

Winchester.

Wm. Reynolds*.

1403.

John Boiike. i Dr. [George]

John White,

Thot. Hide.

I419'

Wm. Etuiurt Ryve.
Nicb.OsBulhuiy.' Ward.

bi.hop of

John Manhall.

U35-

Winchester.

Thos. Stapleton.

■453-

ThotChaundler. Dr. Martin.

Thomas Bikon,

John Fenrie.

■475-

Waller Hill. Rol>ert Bdl.

hiahop of

Rich.M^hilo'-.

1494-

William Porter. , Dr, Smith.

Winchester.

John Pits.

1510.

John Beade.

Wm. Knight,

All violent
mainlainers of

151'.

JohiiYounge. 1

bishop of

1516-

John London.

Bath and

ii*i.

Henrj. Cole.

M'ella.

the popish reli.

'55'-

Ralph Skinner.

Jas. Turhervil,

gion.

['6S3-
t'573-

Thomas White. ,
Mart. Colpei)per.

bishop of
Eieter.

SirHen.Wot-

f;g:

Geor^ Rives. 1
Arthur Lake.

Rotert Sher-
bourne,

Dr. Tooker,

[1617.

[Robert] Pink. 1

bishop of

dean of Lich-
field.
Dr. Jas. Cook,

Winehesler.

[ifi47.

[Hen.] Stringer.

Chicheiler.

[1649-

[Geo.] Manbal. 1

Arthur lake,
bishnp of
Bath and

i

Wells.

Sir Thos, Ryres,
(besides other
el(«anc
works,) for
his Vicar-t
Flea.

Sir Jas. B nine.

Sir Henry
Martin.

Dr. Meredith,
dean of Wells

Arthur Lake,
biahopofBath
and MMls.

Wm, Twisse.

i

1

JohnMTiite.

X [This list of benefactors is
very incomplete, and differs
materially from that which is
given by Wood.]

^ [Wood enumerates thirty-
five bishops down to Robert
Lowth, in 1777.]

1 He was brother to Dr.
John Reynolde, the great pro-

'' He wrote a History of
England, [in Latin, with this
title, Richardi Viti Basinsto-
chii Comitis palatini Historia-
rum Libri, 1J97. It extends
to eleven books, of which the
two last are very rare. As an
historical work it is uttnly
worthless.]

Tkn Cumrdk IBai m m book it.

A.D, zy^ One msT 4p^ the ^ospkiofi of flatteir, if adding

r^bk^IL

Dr. Harm, cbe lei^iend wvden of Wmcfaester ; Dr.
Bkfaard Zooefa. ikhC beholden to his noMe extraction
hi^ repate. fbonded on hi« own w^wth, and books
berond the seas; Dr. Merrick, late judge
of the pierDgatire: bat it i» better to leave the
cfaaracten of their wcvth to the thankfolness of
the next age to describe.

32. Latelv the pc^'s osnrpation ms grown so
great, in entrenching on the crown, that there was
an absolute neceasitr seasonably to retrendi his
umirpation; for albeit the kings of England were
as absolute in their demeans, their prelacy and
clergy as learned, their nobility as valiant and pru-
dent, their commons as free and wealthy as any in
Christendom, yet had not some laws of provision
now been made, England had long since been turned
part of 8t. Peter^s patrimony in demeans ; yea, the
sceptre wrested out of their king's hands, her pre-
lates made the pope's chaplains and clerks, nobility
his servants and vassals, commons his slaves and
villains, had not some seasonable statutes of manu-
mission been enacted.
TtMiiMul- 83, For now came the parliament wherein the
tiiui of pwB- statute was enacted wnicn mauled the papal power
tniiii r«. .^^ England. Some former laws had pared the pope's
iiailH to the quick, but this cut off his fingers, in
effect, so that hereafter his hands could not grasp
and hold such vast sums of money as before. This
is called the Statute of Praemunire ; and let not the
reader grudge the reading thereof, which gave such
n blow to the church of Rome that it never reco-
vonul itself in tliis land, but daily decayed till its
iinal doHtruction ^ :

I [Huti the authentic collection of the Statutes, vol.ii. p. 8.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 869

" Whereas the Commons of the realm in this^;?:!^??*

10 Rich. II.

present parliament have shewed to our redoubted

Lord the King, grievously complaining, that
whereas the said our Lord the King and all his
liege people ought of right, and of old time were
wont to sue in the King's court, to recover their
presentments to churches, prebends, and other
benefices of holy church, to the which they had
right to present, the cognizance of plea of which
presentment belongeth only to the King's court, of
the old right of his crown, used and approved in
the time of all his progenitors, kings of England :
And when judgment shall be given in the same
court upon such a plea and presentment, the arch-
bishops, bishops, and other spiritual persons, which
" have institution of such benefices within their
" jurisdictions, be bound and have made execution
" of such judgments by the king's commandments
'* of all the time aforesaid, without interruption, (for
another, lay person, cannot make such execution,)
and also be bound of right to make execution of
many other of the king's commandments, of which
right the crown of England hath been peaceably
" seised, as well in the time of our said Lord the
King that now is, as in the time of all his pro-
genitors till this day: But now of late divers
^* processes be inade by the bishop of Rome, and
censures of excommunication upon certain bishops
of England, because they have made execution of
" such commandments, to the open disherison of the
" said crown, and destruction of our said Lord the
King, his law, and all his realm, if remedy be not
provided: And also it is said, and a common
** clamour is made, that the said bishop of Rome

FULLER, VOL. II. fib

6t
6i

S70 The Church History book it,

ii^\i ^* ^^^ ordained and purposed to translate some pre-

** lates of the same realm, some out of the realm,

^ and some fix>m one bishopric into another within
^* the same realm, without the king's assent and
knowledge, and without the assent of the prektes
which so shall be translated, which prdates he
much profitable and necessary to our said Lord
the King, and to all his realm ; by whidi trans-
^* lations (if they should be suffered) the statutes of
^ the realm should be defeated and made void, and
^ his said liege sages of his council, without his
^^ assent and against his will, carried away and got-
^ ten out of his realm, and the substance and
^^ treasure of the realm shall be carried away, and
** so the realm destitute as well of council as of
*^ substance, to the final destruction of the same
^* realm : and so the crown of England, which hath
** been so free at all times that it hath been in no
" earthly subjection, but immediately subject to God
in all things touching the regality of the same
crown, and to none other, should be submitted to
^* the pope, and the laws and statutes of the realm
by him defeated and avoided at his will, in the
perpetual destruction of the sovereignty of the
" King our Lord, his crown, his regality, and of all
" his realm, which God defend.

^* And moreover the Commons aforesaid say, that
^' the said things so attempted be clearly against the
" king's crown and his regality, used and approved of
" the time of all his progenitors ; Wherefore they,
and all the liege Commons of the same realm,
will stand with our said Lord the King, and his
*^ said crown, and his regality, in the cases aforesaid,
** and in all other cases attempted against him, liis

CBNT.XJV. of Britain, 871*

" crown, and his regality, in all points^ to live and a. d. 1395.

1. A%i 1 T^« ^ 10 Rich. n.

** to die. And moreover they pray the King, and

" him require by way of justice, that he would
^^ examine all the Lords in Parliament, as well
spiritual as temporal, severally, and all the states
of the Parliament, how they think of the cases
^' aforesaid, which be so openly against the king's
crown, and in derogation of his regality, and how
they will stand in the same cases with our Lord
the King, in upholding the rights of the said crown
and regality. Whereupon the Lords temporal so
" demanded have answered, every one by himself,
that the cases aforesaid be clearly in derogation of
the King's crown, and of his regality, as it is well
known, and hath been of a long time known, and
that they will be with the same crown and regality,
in these cases specially, and in all other cases
which shall be attempted against the same crown
and regality in all points, with all their power.
" And moreover it was demanded of the Lords spi-
ritual thes^ being, and the procurators of others,
being absent, their advice and will in all these
<mses ; which Lords, that is to say, the archbishops,
bishops, and other prelates being in the said par-
^^ liam^DLt, severally examined, making protestations,
that it is not their mind io deny nor affirm that
the bishop of Rome may not excommunicate
bishops, nor that he may make translation of pre-
lates, aftw the law of holy church; answered
and said : that if any executions of processes, made
in the King's Court (sus before) be made by any, and
^^ censures of excommunication to be made against
^ any bishops of England, or any other of the King's
" liege people, for that they have made execution of

B b 2

6C

6i

d7« The Church History *ook it;

1393-*' such commandments, and that if any executions of
-1—.' " such translations be made of any prelates of the
same realm, which prelates b^ very profitable and
necessary to our said Lord the King and to his
said realm, or that the sage people of his council,
^ without his assent and against his will, be removed
^^ and carried out of the realm, so that the substance
" and treasure of the realm may be consumed, that
** the same is against the King and his crown, as it
" is contained in the petition before named. And
" likewise the same procurators, every one by him-
^* self examined upon the said matters, have answered
** and said in the name, and for their lords, as the
^* said bishops have said and answered, and that the
" said Lords spiritual will and ought to be with the
^^ King in these cases, in lawfully maintaining of his
** crown, and in all other cases touching his crown
** and his regality, as they be bound by their alle-
" giance. Whereupon our said Lord the King, by
^' the assent aforesaid, and at the request of his said
" Commons, hath ordained and established. That if
any purchase or pursue, or cause to be purchased
or pursued, in the court of Rome or elsewhere, any
^* such translations, processes, and sentences of excom-
" munications, bulls, instruments, or any other things
" whatsoever, which touch the King, against him,
his crown, and his regality, or his realm, as is
aforesaid; and they which bring within the realm,
*' or them receive, or make thereof notification, or
any other execution whatsoever within the same
realm or without, that they, their notaries, pro-
curators, maintainers, abettors, fautors, and coun-
cillors, shall be put out of the king's protection,
" and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels.

H6

6t

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 87S

^ forfeit to our Lord the Kinff: and that they be a. d. 139^
" attached by their bodies, if they may be found, -. — ■ .'. 1
^ and brought before the king and his council, there
•* to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that process
" be made against them, by prcemunire fadaSy in
manner as it is ordained in other statutes of pro-
visors, and other which do sue in any other court
in derogation of the regality of our Lord the King."

34. Something of the occasion, name, and use of

this statute. The first is notoriously known, from The occa.
the papal encroachments on the crown. No bishop- JJ^^^"
ric, abbathy, dignity, or rectory of value in England
was likely to fell, but a successor in reversion was
by the pope's provisions foreappointed for the same.
To make sure work, rather than they would adven-
ture to take the place at the first rebound, they
would catch it before it light on the ground. This
was imputed to the pope's abundance, yea, super-
fluity of care, ne detur vacuum in the church ; and
rather than a widow benefice should mourn itself to
death, a second husband had his license for mar-
riage before the former was deceased. But great
parishes, where small the profit and numerous the
people, and where indeed greatest care ought to be
had of their souls, were passed by in the pope's
bulls ; his holiness making no provisions for those
livings, which livings had no provisious for his
holiness.

35. Some will have it called prcemunire^ from why called
fencing or fortifying the regal power from foreign ^^^'*'
assaults, as indeed this was one of the best bulwarks

and sconces of sovereignty ; others that prcemunire
signifieth the crown fortified before the making of
this statute, as fixing no new force therein, but only

Bb3

874 The Church History book iv.

A.D. i393.dechuriiig a precedent, and foTegoing just right and

i U due thereof. Others conceive the word pnemonerei

turned hy corruption of horbarous transcribers, inter-
preterS) and pronouncers into pmmtmtre ; others
allege the figure of the eflfi^ct for the cause, and
the common proverb, pnemonitus pr^Bmunitns.
Most sure it is that pr^tmunire facias are operative
words, in the form of the writ grounded on the
statute, which may give denomination to the whole.
iVi|w*t<»- 86. It may seem strange such a statute could
odkmtto pass in parliament, where almost sixty spiritual
^^^' barons (bishops and abbots) voted according to papal
interest; except any will say, that such who for-
merly had much of a pope in their bellies had now
more of patriots in their breast, being weary of
Rome's exactions. Indeed no man in place of power
or profit loves to behold himself buried alive, by
seeing his successor assigned unto him, which caused
all clergymen to hate such superinductions, and many
friends to the pope were foes to his proceedings
therein.
TWpoiw^ 37. This law angereil all the veins in the heart
i^Mmttiikof his holiness; the statute of mortmain put him
into a sweat, but this into the fit of a fever. The
former concerned him only mediately, in the abbeys
his darlings; this touched him in his person; and
how choleric he ii'as will appear by the following
letter, here inserted (though written some fifty years
after) to make the story entire "".

*' Martinus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto

>» The origiiial of this hill ma^ had thb his copy, from
was in the study of sir Nicbo- whidi that of sir Robert Cot-
las Bacon, lord chanwDor, ton*s is deriTed.
whence the ardibishop of Ar-

CBNT. XIV. of Britain. 876

^' filio nobili viro Johanni, duci Bedford, salutem et a. 0.1593.

^ apo8tolicam benedictionem. Quamvis duduin in

f^ regno Anglise, jurisdictio Romanae Ecclesiae, et
** libertas eoclesiastica fuerit oppressa, vigore illius
" eopecrahilis statuti, quod omni divinae et humann
^^ ration! contrarium est : Tamen adhuc non fuit ad
tantam violentiam prolapsum, ut in sedis aposto-
licae nuncios et legatos manus temere mitterentur,
sicut novissime factum est in persona dilecti filii
*^ Johannis de Oisis palatii apostolic! causarum
auditoris, et in prse&to regno nuntii, et coUectoris
nostril quern audivimus ex hac sola causa, quod
literas apostolicas nostro nomine prsesentabat,
•* fuisse per aliquos de ipso regno carceribus man-
cipatum. Qude injuria nobis et apostolicae sedi
illata, animum nostrum affecit admiratione, turba-
tione, et molestia singular! : Miramur enira, stu-
" pescimus et dolemus, quod tam fcedum et turpe
^'fadntts in illo regno commissum sit, contra sedem
B. Petri, et nuntios ejus, praesertim cum literse
illae nostrae, nil aliud quam salutem animarum,
" honorem regni, et per omnia patemas et sanctas
^^ admonitiones continerent. Fuit enim semper etiam
^^ apud gentiles, qui nuUam tenebant verae fide!
" rationem inviolabile nomen nuntii ; atque legati
" etiams! ab hostibus mitterentur semper salvi, et
hodie apud Saracenos et Turcos, a quibusdam tute
destinantur legationes et literse ; etiams! illis ad
quos deferuntur molestss sint et injuriosae. Et
" nuncius noster, vir humanus et moderatus, et con-
" tinua conversatione notissimus in regno Angliac,
quod devotione fide!, et cultu divino se jactat
omnes alias Christianas rationes superare turpiter
captus est, nihil impium, nee hostile deferens, sed

B b 4

M
«

1

876 The Church History book iv.

A.D.1393." literas salutares et justas. Sed revereantur ali-

l !_' " quando illi qui sic contumaciter et superbe Eccle-

** siam Dei contemnent, et sedis apostolicse autho-
" ritatem, ne super ipsos eveniat justa punitio ex
" Christi judicio, qui earn instituit, et fundavit.
" Caveant ne tot cumulatis offensis Deum irritent,
" ad ultionem et tarditatem supplicii gravitate com-
" pensent. Non videbatur eis satis offendisse Deum
** statuta condendo contra vicarium ejus, contra
*' Ecclesiam et Ecclesiae caput, nisi pertinaciter per-
*' severantes in malo proposito, in nuntium aposto-
" licum violentas manus injicerent ? Quod non
** dubitamiis tuse Excellentiae, quae Ecclesiae et regni
** honorem diligit, displicere, et certi sumus quod si
" fuisses in Anglia, pro tua naturali prudentia, et pro
" fide et devotione quam geres erga nos et Eccle-
siam Dei, illos incurrere in hunc fiirorem nullatenuis
permisisses. Verum cum non solum ipsis qui hoc
" fecerunt, sed toti regno magna accederit ignominia,
" et dietim si perseverabit in errore, accessura sit
" major : generositatem tuam, in qua valde confide-
" mus, exhortamur et affectuose rogamus, ut circa
" hsec provideas, prout sapientiae tuse videbitur,
" honori nostro et Ecclesiae, ac saluti regni conve-
" nire. Datum Romae apud Sanctos Apostolos, VI.
" Kal. Junii Pontificatus nostri, anno 12™®."

Give winners leave to laugh, and losers to speak,
or else both will take leave to themselves ; the less
the pope could bite, the more he roared, and as it
appears by his language, he was highly offended
thereat. This penal statute as a rod was for many
years laid upon the desk, or rather locked up in the
cupboard. No great visible use being made thereof,
until the reign of king Hen. VIII. whereof hereafter.

CEST. XIV. of Britain. 877

36. Since the Reformation, the professors of the a.d. 1393-

4k>iiimon law have taken much advantage out of this ■'

statute, threatening therewith such as are active in ed than
the ecclesiastical jurisdictions, as if their dealings '^^
tended to be the disherison of the crown. A
weapon wherewith they have rather flourished than
struck, it being suspicious, that that appearing-sword
is but all hilt, whose blade was never dravni out,
as this charge hath never been driven home against
them ; but herein let us hearken to the learned
judgment of sir Thomas Smith, secretary of state,
who well knew the interest of his sovereign therein.

89- " Because this court, which is called cwna sir Thomas
*' Christianitatis^ is yet taken as appeareth for an judgment
** extern and foreign court, and differeth from the ^^^^'
" policy and manner of government of the realm,
" and is another court (as appeareth by the act and
" writ of prcemunire) than curia regis aut regince ;
** yet at this present, this court as well as others
" hath her force, power, authority, rule, and jurisdic-
tion from the royal majesty, and the crown of
England, and from no other foreign potentate or
power under God ; which being granted (as indeed
** it is true) it may now appear by some reason,
" that the first statute of praemunires whereof I have
spoken, hath now no place in England, seeing
there is no pleading alibi quam in curia regis ac
regin€B^'^ All I will add of this statute is this ;
that it hath had the hard hap not to be honoured
with so many readings therein, as other statutes.
Perhaps because not bringing in TrpoarraXipiTay in
proportion to the pains which must be laid out

" Commonwealth of Eng. iii. 11. [p. 269. ed. 1640.]

6<

S78 The ilhwrck Huiary book it.

AD. 1 395. thereon; and therefore I would ioTite scMiie iii£:e-

19 Rich. II. . ^

Dums m our commcm law (and with sndi no dodbt

it aboundeth) to bestow their learned endeayours
thereon, to their own honour, and adyancement of
the truth in so noble a subject.
Ti^wiaDn 40^ Many poor souls at this time were by fear
abjoratioii. or flattoiy moyed to algure the truth, and promise
future conformity to the church of Rome. In proof
whereof let not the reader think much to peruse the
following instruments; first, for the authenticness
thereof, being truly copied out of the originals of
the tower ; secondly, because it contains some extra-
ordinary formalities of abjuration. Lastly, because
the four persons mentioned therein haye escaped
Mr. Foxe his obseryation, seeing no drag-net can be
so carefully cast as to catch all things which come
under it.

Memarand. quod prima die Septembrisy anno regni
regis Richardi Secundi post conquestum decinuh
nono WtUielmus DyneU Nicholaus TaiUour^ Nicho-
laus Poncher^ et WtUielmus Steynour de Notyng^
ham^ in canceUaria ipsius regis personaliter con-
stittUi sacramentum divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui
sequitur tenore^.

I WiLLYAM Dynet, bofor yhow worschipefiill &der
and lorde archebisshope of Yhorke, and yhour cler-
gie with my free wyll and fiill ayysede swere to
Gode and to all his Seyntes upon this holy Gospells

o Ex Rotulo Clausar. de original but the membruie has

anno regni r^s decimo nono been so much stained with gall

Richardi secundi membrana 18. as to be in many parts com-

[m. dorao. Collated with the pletely illegible.]

ei^NT. XVI. cf Britain. 879

yat fro this day forth warde I shall worshipe 3rHiage8A.D.i395.
withe preying and offeryng wn to hem in the wor- '^^^^^'^^'
scheme of the seintes y* yey be made after. And
also I shal never-mor despyse pygremage ne states
of holy Chyrche, in no degree. And also I shalle
be buxum to ye lawes of holy chirche and to yhowe
as myn archebysshope and to myn oyer ordinares
and curates and kepe yo lawes upon my power and
meynten hem. And also I shalle never more meyn-
ten, ne techen, ne defenden errours, conclusions,
ne techynges of ye LoUardes, ne swyche conclusions
and techynges that men clepyth LoUardes doctr3m,
ne I shalle her bokes, ne swyche bokes ne hem
or any suspect or diffamede of Lolardery resceyve,
or company withall wyttyngly or defende in yo
matters, and yf I knowe ony swiche, I shall, wyth
all the haste that y may, do yhowe or els your ner
officers to wyten, and of her bokes. And allso
I shall excite and stirre all you to goode doctrfm
yat I have hinderd wythe myn doctryn up my
power, and also I shall stonde to your declaracion
wych es heresy or errour and do therafter. And
also what penance yhe woUe for yat I have don for
meyntenyng of this false doctryn in mynd mee
and I shall fulfill it, and I submit me yer to up my
power, and also I shall make no othir glose of this
my oth bot as ye wordes stonde, and if it be so
that I com agayn or do agayn this oath or ony
party thereof I yhelde me here cowpable as an
heretyke and to be punyshed be ye lawe as an
heretyke, and to forfeit all my godes to the kynges
will withowten any othir processe of lawe, and yerto
I require ye notarie to make of all this, ye whych
is my will, an instrument agayns me.

880 The Church History book 1¥.

A.D. i$9S'Et ex habundanti idem WiU. Dynet eodem die voluU

' et recognovit quod omnia bona et cataUa sua mo-

bilia nobis sint forisfoAnta in casu quo ipse jura-

mentum prcedictum seu aliqua in eodem juramenlo

contenta de cetero contravenerit vUo modo.

Take It 41. We have here exemphfied this abiuration lust

foultsand _. ^ . ..i.i_iii«i,

aiL according to the ongmals, with all the mults and

pseudography thereof. For I remember in my time,
an under-clerk at court, threatened to be called
before the green-cloth for an innovation from for-
mer bills, though only writing Sinapi with an /S,
contrary to the common custom of the clerks of the
kitchen, formerly writing of it with a (7, so wedded
are some men to old orders, and so dangerous in
their judgment is the least deviation from them.
Someob- 42. The archbishop of York mentioned therein
on this ab- was Thomas Arundel, then chancellor of England, and
juration, j^^ ^^^ probability this instrument was dated at York.
For I find that at this very time Thomas Arundel, to.
humble the Londoners (then reputed disaffected to
the king) removed the terms and courts to York,
where they continued for some short time, and then
returned to their ancient course p. Whereas he is
enjoined point-blank to worship images, it seemetb
that the modem nice distinction of worshipping of
saints in images, was not yet in fashion. It ap-
peareth herein that relapse after abjuration was not
as yet (as afterwards) punishable with death, but
only with forfeiture of goods to the crown.
The death 43. This year a godly, learned, and aged servant
Trevysa. of God ended his days, viz. John de Trevysa, a gen-

P Godwin De Praesul. Angl. [p. 688.]

CENT. XIV.

of Britain.

881

tleman of an ancient family^ (bearing gtdes^ a garb, a.d. 139J.
^r) bom at Crocadon in Cornwall, a secular priest, ^ ' ' '
and vicar of Berkeley ; a painful and fiiithful trans-
lator of many and great books into English, as Poli-..
cronicon, written by Ranulphus of Chester, Bartho*
lomseus De rerum proprtetatHms^ &c. But his master-
piece was the translating of the Old and New Tes-
tam^it, justifying his act herein by the example of
Bede, who turned the Gospel of St, John in English.

44. I know not which more to admire, his ability who traiw-
that he could, his courage that he durst, or his in- Bible into
dustry that he did perform so difficult and dangerous ^"«f***^-

a task, having no other commission than the com-
mand of his patron, Thomas lord Berkeley ^ Which
lord (as the said Trevysa observeth ») had the Apo-
calypse in Latin and French (then generally under-
stood by the better sort as well as English) written
on the roof and walls of his chapel at Berkeley ; and
which not long since, (viz. anno 16^2.) so remained,
as not much defaced. Whereby we may observe,
that midnight being past, some early risers even
lihen began to strike fire and enlighten themselves
from the scriptures.

45. It may seem a miracle that the bishops being Yet escaped
*thus busy in persecuting God's servants, and Trevysa

persecu-
tion.

q Carew's Survey of Corn-
wall, p. 114. ed. 1602.

' Balseus de Script. Angl.
vii. §. 18.

* Polycronycon, ii. ed. 1482.
or 1527, translated by Tre-
vysa. [At the end of Trevysa's
translation, which was con-
tinued by Caxton, the follow-
ing lines are subjoined : ** God
" be tlianked of all his deeds -,
'* this translation is ended on

** a Thursday the eighteenth
** day of April, the year of
" our Lord a thousand three
•' hundred and fifty-seven ; the
" xxxi year of king Edward
'* the third after the conquest
** of England, the- year of my
" lords age, sir Thomas lord
" of Berkley, that made me
*' make this translation, five
" and thirty." f. 389—316.]

88S The Church History book iv.

A. D. 1395.80 obnoxious to their fiiry for this translation, that

!? Ihe lived and died without any molestation. Yet

was he a known enemy to monkery, witness that
(among many other) of his speeches, that he had
read how '* Christ had sent apostles and priests into
" the world, but never any monks or begging friars^"
But whether it was out of reverence to his own aged
gravity, or respect to his patron's greatness, he died
full of honour, quiet, and age, little less than ninety
years old. For,

1. He ended his translation of Polycronicon (as
appeareth by the conclusion thereof) the 29th of
Edward the Third, when he cannot be presumed leas
than 30 years of age.

2. He added to the end thereof, fifty (some say
more) years of his own historical observations'^.

Thus as he gave a garb or wheat-sheaf for his

arms ; so, to use the prophet's expression, the Lord

gathered him as a sheaf into theflo&r^ even fiill ripe

and ready for the same.

As did his 46. We may couple with him his contemporary,

X^^Q^' GeofBry Chaucer, bom (some say) in Berkshire, others

fry chau- j^ Oxfordshire, most and truest in London y. If the

Grecian Homer had seven, let our English have

three places contest for his nativity. Our Homer

(I say) only herein he differed ;

M(Bonides nuUas ipse reliqmt opes :
Homer himself did leave no pelf.

t Bale, ib. on his tomb- stone : and Tyr*

'I Pitzeus in vita, p. 567. whitt infers from a passage in

X Micah iv. 12. his poems that he was born at

y [He was born in the year London. Pref. to Chaucer's

1328, and died Oct. 25, 1400, Works, p. xvii. Oxf. 1798.]

according to some inscription

oer.

OEKT. XIV, ofBritaiu. 888

whereas our Chaucer left behind him a rich and -^-J:; 399-

23R1ch.11.

worshipful estate,

47. His father was a vintner in London ; and I ^" parent-

age and

have heard his arms quarelled at, being argent and arms.
gtdes strangely contrived, and hard to be blazoned.
Some more wits have made it the dashing of white
and red wine (the parents of our ordinary claret)
as nicking his father's profession. But were Chaucer
alive, he would justify his own arms in the fece of
all his opposers, being not so devoted to the muses,
but he was also a son of Mars. He was the prince
of English poets ; married the daughter of Pain Roec,
king of armes in France, and sister to the wife of
John of Gaunt, king of Castile.

48. He was a great refiner and illuminer of our He refined
English tongue, (and if he left it so bad, how much^gu^
worse did he find it?) witness Leland thus praising
him*:

Pradicat Aligerum merito Florentia Dantem^

Italia et numeros tota Petrarche tuos.
Anglla Chaucei'um veneratur nostra poetaniy

Cut veneres debet patria Ihigua stuis.

Of Alger Dante, Florence doth justly boast.
Of Petrarch brags all the Italian coast.
England doth poet Chaucer reverence,
To whom our language owes its eloquence.

Indeed Verstegan, a learned antiquary*, condemns
him for spoiling the purity of the English tongue,
by the mixture of so many French and Latin words.
But he who mingles wine with water, though he

* QDe Script, in Vita, p. * In his Restitution of de-
422.] cayed Intelligence, p. 203.

The Church History book i?.

A. D. 1399. destroys the nature of water, improves the qnality

^^'^^^ thereof*^.

49. I find this Chaucer fined in the temple two

-A 8™^ shillinins for strikinsr a Franciscan friar in Fleet-
enemy to ^ °

fnuu street, and it seems his hands ever after itched to
be revenged, and have his pennyworths out of them,
so tickling religious orders with his tales, and yet so
pinching them with his truths, that friars in reading
his books know not how to dispose their &ces be-
twixt erring and laughing. He lies buried in the
south isle of St. Peter's, Westminster, and since hatb
got the company of Spencer and Drayton (a pair-
royal of poets) enough almost to make passengers
feet to move metrically, who go over the place where
so much poetical dust is interred.
AsWt 50. Since the abjuration last exemplified, we

dunivii. meet in this king^s reign no more persecution from
the Wshop^ We impute this not to their pity, but
other employment, now busy in making their appli-
cations to the new king on the change of goyem-
ment« king Richard being now deposed.
TWdMK 51. He was one of a goodly person, of a nature
SmTrkIi- neither gixid nor bad, but according to his company,
y*^ which commonlv were of the more vicious. His
infancy was educated under several lord protectors
successively, under whom lus intellectuals thrived,
as habos battle with many nurses, commonly the
worse for the change. At last he grew up to full
age and empty mind, judicious only in pleasure,
giving himself over to all licentiousness.
<\«»t«w4 52» As king Richani was too weak to govemS

llJI^ ij;^ >» r Ag^a>t tliis cisM^ be * [His chief weakness was
Kmvtlk Im$ Kxti abiT defonded br tbe isperiousoess of the dake
TNtwHiW. in his Ksstv 4\:; of L*ncaBrer.1

CBUT. XIV. of Britain. 385

SO Henry duke of Lancaster, his cousin-german ^^^SJ^??*

too wilful to be governed. Taking advantage there- ^^ •'

fore of the king's absence in Ireland, he combined
with other of the discontented nobility, and draws
up articles against him, some true, some false, some
both; as wherein truth brought the matter, and
malice made the measure. Many misdemeanours
(mo misfortunes) are laid to his charge. Murdering
the nobility, advancing of worthless minions, sale of
justice, oppression of all people with unconscionable
taxations. For such princes as carry a fork in one
hand must bear a rake in the other; and must
covetously scrape to maintain what they causelessly
scatter.

53. Looseness brings men into straits at last, Andre-
as king Richard may be an instance thereof. Re-^m.
turning into England, he is reduced to this doleful
dilemma ; either voluntarily, by resigning, to depose
himself; or violently, by detrusion, to be deposed by
others. His misery and his enemies* ambition admit

of no expedient. Yea, in all this act his little judg-
ment stood only a looker-on, whilst his fear did what
was to be done, directed by the force of others. In
hopes of life he solemnly resigneth the crown, but all
in vain. For cruel thieves seldom rob but they also
kill ; and king Henry his successor could not meet
with a soft pillow, so long as the other wore a warm
head. Whereupon, not long after, king Richard was
barbarously murdered at Pomfret castle. But of
these transactions the reader may satisfy himself
at large out of our civil historians.

54. Only we will add that the clergy were the The base-
first that led this dance of disloyalty. Thomas disloyal
Arundel, now archbishop of Canterbury, in the room ^ ^^^'

FULLER, VOL. II. C C

}

386 The Church History book iy.

A.D. i399.of William Courtenay deceased, made a sermon on

—^Samuel's words, vir dominabitur poptdo^. He shewed

himself a satirist in the former, a parasite in the
later part of his sermon, a traitor in both. He
aggravated the childish weakness of king Richard,
and his inability to govern; magnifying the parts
and perfections of Henry duke of Lancaster. But
by the archbishop's leave, grant Richard either de-
servedly deposed, or naturally dead vdthout issue,
the right to the crown lay not in this Henry, but in
Roger Mortimer, earl of March, descended by his
mother Philippa from Lionel, duke of Clarence,
elder son to Edward the third. This the archbishop
did willingly conceal. Thus in all state alterations,
be they never so bad, the pulpit vrill be of the same
wood with the council-board. And thus ambitious
clergymen abuse the silver trumpets of the sanc-
tuary ; who, reversing them, and putting the wrong
end into their mouths, make what was appointed to
sound religion to signify rebellion®.
The coura- 55. But wMlst all othcr churches in England
S^^" rung congratulatory peals to king Henry his hap-
^J^^^P piness, one jarring bell almost marred the melody of
all the rest, even Thomas Merkes, bishop of Carlisle.
For when the lords in parliament, not content to
depose king Richard, were devising more mischief
against him, up steps the aforesaid bishop, formerly
chaplain to the king, and expresseth himself as fol-
loweth :

"There is no man present worthy to pass his

^ [i Sam. ix. 17. See an his renunciation of the crown

abstract of this sermon in are printed in Twysden x.

Knighton, p. 2758.] Script, p. 2743.]

* [The records pertaining to

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 887

** sentence on so ffreat a kinff, as to whom they have a. d. 1399.

^ ^ ^ 23 Rich. 11.

obeyed as their lawful prince foil two and twenty
years. This is the part of traitors, cut-throats, and
" thieves. None is so wicked, none so vile, who,
** though he be charged with a manifest crime, we
" should think to condemn before we heard him.
•* And you, do ye account it equal to pass sentence
" on a king anointed and crowned, giving him no
" leave to defend himself? How unjust is this ! But
** let us consider the matter itself. I say, nay openly
affirm, that Henry duke of Lancaster (whom you
are pleased to call your king) hath most unjustly
spoiled Richard, as well his sovereign as ours, of
his kingdom^.'*
More would he have spoken, when the lord mar-
shal enjoined him silence, for speaking too much
truth in so dangerous a time. Since, it seems some
historians have made up what more he would have
said, spinning these his heads into a very large ora-
tion, though tedious to none, save those of the Lan-
castrian faction.

56. Here, if ever, did the proverb take effect, innocency
" Truth may be blamed, but cannot be shamed," formour.
although the rest of the bishops, being guilty them-
selves, condemned him, as discovering more convent-
devotion (who originally was a monk of West-
minster) than court-discretion, in dissenting from

his brethren ; yet generally he was beheld as loy-
altt/*s confessor^ speaking what became his calling
in discharge of his conscience. Yea, for the present,
such the reverence to his integrity, no punishment
was imposed upon him.

57. Merkes was conceived in the judgment of Activity

will be
' Bishop Godwin^ De Praesul. Angl. [p. 766.] tampering.

cc 2

888 The Church History of Britain. book iv.

A. D. 1400. most moderate men, abundantly to have satisfied

'- — •* his conscience with his speech in parliament. But

how hard is it to stop an active soul in its full
speed ? He thought himself bound not only to speak
but do, yea, and suffer too (if called thereunto) for
his sovereign. This moved him to engage with
Henry Hotspur and other discontented lords, against
king Henry, on whose defeat this bishop was taken
prisoner, and judicially arraigned for high treason.
A biihop 58. Thig is one of the clearest distinguishing cha-
byhi8peerg.racters betwixt the temporal and spiritual lords,
that the former are to be tried per pares , by their
peers, being barons of the realm ; the latter are by
law and custom allowed a trial only by a jury of able
and substantial persons^. Such men found bishop
Merkes guilty of treason, for which he was con-
demned and sent prisoner to St. Alban's.

A ieason- 5^^ rjij^^ j^j^g^ would ffladlv havo had a fair rid-
able expe- o o J

diont. dance of this bishop, whom he could not with credit
keep here, nor send hence. As to deprive him of
life it was dangerous in those days, when some
sacredness was believed inherent in episcopal per-
sons. Here his holiness helped the king with an
handsome expedient to salve all matters, by re-
moving Merkes to be bishop of Samos in Grecia^
I find three Grecian islands of the same name, and
a critic^ complaineth they are often confounded.
The best is, it is not much material of which of
them Merkes was made bishop, having only a title
(to starve in state) without a penny profit thereby.
But before his translation was completed, he was
translated into another world.

&r Mr. Selden, in a late small ^ Godwin, ib.
treatise, the Priviledges of the ^ Carolus Steplianus in die-
Baronage^ [p. 149. ed. 1642.] tionario poeticQ. -

SECT. 11.

TO

SIR GERARD NAPIER,

OF DORSETSHIRE, BART.a

/ have read thoit a stoitute was made to retrench the nwmher of
great mem* keeping their retainers^ in the reign of king
Henry VII, ; and that politicly done in those mutinom
times^ to prevent commotions, lest some popular person should
raise a little army, wnder the covert of his great attendance.

^ [Arms: argent^ a saltier
engrailed sable, between four
roses gules. Sir Gerard Na-
pier, of Middlemarsh Hall, in
the county of Dorset, was cre-
ated a baronet by king Charles I . ,
June 25, 1 64 1. He married
Margaret, daughter and co-heir
of John CoUes, of Barton^ in
the county of Somerset, esq.,
by whom he had a son and
heir, Nathaniel, who succeeded
him in the baronetcy. Sir
Gerard died 14th May, 1673.
He was (says Mr. Hutchins^ in
his History of Dorsetshire, iv.
p. 286^ in his account of this
family) a member for Ware-
ham^ 3 Charles I., and for Mel-
comb Regis, 16 Charles I. In
his loyalty to the king's service

he sacrificed 10^621/.; his es-
tates in the county of Kent
were sequestered^ and he was
disabled from representing Mel-
comb, and declared a delin.
quent. When the king was in
exile, sir Gerard sent him ^yq
hundred broad pieces by sir
Gilbert Talbot, who had the
meanness and dishonesty to
detain them ; for which sir
Gerard, after the Restoration,
arrested him, but on the king's
mediation forgave him. Not-
withstanding his losses, he
greatly augmented his paternal
estate, and had the honour of
entertaining the king and queen
at More Critchell when the
court removed to Sah'sbury in
the plague of 1665.]

c c 3

S90 TV CftMrek ISUory sook it.

A taw improved to riffimr, Atvi^ eertaiMfy, at oS oCkr/waof
itatitU$, inUmied bmt to torror; imsommtk iAat tlte eari tf
Oxford, more meriting of tiag Hatry VII. doa amg elier
mhjeet, vat evem detieered to tie tingle attorney^, and, dk
report laith, fined fiflem tAoumtitd marka for exeeedtng tie
proportum leffoUy aUoited.

I am/eu mm lire in at da»fferoiu daj/t, and ajbrdimff at great
jealoutUt at tkoee ; bmt I iave eauie to &e ri^ plod {at
detply eoneented lAermn) tiat liamgi a ttiOiite iati firinA-
den nuxny to d^end on one, none iati prvU&tted one to
d^end on many patront ; hnt any antior of a boot m^
muUiply tiem aani ntanier, at driving on no inrt/itl detiff*,
but only the protection of kit own endeavonrt.

On thii account I tender thete my lahonrt unto yon, htowinff
the very name of Napier aec^taile to all tdalart, ever
tince the learned laird of Marehittouma <= {no ttranger to
yonr blood, at I am it^ormed) by kit lofforit&mt contracted
the paint, and to by contequence prolonffed the time and l^e,
ofaU vm^^ayed in wmMration.

r] ING Hemy, being consciona that he

had got and did keep the erown bj a

bad title, counted it his wisest way to

comply with the clergy, whose present

power was not only useful, but need-

"■fiil for him. To gain their favour, he lately enacted

jmpe'i «n. bloody laws for the extirpation of poor Christians,

under the &lse notion of heretics, condemning them

to be burnt ^, a torment unheard of in such cases ,

till that time ; and yet it appeareth that the pope,

ID this age, was not possessed of so full power in

England, whatsoever the catholics pretend, but that

** Lord Verulam, in hia Life, in defence of the loyal cause,

p. 2 11. See Lloyd's Mem. p. 640.]

c [Who WHS hioiBelf taken ^ Statute 2 of Hen. IV. c.

"■uoner, and \at aon fell in 15.
■ttle St Aldenie, May 4, 1645,

■fl»inMth«

CENT. XIV. of Britain. 891

this politic prince kept the reins> though loose, in a. d. 1400.
his own hand. For in this time it was resolved that ! — *^^ — .'
the pope's collector, though he had the pope's bull
for that purpose, had no jurisdiction within this
realm, and that the archbishops and bishops of
England were the spiritual judges in the king's
behalf e; as it was also enacted, if any person of
religion obtained of the bishop of Rome to be
exempt from obedience, regular or ordinary, he
was in a praemunire ^. Yea, this very statute, which
gave power to a bishop in his diocese to condemn
an heretic, plainly proveth that the king, by consent
of parliament, directed the proceedings of the Eccle-
siastical Court in cases of heresy ; so|that the pope,
even in matters of spiritual cognizance, had no
power over the lives of English subjects. ^^'"7

2,' The first on whom this cruel law was han-WiUiam
selled was William Sautre fif, formerly parish priest the proto-
of St. Margaret, in the town of Lynne, but since of En^Sh^
St. Osith, in the city of London*'. This was heP^"^^**-
whose faith fought the first duel with fire itself, and
overcame it. Abel was the first martyr of men,
St. Stephen the first of Christian men ; St. Alban
the first of British Christians, and this Sautre the
first of English Protestants, as by prolepsis I may
term them, j Scriveners use with gaudy flourishes
to deck and garnish the initial characters of copies,
which superfluous pains may be spared by us in
adorning this leading letter in the pattern of
patience, seeing it is conspicuous enough in itself,
dyed red with its own blood. Some charge this

c 2 Hen. IV. c. 4. h [Por an account of the

^ 2 Hen. IV. c. 3 . proceedings against Sautre, see

g [Otherwise called Chatris.] Foxe's Martyrology, I. p. 67 1 .]

cc 4

SgS The Church History book iv.

A.D. Hoo.Sautre with fear and fickleness, because formerly
— — — ^he had abjured those articles (for which afterwards
he died) before the bishop of Norwich ; but let
those who severely censure him for once denying
the truth, and do know who it was that denied
his Master thrice, take heed they do not as bad a
deed more than four times themselves. May Sautre's
final constancy be as surely practised by men as his
former cowardliness no doubt is pardoned by God !
Eight errors were laid to his charge, in order as
foUoweth i :

i. Imprimis^ He saith that he will not worship
the cross on which Christ suffered, but only Christ
that suffered upon the cross.

ii. Item^ That he would sooner worship a tem-
poral king than the foresaid wooden cross.

iii. Iteniy That he would rather worship the bodies
of the saints than the very cross of Christ, on which
he hung, if it were before him.

iv. Item^ That he would rather worship a man
truly contrite than the cross of Christ.

V. Item^ That he is bound rather to worship a
man that is predestinate than an angel of God.

vi. Item^ That if any man would visit the monu-
ments of Peter and Paul, or go on pilgrimage to
the tomb of St. Thomas, or else any whither else,
for the obtaining of any temporal benefit, he is not
bound to keep his vow, but he may distribute the
expenses of his vow upon the alms of the poor.

vii. Iteniy That every priest and deacon is more
bound to preach the word of God than to say the
canonical hours.

> [Foxe, lb. p. 671.]

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 893

viii. IterHf That after the pronouncing of the a. d. 1400.
saeramental words of the body of Christ the bread — — — -
remaineth of the same nature that it was before,
neither doth it cease to be bread.

3. These were the opinions wherewith Sautre is Thomas

• . 1 • i_ Arundel,

charged in their own registers, which, if read with archbishop
that favour which not charity but justice allows of bury, so-
course to human frailty, will be found not so heinous Jf^n!^^"
as to deserve fire and fagot, seeing his expressions ^*J^ ^^^
are rather indiscreet than his positions damnable, ^cted.
But Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury,
before whom Sautre was convented, in the convo-
cation at St. Paul's, in London, principally pinched
him with the last, about transubstantiation in the
sacrament. Thus their cruelty made God's table a
snare to his servants ; when their other nets broke,
this held ; what they pretended a sacrifice for the
living and dead proved, indeed, the cause of the
sacrificing of many innocents ; and cavils about the
corporal presence was the most compendious way to
dispatch them: for the denial whereof the afore-
said archbishop solemnly pronounced Sautre an
heretic convicted. ^^

4. Here happened a passage in Sautre which Isautre's
must not omit, which either I do not understand or denying of
cannot approve in him; for, being demanded whe-^^^^^-
ther or no he had formerly abjured these opinions,

he denied the same, whereas his formal abjuration
of them, the last year, before the bishop of Norwich,
was produced in presence : an action utterly incon-
sistent with Christian sincerity, to deny his own
deed, except any will say that he was not bound to
accuse himself, and to confess in that court what he
had done elsewhere, to his own prejudice. Thus

394 The Church History book iv.

A.D. 1400. offenders, which formerly have confessed their fact

« Hen* IV, ,-, , ,, t n -x- i»

m their pnvate examinations before a justice of

peace, yet plead not guilty when they are brought
before the assizes, accounting themselves innocent
in that court, till, by the verdict of the jury, they
are proved otherwise. However I am rather in-
clined to suspect my ignorance than condemn his
innocence, conceiving there is more on his side than
appeareth in his behalf.
Ssotre, iaj'^^ 5. The reader, I presume, will pardon our large-
■entenoe, is uoss (which WO will recompense with brevity in the
becK^j^ J*6st) in relating the proceedings against this first
^^^ martyr, who being, as I may say, the eldest and the
heir in our history, may justly challenge a double
portion thereof. Yea, the archbishop, who in his
condemnation did not follow, but make a precedent
therein, was very punctual and ceremonious in his
proceedings, that he might set the fairer copy for
the direction of posterity, and that the formality of
his exemplary justice might, for the terror of others,
take the deeper impression in all that did see it, or
should hear thereof. And now, his former abjura-
tion plainly appearing, Arundel, by a second sen-
tence, adjudged him refallen into heresy, and incor-
rigible, and therefore to be degraded and deposed.
The order 6. For lest priosthood should suffer in the person
^^tfon. ^f Sautre, (and all the clergy present, out of a
religious sympathy, were tender of the honour of
their own profession,) he was there solemnly de-
graded, in order as followeth ^ :

k [See Foxe, ib. p. 674.]

CENT. XIV.

of Britain,

395

/i. Priest.

From
the
order
of

ii. Deacon.

iii. Sub-dea-
con,
iv. Acolyte.

V. Exorcist.

vi. Reader.

f\. The paten, chalice, and a. d. 1400.
plucking the casule '-

By

taking
?from
him

[and vestment] from
his back.

ii. The New Testament
and the stole.

iii. The albe and the
maniple.

iv. The candlestick, ta-
( per, urceolum.

V. The book of conjura-
tions.

vi. The book of [Divine
Lections, that is, the
book of the] church
legend.

vii. The keys of the
church - door, and
/ i^ surplice ^

How many steps are required to climb up to the
top of popish priesthood ! but, as when a building
is taken down, one would little think so much tim-
ber and stone had concurred thereunto, until he sees
the several parcels thereof lie in ruinous heaps, so
it is almost incredible how many trinkets must be
had to complete a priest, but that here we behold
them solemnly taken asimder in Sautre*s degrada-

vii. Sexton.

1 [At the conclusion, this
part of the sentence was pro-
nounced against him: ^'Also^
** in token of this degradation
" and deposition, here actually
•' we have caused thy crown
'* and ecclesiastical tonsure in
** our presence to be razed

'' away and utterly to be abo-
" lished, like unto the form of
** a secular layman ; and here
'* we do put upon the head of
** thee, the foresaid William,
" the cap of a lay secular per-
" son/* Foxe, ib. p. 675.]

396 The Church History book iv.

A.D. i4oo.tion. And now he no longer priest, but plain lay-

a Hen. IV. .11 1 . 1

man, with the tonsure on his crown razed away, was

delivered to the secular power, with this compU-

ment, worth the notmg : beseeching the secular

court that they would receive fevourably the said

William unto them thus recommitted. But who

can excuse their double dealing herein from deep

hypocrisy, seeing the bishops at the same time, for

all their fair language, ceased not to call upon the

king to bring him to speedy execution.

^'^^'^r ^' Hereupon the king in parliament issued out

thebiiminghis Warrant to the mayor and sheriffs of London,

that the said William, being in their custody, should

be brought forth into some public or open place,

within the liberty of the city, and there really to

be burned, to the great horror of his offence, and

manifest example of other Christians ™ ; which was

performed accordingly. Thus died this worthy man ;

and though we be as far from adoring his relics as

such adoration is from true religion, yet we cannot

but be sensible of the value of such a saint ; nor

can we mention his memory without paying an

honourable respect thereunto. His death struck a

terror into those of his party who hereafter were

glad to enjoy their conscience in private, without

public professing the same; so that now the ship

of Christ, tossed with the tempest of persecution,

had all her sails took down, yea, her mast cut close

to the deck, and, without making any visible shew,

was fain to lie poor and private till this storm was

over-passed; the archbishop Arundel being most

^ YoinQ, Martyr. I. p. 675, out of whom the effect of this
story is taken.

CENT. XIV. of Britain, 897

furious and croel in detecting and suppressing alM-i>->4oo.

suspected of piety. ■*

8. Synods of the clergy were never so frequent a surfeit
before or since, as in his time, when scarce a yearaiSshop*
escaped without a synod called or continued therein. ^^^®* *
Most of these were but ecclesiastical meetings for
secular money. Hereupon a covetous, ignorant
priest, guilty of no Greek, made this derivation of
the word synodus (far fetched in itself, but coming
close to him) from crumena sine nodoy because at
such assemblies the purse ought ever to be open,
without knots tied thereon, ready to disburse such
such sums as should be demanded. Indeed the
clergy now contributed much money to the king,
having learned the maxim commended in the come-
dian, Pecuniam in loco negligere maxumum interdum
est lucrum " ; and perceiving on what ticklish terms
their state stood, were forced to part with a great
proportion thereof to secure the rest, the parlia-
ment now shrewdly pushing at their temporal pos-
sessions®; for although, in the first year of king
Henry, the earls of Northumberland and Westmore-
land came from him to the clergy with a compli-

n Terent. Adelph. " and wasted in this realm,

^ Vide infra in Hist, of Ab- " which should suffice to find

beys, ii. cap. i. ["In a par- "150 earls and 1500 knights,

** liament holden at London in ^' 6200 esquires and 100 hos-

"the Lent season, 1410, the " pitals more than now be,' &c.

'* knights and burgesses pre- ** But when they went about

*' sented to the king a bill in ** to declare out of what places

'* this form : ' To the most ex- '* those great sums were to be

'' cellent lord the king^ and all '' levied whereof the foresaid

** the nobles in this present '^ states should be endowed,

** parliament assembled, your '* they wanted in their account ;

" faithful commons humbly do '* wherefore the king com-

'* shew that our sovereign lord '* manded them that from

*' the king may have the tem- " thenceforth they should not

'' poral possessions and lands " presume to move any such

" which by the bishops, abbots^ "matter." Stow's Chron. p.

*' and priors are proudly spent 338.]

898

The Church History

BOOK lY.

A. D. 1400. ment that the king only desired their prayers and
^' .'none of their money, (kingdoms have their honey-
moon when new princes are married unto them,) yet
how much afterwards he received from them the
ensuing draught of synods summoned in his days
doth present p.

Place,

PresidetU,

A. D. 1399.

I. St.
Paul's,

The prior
and chap-

in Lon-

ter of Can-

don*

terbuiy, in
the arch-
bishop's
absence.

A.D. 1400.

2. Ibid.

Thomns
Arundel.

Preacher,

Test,

WiUiam I Cor
bishop of meum

Roches-
ter.

diligit

prindpes

Israel.

Money

granted to the

King.

Nothing at
this time hut
the clergy's
prayers re-
quired 4.

A tenth and
half; for a
single tenth
was first
proffered him,
and he re-
fused it r.

The other Acts
thereof.

The king, at the
request of the
universities, pro-
mised to take
order with the
pope's provisions
and provensions,
that so learned
men might be
advanced. St.
George his day
made holy.

Nothing else of
moment passed,
save'Sautre's
condemnation*

P [Parker,] Antiq. Brit. p.
409^ et Harpsfield, Hist. Ang.
p. 618, out of whom the fol-
lowing table of synods is com-
posed, [and from whom they
are copied by Harduin, Concil.
vii. 1925. See also Wilkins'
Concilia^ III. p. 238 sq.]

4 [See Wake's State of the
Church, p. 337. ** In the last
" convocation (meaning this of
" 1399) the king demanded no
" money of the clergy ; but if
" the chronicle of St. Alban's
'* may be relied upon, it was
*' not long before he did it.
" He sent out supplicatory
** letters to all the clergy for a
" subsidy equal to one tenth ;

€t

€(

*' and it being his first request,
** the clergy thought it neces-
'* sary to comply with it."
Wake, ib. p. 338.]

^ [" About the same time
that this parliament met, the
archbishop of Canterbury
" summoned his provincial sy.
*' nod to assemble at London
'* for church affairs, and which
" therefore I look upon to have
*' been properly an ecclesias-
'^ tical council, not a state con-
" vocation. (Register, Arun-
" dell, p. ii. f. 178.) In the
" mandate for summoning it
'^ we find nothing of the affairs
*' of the king and kingdom,
*' but all turns upon the foot

CEKT. XIV.

of Britain.

399

Place.

3. St.
Paul'S)
in Lon-
don.

President.

lliomas
ArundeL

4. Ibid.

Henry,
bishop of
Linc^,
the arch-
bishop be-
ing absent
in an em-
bassy.

Preacher.

Text.

Money

granted to the

King.

At the in-
stance of
the earl of
Somerset and
lord Ross
the treasurer,
a tenth was
granted.

A tenth to-
wards the
king*s charges
in suppress-
ing the late
rebels.

The other Acts
thereof.

A. D. 1400.
a Hen. IV.

A. D. 1402.

The clergy re-
newed their pe-
tition of right to
the king, that
they should not
be proceeded
against by tem-
poral judges, nor
forced to sell
their goods for
provision for the
king*s court.
No answer ap-
pears.

Constituted that ; A. D. 1404.
the obsequies of
every English
bishop deceased
should be cele-
brated in all the
cathedrals of the
kingdom.

<<

St

«c

€€

«
c<

ft

<<
<4
«
€t
<<
€*
<«
«<
€€
4€
€t
€C

of church business. At the
opening of the synod the
archbishop, expounding the
causes and affairs for which
he celebrated his provincial
council, commonly called a
convocation of the clergy,
mentions these two: Pro
reformatione defectuum; ac
prcBcipue pro inquisitione
hcpreiicorum. (Arundell, ib.
1 79.) Accordingly, upon
these two the chief business
of the council terminated :
first, Sautre was sentenced
and degraded, (Reg. Arun-
dell, ib. i8t,) and by order
of the king, at the advice of
the lay lords in parliament,
was burnt. (Rot. Parlia-
ment. 2 Hen. IV. num. 29.)
Then others were convened
and tried for heresy; after
that some constitutions were
made in matters relating to

the church, against the vio-
laters of churches, about the
habits of clerks, &c. (Regist.
Eccles. Cant. M.) There
was, indeed, a tenth and half
given to the king ; but that
we know was often done in
church councils as well as in
state convocations. In short,
the assembly was held by the
sole authority of the arch-
bishop, and in the other pro-
vince no such meeting at all
appears to have been had . For
all which reasons I look upon
this synod to have been a

g roper ecclesiastical council,
eld only for the convenience
of bishops and prelates, and
the better dispatch of the
church's affairs at the same
time that the parliament
met." Wake's State of the
Church, p. 339.]

400

The Church History

BOOK ir.

A. D. 140a
2 Hen. IV.

Place.

PrendenU

Preacher.

TexU

Mcney

granted to the

King,

The other Acts
thereof.

A. D. 1405.

5. St.

Thomas

A tenth.

Nothing of con-

Paurs,

Arundel.

when the

sequence.

in Lon-

laity in par-

don.

liament gave
nothing.

A. D. 1406.

6. Ibid.

Henry

Thomas,

Magister

A tenth.

Nothing of mo-

Beaufort,

bishop of

adest, et

ment.

bishop of

Carlisle.

vocatte.

Manches-

ter, Uie

ardibishop

being

absent.

A. D. 1408.

7. Ibid.

Thomas

John,

Faciat

This synod was

Arundel.

monk of
St. Au-
gustine,
in Can-
terbury.

unus-
quisque
opus
suum.

principally em-
ployed in sup-
pressing of
schism, and the
following synod
in the same year
to the same pur-

8. Ibid.

Idem.

John
Botel,
general
of the
Francis-
cans.

Vos vo-
cati estis
in uno
corpore.

pose.

•

A. D. 141 1.

9. Ibid.

Henry,

John

Stellm

A tenth, and

Little else, save

T^

^

bishop of

Lang.

dederunt

a subsidy

some endeavours

Winches-

don,

lumen.

granted, saith

against Widifie^s

ter, the

monk of

Matthew Par-

opinions.

ardibishop

Canter-

ker 8, but

being

bury.

others say'

abroad in

the clergy ex-

an em-

cused them-

bassy.

selves as
drained dry
with former
payments.
Also the
pope^s agent,
proggmg for
money, was
denied it.

A. D. 141 2.

10. Ibid. . Thomas

John

Diligite

A tenth. The

The pope^s rents

Arundel.

Godmer-

lumen

clergy com-

sequestered into

sham.

sapien-

plained to the

the king's hands

monk of

tin om-

king of their

during the schism

Canter-

nes qui

grievances.

betwixt Gn^jory

bury.

praeestis.

but received
no redress.

the Twelfth and
Benedict.

s Antiq. Brit. p. 410. ^ Harpsfield, Eecl. Ang. p. 619.

CENT. XV. ofBritam. 401

We will not avouch these all the conventions ofA. 0.1412.
the clergy in this king's reign, (who had many sub- '^ ^°' ^l
ordinate meetings in reference to their own occa-
sions,) but these of most public concernment. Know
this also, that it was a great invitation (not to say
an enforcement) to make them the more bountiful
in their contributions to the king, because their
leaders were suspicious of a design now first set on
foot, in opposition to all religious houses, (as then
termed,) to essay their overthrow ; which project
now, as a pioneer, only vn*ought beneath ground,
yet not so insensibly but that the church statists
got a discovery thereof, and in prevention were very
satisfying to the king's pecuniary desires ; insomuch
that it was in effect but ask and have, such their
compliance to all purposes and intents, the rather
because this kinsr had appeared so zealous to arm
the bUhops ^a. irribU !L .^ the poor naked
Lollards, as then they were nicknamed.

9. Now we pass from the convocation to the par- a new
liament, only to meddle with church matters therein ;
desiring the reader to dispense in the margin with

a new chronology of this king's reign ; assuring him
that whatsoever is written is taken out of the au-
thentic records of the parliament in the Tower.

10. It was moved in parliament, that no Welch- a severe
man, bishop or other, be justice, chamberlain, chan-^„Tt the
cellor, treasurer, sheriff^ constable of a castle, receiver, ^^ ®*^^'
escheator, coroner, or chief forester, or other officer
whatsoever, or keeper of records*, or lieutenant in the

said offices, in any part of Wales, or of council to any
English lord, notwithstanding any patent made to
the contrary : Cum clattsula non obstante, licet WaU
liens natus.

t Ex Rot. Par. in tur. Lond. in hoc anno.

FULLER, VOL. II. D d

BOOK rv.

A.V, :<.?X.

IL b wu^ loffv^tnsd. dot tlie kin^ wiDeCfa it ex-
tik& lodMfifr : sod fsr tiiefli and odien; which he

^tutMJx^ hsdi iwud ^uud azid lo^ li^i^cs towsds him, oar
ttud Irjpd 1^ lose ^rill he adrised hr the adTiee of
hi§ oQQBueJL

12. Sodi » vooader vhj the paibaneiit was so
iiMaeitted aipuQSt the WcJcfa (weiiig Henry prince of
Waleft «a^ their ovn coimtmiiaii h(»ii at Mmi-
nKiQth) mar coi»der, how now, or tot lately, Owai
Gkn^jwie, a Welch rcibba; (adTanced by the mol-
titude c^ his followers into the lepotation of a
general; luul made nraeh qml in Wales. Now
commendable was the king^s charity, ^o would
not return a national mischief for a personal injury,
seeing no man can choose the place of his nativity,
though he may bemoan and hate the bad practices
of his own nation.

TW 4fiM. 13, The Idnefs courteous exception for the Welch

tension id ,

¥fMi bishops putteth us upon a necessaiy inquiry, who
ii^Sf^fi^ and what they were, placed in sees at this time.

tiflM*

OUIDO DE MOJTA.

Or of Angleiey a.
A true Briton by
Mrtb, witneMed by
Um name* He wag
At tlie preient lord
treamirer of Eng.
land V. In whona
the king much oon-
ftded, though T.
Walningham be
pliHMed to dash hii
memory, that he

WM the OAUM of

much mlnohief ^.

Llandaff.
Thomai Vevt-

tLKLL.

His surname
speaks him Eng-
lish by extraction,
and he was of no
remarkable acti-
vity *.

Bangor,

Richard Yovg.

He might be
English or Wddi
by his name, but
I believe the latter.
A man of merit
sent by the king
into Gomany, to
give satisfacti<m of
king Henry's pro-
ceedings 7.

St.AMaph,

JoHX Tretauk.

Second of that
Christian and sor-
name, bishqp of
that see, a Wekfa-
man no doubt, he
was sent (saitii T.
Walsmgfaam z) to
Spain to give ac*
count of the king's
proceedings. Very
loyal at the pre-
sent, but after his
return home he
sided with Owen
Olendowre.

u [(Godwin De Preesul. Angl.
p. 58a.]

V [Ap{K>inted to this office
Oct. 35, 140a.]

w [Hist. Angl. p. 370.]
» [Godwin, ib. 609. In the
year 1407 translated to Wor-
cester. Walsing. 376.]

CENt. XV.

of Britain,

408

Bat thoufifh the EJnfflish at this time were so severe a.d. i4i».
against the Welch, king Henry the seventh (bom in '^ — -'
the bowels of Wales at Pembroke, and assisted in
the gaining of the crown by the valour of his coun-
trymen) some years after plucked down this par-
tition wall of difference betwixt them; admitting
the Welch to English honours and offices, as good
reason, equality of merits should be rewarded with
equality of advancement*.

14. Sir John Tiptoft (made afterwardh earl ofTheped-
Worcester) put up a petition to the parliament lords and
touching Lollards, which vn-ought so on the lords, ^'J^^^Sig
that they joined in a petition to the king, according J^^
to the tenor following.

" To our most redonhted and graciotcs sovereign

the king^.

" Your humble son, Henry prince of Wales, and
the lords spiritual and temporal in this present
parliament, humbly shew, that the church of Eng-
** land hath been, and now is, endowed with tem-

«

«

y [Godwin, ib. 623. After-
wards translated to Rochester^
in 1404, and made keeper of
the privy seal. Angl. Sac. i.

379-]

» [Hist. Angl. 370.]

» [** That was a work re-
•* served for king Harry the
** Eighth, in the 27th of whose
** reign there passed an act of
** parliament, by which it was
'• enacted, * That the country
'* of Wales should be, stand,
** and continue for ever from
*• thenceforth incorporated,
** united, and annexed to and

with this realm of England.

i(

'* And that all and singular
'* person and persons, born and
" to be bom in the said prin-
" cipality, country, or dominion
*' of Wales, shall have, enjoy,
" and inherit all and singular
" freedoms, liberties, rights,
" privileges and laws, within
** this realm and other the
'* king's dominions, as other
*' the king's subjects naturally
^* born within the same have^
'* enjoy, and inherit/ " Heylin
in The Appeal, &c. P. 11. p. 46.
^ Contracted by myself (ex-
actly keeping the words) out
of the original.

D d 2

404 77ie Church History book it.

A.D. 1412.^ poral possessions, by the gifts and grants, as well

'^ ^ I" of your royal progenitors as by the ancestors of

^ the said lords temporal, to maintain divine service,
** keep hospitality, &c. to the honour of God, and
** the soul's heaJth of your progenitors and the said
" lords temporal.

" Yet now of late, some, at the instigation of the
^ enemy against the foresaid church and prelates,

have, as well in public sermons as in conventicles

and secret places called schools, stirred and moved
« the people of your kingdom to take away the said

temporal possessions from the said prelates, with

which they are as rightly endowed, as it hath
« been or might be best advised or imagined, by
" the laws and customs of your kingdom, and of
^^ which they are as surely possessed as the lords
'* temporal are of their inheritances.

" Wherefore, in case that this evil purpose be not
" resisted by your royal majesty, it is very likely that
" in process of time they will also excite the people
" of your kingdom for to take away frx)m the said
" lords temporal their possessions and heritages, so
" to make them common to the open commotion of
" your people.

" There be also others, who publish and cause to
** be published evilly and falsely among the people
" of your kingdom, that Richard, late king of Eng-
** land, (who is gone to God, and on whose soul
" God through his grace have mercy,) is still alive.
** And some have writ and published divers fiJse
" pretended prophecies to the people ; disturbing
** them who would to their power live peaceably,
" serve God, and faithfully submit and obey you
" their liege lord.

CENT. XV. of Britain. 406

" Wherefore may it please your royal majesty inA.D.i4i«.

^ maintenaiice of the honour of God, conservation nf '4 Hen, i v.
the laws of the holy church, as also in the preser-
vation of the estate of you, your children, and the
lords aforesaid, and for the quiet of all your king-
dom, to ordain by a statute in the present parlia-
ment, by the assent of the lords aforesaid and the
commons of your kingdom, that in case any man
or woman, of what estate or condition they be,
preach, publish, or maintain, hold, use, or exercise,
any schools, if any sect or doctrine hereafter against
the catholic faith either preach, publish, maintain,
or write a schedule, whereby the people may be
moved to take away the temporal possessions of

^ the aforesaid prelates, or preach and publish that
Richard late king, who is dead, should still be in
full life, or that the fool in Scotland is that king
Richard who is dead ^ ; or that publish or vmte any
pretended prophecies to the commotion of your
people ;

" That they and every of them be taken and put
in prison, without being delivered in bail or other-
wise, except by good and sufficient mainprise, to
be taken before the chancellor of England," &c.
15. See we here the policy of the clergy, who had The prince

gained prince Henry (set as a transcendent by him-^^*

self in the petition) to their side, entering his youth ?^**

against the poor Wiclivites, and this earnest en-Kvites.

gaged him to the greater antipathy against them

when possessed of the crown^.

c [This tradition is thoroughly ^ [Walsingham narrates an.

sifted in the third volume of anecdote very much to the cre-

P. F. Tytler's History of Scot- dit of this prince. In the year

land.] 141 o, when an artisan was de-

Dd 3

4(

406 The Church History book it.

A.D. 141 1. 16. Observe also the subtilty of the clergy in this

'^ *^ 1 medley petition, interweaving their ovra interest

tioos df*^ ^th the king's, and endeavouring to possess him,

^^^1^ that all the adversaries to their superstitions v^ere

interest, euemies also and traitors to his majesty.

WidiTsts 17- Now as conventicles were the name of dis-

Kbook. grace cast on, schools was the term of credit owned

by the Wiclivists for the place of their meeting.

WTiether because the school of Tyrannus*, wherein

St. Paul disputed, was conceived by them senior in

scripture to any materisd church ; or that their teach-

iug therein was not in entire discourses, but admitted

(as in the schools) of interiocutory opposition on

occasion.

u>o»r^ 18. By Lollards all know the Wiclivites are

why lo

called. meant, so called from Walter Lollardus one of their
teachers in Germany^, (and not as the monk al-
luded, quasi lolia in ara Domini^,) flourishing many

livered over to the secular arm " respuit tant« dignationis ob-
and condemned to be burnt in '* lationem ; non dubium qain
Smithfieldy for denying the real " maligno spirita induratus."
presence in the eucharist, the Hist. Angl. 378. This has also
prince used all his endeavours been narrated with considerable
with the unhappy man to pre- additions by John Fox. Mar-
vail on him to recant ; but his tyrol. i. 679.]
efforts being ineffectual the ^ Acts xix. 9.
execution proceeded. But with ^ Trithemius in Chron. anno
a martyr's zeal the culprit had 13 15, [and 13 21, p. 274, 277.
little of a martyr's courage ; ed. Basil.]
his pitiable outcries had so e Of S. Aug. Cant. MS. anno
much effect upon the prince 1406. [Many persons according
that he stopped the progress of to archbishop Parker ( Antiq.
the flames, and again endea. Britan. p. 394.) supposed that
voured to move the sufferer to Wicliffe*s followers were call-
recant : offered him all means ed Lollards, because they eat
of consolation ; a full and en. such meats as were prohibited
tire pardon, and a pension of in Lent. But in this they
threepence a day from the royal are mistaken ; for they were
purse for the rest of his life : called Lollards from loUum,
again his intentions were frus- and that from the following
trated; '' miser refocillatospiritu circumstance. A certain friar

CBNT.XV.

of Britain.

407

years before WicliiOre, and much consenting with a. d. 1412.
him in judgment. As for the word LoUard retained -^ — '■ — ^
in our Statutes since the reformation, it seems now
as a generical name, to signify such who in their
opinions oppose the settled religion of the land, in
which sense the modem sheriffs are bound by their
oath to suppress them.

19* The parenthesis concerning king Richard ^' who Achan-
** is gone to God, and on whose soul God through SewT*^*^
" his grace have mercy," is according to the doctrine
of that age. For they held all in purgatory gone to
Crody because assured in due time of their happiness;
yet so that the sufirages of the living were profitable
for them. Nor feared they to offend king Henry
by their charitable presumption of the final happy
estate of king Richard his professed enemy, knowing
he cared not where king Richard was, so be it not
living and sitting on the English throne.

20. As for the report of king Richard's being still King
alive, it is strange any should believe it, if it be why be-
true that his corpse for some days were at London ^®^®** ^^
exposed to open view : understand it done at dis-
tance, lest coming too near might discover some
violence offered on his person. It is probable that
the obscurity of his burial (huddled into his grave at
Langley in Hertfordshire) gave the lustre to the

of the mendicant order, preach,
ing at Paul's Cross against the
doctrines of Wicliffe, which
were then gaining strength,
took for the subject of his text
the parable of the *' enemy
*• sowing tares" (lolia) ; in
which he frequently repeated
the word kUa, comparing the
followers of Wicliffe to tares.

From this occurrence the word
was caught up by the people^
and these men were called Lol-
lards. The term thus applied
appears first in the constitu-
tions of archbishop Arundel, in
which he complains of the
church being infected, ** novo
** damnabili Lollardise no-
" mine."]

D d 4

408 The Church History book it.

A. D. 141 2. report that he was still alive, believed of those who
'^"^"'^^- desired it.

JJj^^^^°" 21. Whereas this law against Lollards extended
m*rtyr. to womon, though many of the weaker sex were in
trouble upon that account, yet on my best inquiry
I never found any one put to death ; Anna Askewe
being the first, who in the reign of king Henry the
Eighth was burnt for her religion.
Who meant 22. A Scotch writer tells us, that king Richard
iM scoaand,^eA disguised into Scotland, discovered himself to
and was honourably entertained by Robert the king
thereof. Adding that Richard, who would no more
of the world, gave himself wholly to contenoiplation,
lived, died, and buried at Sterling, possibly some
mimic might personate him there, and is the fod
mentioned in this petition^.
Cruel per- 23. Hereupon it was, that the poor Lollards were
prosecuted with such cruelty that the prisons were
full of them ; many forced to abjure, and such who
refused used without mercy, as in Mr. Fox is largely
related^.
Archbishop 24. Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canterbury,
going to came to Oxford with a pompous train, accompanied
f^^' with many persons of honour, and particularly with
his nephew, Thomas Fitz-Alan, earl of Arundel;
his intent was juridically to visit the university, ex-
pecting to be solemnly met and sumptuously enter-
tained, according to his place and dignity^.
Is resisted 25. But SCO the spito of it, Richard Courtenay, the
chancellor. chancoUor of Oxford, (whom by his surname and

^ Boetius [Scot. Hist. lib. visiting the university of Cam.

xvi. p. 339.] bridge j{/re metropoUtico in the

i [See the Marty rology, I. year 1405, in Parker's Antiq.

p. 774.] Brit. p. 41 X, and Wake's State

^ [See also an account of his of the Church, 348.]

c:ent. XV. of Britain. 409

high spirit, I should guess descended from the earls a.d. 1412.

of Devonshire), with Benedict Brent and John Birch, '- — •

the two proctors, denied the archbishop entrance into
the university under the notion of a visitor, though
as a stranger, great prelate and privy councillor,
all welcome was provided for him and his retinue.
Arundel was angry with the affi-ont, and finding force
both useless (the scholars siding with the chancellor)
and inconsistent with his gravity, was fain fairly to
retreat, re infecta^ to London ; the rather because the
chancellor had submitted the cause in controversy to
the hearing and determining of his majesty.

26. King Henry at the joint instance of both The king
parties, sununoned them to Lambeth, to hear andthf^^"
determine the controversy ; the chancellor of Oxford ^J^^^p
produceth an army of large bulls of the pope : arch-
bishop Arundell brought forth one champion, viz.
an instrument in the reign of king Richard the
Second, wherein the king adjudged all their papal
privileges void, as granted to the damage of the
crown, and much occasioning the increase of Lollards;
not that it was so done intentionally by his holiness
(for who can suspect the pope turn Lollard?) but
accidentally it came to pass, that the university of
Oxford freed from archiepiscopal visitation by virtue
of those bulls, the Wiclivists therein escaped from
consistorian censure. Hereupon king Henry pro-
nounced sentence on the archbishop's side^ as by the
ensuing instrument vdll plainly appear.

" Et ulterius tam auctoritate sua regia, quam vir- Feb. 9,
" tute submissionis prsedictse sibi factse adtunc ibidem ^"^^*
** arbitratus fiiit, ordinavit, consideravit, decrevit, et
" adjudicavit, quod praedictus archiepiscopus et sue-

u

410 Tke Chunk HuUny book iy.

p. 1412.^ oesBmeB tmi in peqietaum habeant YisitaticHiem et
— ^ jurifldictioiiem in uniTeisitate praedicta, tarn cancel-
^ laiii commiBsarionmi, qoam procnratomm ejusdem
^ nniyeratatis, qui [m> tempore fberint^ nee non
^ omninm doctonun, magtstroram, regentium et
*^ non-regentium, ac scholarium ^osdem nniversitatis
**' quommcanque, eommque servientium, aUammque
^ personarom cujnscunqae status et eonditionis exti-
^ terint, et etiam ejusdem uniyersitatis ut univar*
** sitatis^ et quod cancellaiius, conunissarii, procu-
latores nniversitatis prsedictae, qui pro tempore
fuerint, eommque sucoessores, et omnes alii in
^ dicta universitate pro tempore commorantes, fii-
^ turis temporibus ridem archiepiscopo, et suoces-
^ soribus suis in visitatione et jurisdictione univer-
^ sitatis pra»iictae etiam ut univ^^tatis, in omnibus
^ pareant et obediant. £t quod nee dictus cancel-
*^ larius, eommissarii, nee procuratores nniversitatis
^ praedietse, nee eorum successores, nee aliquis alius
^ in universitate prsedicta aUquod privilegium seu
^ beneficium exemptionis ad excludendum prseiatum
^ archiepiscopum seu successores sues de visitatione
** et jurisdictione praedictis, in universitate antedicta
^^ colore alicujus bullae seu alterius tituli cujuscunque
^ erga praedictum archiepiscopum seu successores
" suos, clament, habeant, seu vendicent, lillo mode
" in fdturum. Et qiiod quotiens cancellarius, com-
** missarii, vel locum tenens ipsorum, vel alicujus
** ipsorum, vel procuratores dictae nniversitatis qui
" pro tempore fuerint, vel eorum successores, sive
** aliquis eorum impedierint vel impedierit praefatum
" archiepiscopum vel successores suos, ant ecclesiam
suam praedictam, aut ipsorum vel alicujus ipsorum
commissarium, vel commissaries, de hujusmodi

CENT. XV. of Britain. 411

^ yisitatione give jurisdictione dictae universitatis, velA.D.1412.
** in aliquo contravenerint, vel aliquis eomm contra- -^^ — '- — -*
** venerit, dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio
per prsefatum Ricardum nuper regem factis, sive
arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordi-
nationi ipsius Domini nostri regis Henrici in hoc
casu, vel si aliquis dictse universitatis in futurum
impedierit dictum archiepiscopum, vel successores
sues, aut ecclesiam suam praedictam, aut ipsorum
" vel alicujus ipsorum commissarium, vel commis-
sarios, de visitatione sua aut jurisdictione ante-
dicta, vel in aliquo contravenerit dictis, arbitrio,
ordinationi, sive judicio per prsefatum Ricardum
nuper regem in forma praedicta factis, vel arbitrio,
judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinationi ipsius
Domini nostri regis Henrici : Et quod [quotiens]
" cancellarius, commissarii vel procuratores universi-
tatis prsedictse tunc non fecerint diligentiam et posse
eorum ad adjuvandum dictum archiepiscopum vel
successores sues, aut ecclesiam suam prsedictam, seu
commissarium vel commissaries sues in hujusmodi
casu, ac etiam ad puniendum hujusmodi impedientes
" et resistentes : Quod totiens omnes franchesiae,
** libertates, et omnia privilegia ejusdem universitatis
in manus Domini regis vel hseredum suorum sei-
siantur, in eisdem manibus ipsorum Domini regis
" vel haeredum suorum remansura, quousque prae-
^* dictus archiepiscopus vel successores sui pacificam
" visitationem et jurisdictionem in forma praedicta,
" in dicta universitate habuerit vel habuerint, et
'' etiam totiens cancellarius, commissarii, et procu-
" ratores ejusdem universitatis, qui pro tempore
" fuerint, et eorum successores, ac universitas prae-
" dicta solvant, et teneantur solvere ipsi Domino

it

412 The Church History book iv.

A.D.141^*^' nostro regi Henrico et haeredibus suis mille libras
'/ ■ ^^ — '- " legalis monetae Angliae.

** Concordat cum original!,

" GULIELMUS RyLEY."

Afterwards the king confirmed the same, with the
consent of the lords and commons in parliament, as
in the Tower rolls doth plainly appear.
The eflTect 27. See WO here the srand difference betwixt the

of the sta- , ^

tate of pr<e- pope's power in England before and after the statute
*" ^^' of pnemunire. Before it, his avro? S^jy was authen-
tical, and his bulls received next to canonical scrip-
ture. Since, that statute hath broken off their best
seals, wherein they cross the royal power ; and in all
things else they enter into England mannerly with,
" Good king by your leave sir," or else they were no
better than so much waste parchment.
FareweU to 28. This doth acquaint us with a perfect character
the Fourth, of king Henry the Fourth, who, though courteous,
was not servile to the pope. And sir Edward Cook^
accounteth this his Oxford action (though imwilling
to transcribe the instrument for the tediousness
thereof) a noble act of kingly power in that age,
and so we take our ferewell of king Henry the
Fourth, not observed (as all English kings before
and after him) to have erected and endowed any
one entire house of religion, as first or sole founder
thereof, though a great benefactor to the abbey of
Leicester, and college of Fotheringhay in Northamp-
tonshire; his picture is not so well known by his
head as his hood, which he weareth upon it in an
antic fashion peculiar to himself.

1 Instit. [Part. iv. p. 228. ed. 1648.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 413 '

29* At the commons' petition to the king in par- a. d. 141 3.

liament, that all Irish hegging-priests, called chaum '—^

ber-deakyns^^ should avoid the realm before Michael- deakyns
mas next, they were ordered to depart by the time EngLnd.
aforesaid, upon pain of loss of goods aad imprison-
ment during the king's pleasure ".

30. I had almost forgotten, that just a month The death
before the death of king Henry the Fourth, Thomas Arundel.
Arundel archbishop of Canterbury expired ; famished

to death, not for want of food, but a throat to
swallow it, such the swelling therein, that he could
neither speak nor eat for some days^. I may safely
report what others observe, how he, who by his cruel
canons forbade the food to the soul, and had pro-
nounced sentence of condemnation on so many in-
nocents, was now both starved and strick dumb
together. Henry Chichely succeeded him in the
place, whose mean birth interrupted the chain of
noble archbishops, his two predecessors and sue-
cessors being earls' sons by their extraction.

31. The prelates, and abbots especially, began nowA.D.1414.
to have the active soul of king Henry in suspicion ; jealous^
for working heads are not so vnlling to follow old]^"^ .
ways as well-pleased to find out new ones. Such a«^^*y-
meddling soul must be sent out of harm's way : if

that the clergy found not this king some work
abroad, he would make them new work at home.
Had his humour hiappened to side vrith the Lollards,
Henry the Fifth would have saved king Henry the
Eighth much pains in demolishing of monasteries.

32. Hereupon the clergy cunningly gave vent to Divert it

on a war in
France.
"» [That is chamber-deacons.] of the Rolls^ vol. IV. p. 13.]

tt Rotuli in turre in hoc ^ [See Parker's Autiq. Brit.

anno. [See the printed copy p/413.]

414 The Church History book iv.

A.D.i4i4.his activity, by diverting it on a long war upon the
— ^^— ^ French, where his victories are loudly sounded forth'
by our state historians. A war of more credit than
profit to England in this king's reign, draining the
men and money thereof. Thus victorious bays bear
only barren berries, (no whit good for food, and very
little for physic,) whilst the peaceable olive drops
down that precious liquor, making the &ce of man
to shine therewith. Besides, what this king Henry
gained, his son as quickly lost in France. Thus
though the providence of nature hath privileged
islanders by their entire position to secure them'^
selves, yet are they unhappy in long keeping their
acquisitions on the continent.
The aad S3. Now began the tragedy of sir John Oldcastle^
SSkm OM-'^ so largely handled in Mr. Fox, that his pains hath
***^ given posterity a writ of ease hereinP. He was a
vigorous knight, whose martial activity vnx)ught him
into the affections of Joan De la Pole, baroness of
Cobham, the lord whereof he became {sed quaere^
whether an actual baron) by her marriage^.
His belief. 84. As for the opinions of this sir John Oldcastle,
they plainly appear in his belief which he drew
up with his own hand, and presented it first to the
king, then to the archbishop of Canterbury, wherein
some things are mther coarsely than fitlsely spoken.
He knew to speak in the language of the schools
(so were the meetings of the Wiclivists called) but
not scholastically ; and I believe he was the first
that coined and last that used the distinction of the

P [See the Martyrology, I. the first volume of the Har-

p.726. An account of sir John leian Miscellany. See also

Cobham was also ^vritten by Lewis, Lifeof Wicliffe, p.246.]
John Bale, and reprinted in [q Camden's Brit. p. 233.]

CENT. XV. of Britain, 415

church militant, divided into priesthood^ knighthood^ a. d. 1414.

and commons^ which had no great harm therein as -

he explained it. As for Parsons his charging him
with anabaptistical tenets, it is pity that the words
of a plain meaning man should be put on the rack
of a Jesuit's malice, to extort by deduction what
never was intended therein'.

35. But a worse accusation is charged on his He is
memory, that he was not only guilty of heresy but ^r^Sn.
treason. But by the way, it appeareth that Lol-
lardism then counted heresy was made treason by
statute, and on that account heresy and treason sig-
nify no more than heresy, and then heresy, according

to the abusive language of that age, was the best
serving of God in those days. But besides this, a
very formal treason is laid to this lord's account in
mamier foUovidng.

It is laid to his charge, that though not present
in the person vnth his counsel, he encouraged an
army of rebels, no fewer than twenty thousand,
which in the dark thickets (expounded in our age
into plain pasture) of St. Giles' fields nigh London,
intended to seize on the king's person and his two
brothers, the dukes of Bedford and Gloucester. Of
this numerous army, thirty-six are said to be hanged
and burnt, though the names of three are only
known, and sir Roger Acton, knight, the only person
of quality named in the design.

36. For mine own part, I must confess myself so Theauthor
lost in the intricacies of these relations, that I know*" ^
not what to assent to ■. On the one side, I am loth

' In his Three Conversions, castle.]
[II. 249. Wicliffe had be- » [These contradictory rela-

fore made use of this distinc tions are examined by Lewis,

tion here attributed to Old- ib. p. 251.]

416 The Church HiHory book it.

A. D. 1414. to load the lord Cobham's memory with causelegs

^crimes, knowing the perfect hatred the clergy in

that age bare unto him^ and all that looked to-
wards the reformation in religion. Besides, that
80,000 men should be brought into the fields and no
place assigned whence they were to be raised, or
where mustered, is clogged with much improbability.
The rather because only the three persons, as is
aforesaid, are mentioned by name of so vast a
number.
liMTcth aU 37. On the other side, I am much startled with

to the last

1U7. the evidence that appeareth against him. Indeed I
am little moved with what T. Walsingham writes,
(whom all later authors follow, as a flock the bel-
wether,) knowing him a Benedictine monk of St.
Albans, bowed by interest to partiality; but the
records of the Tower, and acts of parliament therein,
wherein he was solemnly condemned for a traitor as
well as heretic, challenge belief. For with what
confidence can any private person "promise credit
from posterity to his own writings, if such public
monuments be not by him entertained for authen-
tical. Let Mr. Fox therefore be this lord Cobham's
compurgator, I dare not ; and if my hand were put
on the Bible, I should take it back again. Yet so
that, as I will not acquit, I will not condemn him,
but leave all to the last day of the revelation of the
righteous judgment of God K
The lord 38. This is most true, that the lord Cobham made
taken in his oscapo out of the Tower, wherein he was impri-
soned; fled into Wales, here he lived four years,
' '^ing at last discovered, and taken by the lord Powis.
t so, that it cost some blows and blood to appro-

^ Rom. ii. 5.

Walei.

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

417

hend him, till a woman at last with a stool broke a.d. 1414.

the lord Cobham's legs, whereby being lame he 1

was brought up to London in a horse-litter.

39. At last he was drawn upon a hurdle to the His doable
gallows, his death as his crime being double, hanged ^^^
and burned for traitor and heretic. Hence some

have deduced the etymology of Tyhum firom tie and
hum^ the necks of ofltending persons being tied there-
unto, whose legs and lower parts were consumed in
the flame '*.

40. Stage poets have themselves been very bold Unjustly
with, and others very merry at, the memory of sir^^f^
John Oldcastle, whom they have fancied a boonP^^^
companion, a jovial royster, and yet a coward to
boot, contrary to the credit of all chronicles, owning

him a martial man of merit. The best is, sir John
Falstaff hath relieved the memory of sir John Old-
castle, and of late is substituted bufibon in his place,
but it matters as little what petulant poets as what
malicious papists have written against him. ^^ "^

41. Richard Flemjoig, doctor of divinity, designed a.d. 144 1.
by the pope archbishop of York, but, to please king cXg©
Henry the Fifth, contented with the bishopric of ^^"^*^-
Lincoln, about this time founded a college, named
Lincoln college in Oxford ^. It fared the worse be-
cause he died before it was fully finished, and the

V [A conceit of Nicholas
Harpsfield's. The name ap-
pears to have been derived
either from '' the Tey or Tey-
** bourn, a small brook passing
** near unto it in the former
*' times. Which brook or
bourn, arising not far from
Paddington, hath since been
^' drawn into several conduits

FULLEB, VOL. IJ.

<r

t€

" for the use of the city ;" or
from *'twey-born, from two
" little brooks wherewith it is
*^ insulated in the winter."
See the Appeal, &c. part 11.
p. 17.]

w [See Harpsfield's Hist. Ec-
clesiastica Angl. p. 649. God-
win de Praesul. Angl. p. 297.
Bishop Flemjrng died in 1 43 1 .]

B e

418 TTltf Church History book it.

-^^-Hsi-best guardian to an orphan foundation comes £Bur
■ short of the father thereof*. Yet was this house
happy in two bountiful bene&ctors, Thomas Beck^
ington, bishop of Bath and Wells, who (according to
the ingenuity of that age (hath left his memory in a
beacon with a tun on the walls, and Thomas Bother-
ham, archbishop of York, adding five fellowships
thereunto.

N.Pant 42. Here I wonder what made Nicholas Pont,

great anti-

liinooinian. fellow of Mortou College, and scholar enough, to be
such a back-friend to this college in the in&ncy
thereof, inveighing bitterly against it y. This is that
Pont whose fidth many distrust, for his violent
writing against Wicliffe, but whose charity more
may dislike for his malice to this innocent college,
except it was, that he foresaw it would produce in
time worthy champions of the truth, opposers of his
erroneous opinions, as indeed it hath, though I be
unable to give a particular catalogue of them.

The author 43. Indeed I could much desire, were it in my

■ooie wedu *^

in, though power, to express my service to this foundation,

house. acknowledging myself for a quarter of a year in

these troublesome times, though no member of, a

dweller in it. I will not complain of the deamess

of this university, where seventeen weeks cost me

more than seventeen years in Cambridge, even all

that I had, but shall pray that the students therein

be never hereafter disturbed upon the like occasion'.

The ardi- 44, Amougst the modcm worthies of this college

our church still surviving. Dr. Robert Saunderson, late regius

and age.

X [See an account of this Oxon. in App.] Pitz. [in vit.

learned and munificent prelate 588.]

in Wood's History of Colleges ' [Coming within '^ the com-

&c. iii. 234.] pass of delinquency.*' See tiie

y Bri. Twyne, [Antiq. Acad. Appeal, p. 443, ed. 1840.]

CEKT. XV.

of Britain,

419

professor, moveth in the highest sphere; as no less a. 0.14^1,
plain and profitable than able and profound casuist, ^ ^"'
(a learning almost lost amongst protestants») wrapping
up sharp thorns in rose leaves, I mean hard matter
in sweet Latin and pleasant expressions.

BeeUm*

J?icAop«.

Bem^facm/n,

Isaimed

Mr. WilKam

John Forrest,

-

Ghamber-

dean of Wells.

leyn.

John Southam,

[I460.J

Mr. John Beke.

archdeacon of

Mr.JohnTris-

Oxford.

trope.

William Fin-

[«479-]

Mr. George

Strang^wayes.

dern, esq.
Henry Beaufort,

Im88.]

Mr. William
Betfaome.

cardinal,
bishop of
Winchester.

C'^QSO

Dr. Thomas

Banke.

John Buketot.

[•503.]

Mr. Thomas
Prax.

John Crosby,
treasurer of

['S««0

Dr. John Cot-

Lincoln.

William Har-

tisford.

Walter Bate.

rii^ whose

[•538.]

Mr. Hugo

John Underhill,

Edward Darby.

writings

Weston.

bishop of Ox-

Wilh'am Dag-

are mudi

[1556.]

Mr. Christo-

ford c.

vyle, maj. of

esteemed by

pher Bar-

Oxford.

the papists.

grave.

WiUiam Bish d.

[ob.i^2.]«

■[*5S8.]

Mr. Henry
Henshaw *.

Edmund Aud-
ley, [bishop of

[«5<So.]

Dr. Francis

Sahsbory.]

F

Babmgton*

*

John Traps.

[1563.]

Mr. John
Bridgwaterb.

Richaid Kilbie^
late rector.

['574.]

Mr. John Tat-
ham.

[1577.]

Dr. John Un-

['590.]

Dr. Ridiard
Kilbye.

Ridiard

[i6aa]

Dr. Paul Hood.

Thornton.

A [Heronehaw, ccmiinonly
called Henahaw. Wood, 241.]

^ [AuthcHT of the celebrated
work, Goncertatio Ecdesiee Ca-
tholicfle in Anglia, which he
published under his latinized
name, " Aqu^ontanus." See
Wood'9 Athenee. i. 274.]

£

c [Wood reckons eleven
bishops as having belonged to
this foundation, to 1747.^

^ [I think this must be a
mistake for Wm. Smith, bishop
of Lincoln, since I can find no
record of Wm. Bish.]

« Pitz. in vita, p. 801.

e2

418 Th§ Church Hish

w/€fjr i^'

A^^<*

A. D. 1411. best ffuardian to an ,. . ' '*\^^^ one recUst,

•- short of the fr* >.'/!*/^ scholars, wnicb,

happy in '. /;:, j^^onerB, lately made up

mgton.1 . :-':^'^''

the in'^ • ''•■*"' .>«wet John Williams, bishop

beac ' < • ' !V^ ^^loinbridge, related only to this

har ^',w»* ^thereof. Here finding the chapel

t' ':.-C''^ ijf^^forreBU dean of Wells in the reign
N.Poiit .''^'^ti^^*iiepff^^'^ Sixth) old, little, and inconve-
fdnooiS' '^ y ^^ elected a far fairer fahric in the room

p/i'^^ fle had a good precedent of a Cambridge
/^ bountj to this house, even Thomas Rother-
^ ftUow of King's College ^ and master of Pem-
g^e Hall therein, whom bishop Williams suc-
^^ed, as in the bishopric of Lincoln and the arch-
bishopric of York, so in his liberality to this foun-
dation 8.
j^ i4f s. 44. On the last of August king Henry the Fifth
^jS^^^^^ his life, in France ; one of a strong and active
^^^ body ; neither shrinking in cold nor slothful in heat,
ff^ going commonly with his head uncovered ; the wear-
ing of armour was no more cumbersome unto him
than a cloak. He never shrunk at a wound, nor

€€

K
€<
€(

' ['*At what time Thomas '' which he did exhort the

Rotherham, alias Scot, bishop "bishop in such manner to

" of Lincohi, visited his diocese^ ^' good works, and to perfect

*' he came to Oxford, and, " this his college, which then

among other places therein, " being imperfect both in its

to this college, where against " edifices and government^ that

his coming John Tristrope, " when he concluded his ser-

'* rector thereof, had provided " mon the bishop stood up and

" a visitation sermon for him, '* answered the preacher with

'* taking his text out of the " great love and affection :

" psalmist running thus^ Vide *'Jacturum se quod petuni."

" et visita vineam iuam, et rem Wood, ib. 238.]

" perfice qtiam plantavit deX' ^ [See Wood, ib. 250 ; God-

" tra tua ; in the handling of win de Prsesul. 698, 299.]

B^i

XV. of Britain, 421

I away his nose for ill savour, nor closed his A. d. 149a.
or smoke or dust; in diet none less dainty or ii!!^lZi
o moderate ; his sleep very short, but sound ;
ortunate in fight, and commendable in all his
actions : verifying the proverb, that an ill youth may
make a good man. The nunnery of Sion was built
and endowed by him, and a college was by him
intended in Oxford, had not death prevented him.

45. As for Katherine de Valois, daughter to Queen
Charles the Sixth, king of France, widow of kingmamed
Henry, she was afterward married to, and had issue *«^-
by, Owen ap Tudor, a noble Welshman ; and her
body lies at this day unburied in a loose coffin at
Westminster, lately shewed to such as desire it, and
there dependeth a story thereon.

46. There was an old prophecy among the Eng- But never
lish, (observed by foreigners to be the greatest
prophecy-mongers^, and whilst the devil knows their

diet they shall never want a dish to please the
palate,) that an English prince, bom at Windsor,
should be unfortunate in losing what his father had
acquired ; whereupon king Henry forbade queen
Katherine (big with child) to be delivered there,
who out of the corrupt principle, Nitimur in vetitum^
and affecting her father before her husband, was
there brought to bed of king Henry the Sixth, in
whose reign the feiir victories woven by his father's
valour were, by cowardice, carelessness, and conten-
tions, unravelled to nothing.

47. Report (the greatest, though not the truest By her own
author) avoucheth that, sensible of her fault in dis-
obeying her husband, it was her own desire and

h Philip Commineus. [See this History, p. 228.]

E e 8

4S0 The Church History book ly.

A.D. 1431.S0 that at the present are maintained one rectiir,
^ ^ fourteen feUows, two chaplains, four scholars, which,

with servants and other commoners, lately made up

seventy-two.
BishoD of 48. We must not forget John Williams, bishop
imikb than of Lincolu^ bred in Cambridge, related only to this
awjw cha. j^^^j^g^ ^ visitor thereof. Here finding the chapel

(built by John Forrest, dean of Wells in the reign
of king Henry the Sixth) old, little, and inconve-
nient, he erected a far fairer fabric in the room
thereof. He had a good precedent of a Cambridge
man's bounty to this house, even Thomas Bother-
ham, fellow of King's College ^ and master of Pem-
broke Hall therein, whom bishop Williams suc-
ceeded, as in the bishopric of Lincoln and the arch-
bishopric of York, so in his liberality to this foun-
dation 8.
A. D. 143a. 44. On the last of August king Henry the Fifth
and charac- cudod his life, in France ; one of a strong and active
SrannSe ^^J I neither shrinking in cold nor slothful in heat,
^^^' going commonly with his head uncovered ; the wear-
ing of armour was no more cumbersome unto him
than a cloak. He never shrunk at a wound, nor

i€

' ['*At what time Thomas ^' which he did exhort the

Rotherham, alias Scot, bishop "bishop in such manner to

** of Lincohi, visited his diocese^ " good works, and to perfect

*' he came to Oxford, and, " this his college, whidi then

among other places therein, " being imperfect both in its

to this college, where against " edifices and government^ that

his coming John Tristrope, " when he concluded his ser-

rector thereof, had provided " mon the bishop stood up and

" a visitation sermon for him, ** answered the preacher with

'* taking his text out of the *' great love and affection :

** ps^mist running thus^ Vide "Jaciurum se quod peiutU.*'

" et visita vineam luam, et rem Wood, ih. 238.]

*' perfice quam plantavit dex- ^ [See Wood, ib. 250 ; Grod-

" tra tua ; in the handling of win de Prsesul. 698, 299.]

CENT. XV. of Britain, 421

turned away his nose for ill savour, nor closed his A. d. 149a.
eyes for smoke or dust ; in diet none less dainty or ' ^^' ^^'
more moderate ; his sleep very short, but sound ;
fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his
actions : verifying the proverb, that an ill youth may
make a good man. The nunnery of Sion was built
and endowed by him, and a college was by him
intended in Oxford, had not death prevented him.

45. As for Katherine de Valois, daujrhter to Queen
Charles the Sixth, king of France, widow of king married
Henry, she was afterward married to, and had issue **^*^*
by, Owen ap Tudor, a noble Welshman ; and her
body lies at this day unburied in a loose coffin at
Westminster, lately shewed to such as desire it, and
there dependeth a story thereon.

46. There was an old prophecy among the Eng- B"t never
lish, (observed by foreigners to be the greatest
prophecy-mongers ^ and whilst the devil knows their

diet they shall never want a dish to please the
palate,) that an English prince, bom at Windsor,
should be unfortunate in losing what his father had
acquired ; whereupon king Henry forbade queen
Katherine (big with child) to be delivered there,
who out of the corrupt principle, Nitimur in vetitum,
and affecting her father before her husband, was
there brought to bed of king Henry the Sixth, in
whose reign the feir victories woven by his father's
valour were, by cowardice, carelessness, and conten-
tions, unravelled to nothing.

47. Report (the greatest, though not the truest By her own
author) avoucheth that, sensible of her fault in dis-
obeying her husband, it was her own desire and

h Philip Commineus. [See this History, p. 228.]

E e 8

4S2 The Church History Bom v.

^^•^UM. pleasure that her body should never be buried. If

so, it is pity but that a woman, especially a queen,

should have her will therein^; whose dust doth
preach a sermon of duty to feminine, and of mor-
tality to all beholders.
AliiaKter. 48. But this story is told otherwise by other
authors, namely, that she was buried near her hus-
band king Henry the Fifth, under a feir tomb^,
where she hath a large epitaph, and continued in
her grave some years, until king Henry the Seventh,
laying the foundation of a new chapel, caused her
corpse to be taken up; but why the said Henry,
being her great-grandchild, did not order it to be
re-interred, is not recorded; if done by casualty
and neglect, very strange, and stranger if out of
design.
Thepazw 49* lu the minority of king Henry the Sixth, as
appo^t ihe^^ imcle, Johu duke of Bedford, managed martial
^^g^jj^^ matters beyond the seas, so his other uncle, Hum-
phrey duke of Gloucester, was chosen his protector
at home, to whom the parliament then sitting ap-
pointed a select number of priTy councillors, wherein
only such as were spiritual persons fall under our
observation.

i. Henry Chichely, archbishop of Canterbury,
ii. John Kempe, bishop of London,
iii. Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, lately
made lord cardinal.

iv. John Wakering, bishop of Norwich, privy
seal.

i Speed's Chron. p. 661. [Her randa respecting the disinter-

coffin was still shewn till within ment of this queen.]

a late period. Sir Henry Ellis, i Stow*s Survey of London,

of the British Museum, pos- p. 507, [and Chron. 376. Hall's

sesses some very curious memo- Chron. p. 1 84.]

• XV. of Britain. 48S

V, Philip Morgan, bishop of Worcester. f H^ii' vi*
vi. Nicholas Bubwith, bishop of Bath and Wells,

lord treasurer.

So strong a party had the clergy in that age in

the privy council, that they could carry all matters

at their Jwn pleasure.

50. It was ordered in parliament that all Irish- a. 0.1423.

A strict

men living in either university should procure theiria^forthe
testimonials from the lord lieutenant or justice of cCrgy.
Ireland, as also find sureties for their good beha-
viour during their remaining therein. They were
also forbidden to take upon them the principality
of any hall or house in either university, but that
they remain under the discipline of others.

51. Hitherto the corpse of John Wicliflte had a. p. 1428.
quietly slept in his grave, about one-and-forty years quieUy
after his death, till his body was reduced to bones, y^^ *'
and his bones almost to dust ; for though the earth

in the chancel of Lutterworth in Leicestershire,
where he was interred, hath not so quick a diges-
tion with the earth of Aceldama, to consume flesh
in twenty-four hours, yet such the appetite thereof,
and all other English graves, [as] to leave small
reversions of a body after so many years ^.

52. But now, such the spleen of the council of Oidered to

be un-

Constance, as they not only cursed his memory, as graved for
dying an obstinate heretic, but ordered that his* ^ ^'
bones (with this charitable caution, if it may be dis-
cerned from the bodies of other fiEiithful people) to
be taken out of the ground and thrown far off from
any Christian burial.

k [For an account of this of this voracious power of the
burning of Widiffe's bones, see soil of Aceldama, the Pisgah
Fox's Martyrol, i. p. 606 ; and Sight, iii. p. 348.]

E e 4

4M The Church HUtory b aik n.

A.D. 1428. 53. In obedience berennto, Richard Flemyi^

— 1 bishop of Lincohi, diocesan of Lutterworth, sent

burnt and his officers (vultures with a quick sight-scent at a
*™ dead carcass) to ungrave him accordingly ^ To

Lutterworth they come, (sumner, commissary, offi-
cial, chancellor, proctors, doctors, and the servants,
so that the remnant of the body would not hold out
a bone amongst so many hands,) take what was left
out of the grave, and burnt them to ashes, and cast
them into Swift, a neighbouring brook running hard
by. Thus this brook hath conveyed his ashes into
Avon, Avon into Severn, Severn into the narrow
seas, they into the main ocean ; and thus the ashes
of Wicliffe are the emblem of his doctrine, which
now is dispersed all the world over.
None am 54. I kuow not whether the vulgar tradition be
J'JJJj^"*^ worth remembrance, that the brook into which
Wicliffe his ashes were poured never since over-
flowed . the banks. Were this true, (as some deny
it,) as silly is the inference of papists attributing this
to Divine Providence, expressing itself pleased with
such severity on a heretic, as simple the collection
of some protestants, making it an effect of Wicliflfe
his sanctity. Such topical accidents are good for
friend and foe, as they may be bowed to both ; but
in effect good to neither, seeing no solid judgment
will build where bare fancy hath laid foimdation.

1 [In his early years this and, relinquishing Widifie's
prelate had adopted Wicliffe's doctrines, became as zealous in
sentiments with so much zeal opposing as once he had been
that he drew a great party forward in promoting them,
after him, and would in aU With this view he founded
probability have proved a dan- Lincoln College, intending it
gerous opponent ; but upon as a nursery for controversialists
the persuasion of some leading who might disprove the doc-
members in the university, he trines of that reformer. See
was drawn to diiferent thoughts. Wood, ib. 234.]

CXNT. XV.

of Britain,

425

55. It is of more consequence to observiB theA.D. uas.
differences betwixt authors, some making the council -; — '• — ■*
of Constance to pass this sentence of condemnation, betwixt
as Master Fox doth, inserting (but by mistake) the •'**^"'
history thereof, in the reign of king Richard the
Second, which happened many years after ; but

more truly it is ascribed to the council of Sienna,
except for sureness both of them joined in the same
cruel edict ™-

56. Here I cannot omit what I read in a popish wicUffe
manuscript ", but very lately printed, about the sub- ^ '
ject of our present discourse :

57. " The first unclean beast that ever passed o the wit !
" through Oxen-ford (I mean Wicliffe by name)

" afterwards chewed the cud, and was sufficiently
** reconciled to the Roman faith, as appears by his

recantation, living and dying conformable to the

holy catholic church." ♦

58. It is strange that this popish priest alone'
should light on his recantation, which I believe no
other eyes, before or since, did behold ; besides, if
(as he saith) Wicliffe was sufficiently reconciled to
the Roman faith, why was not Rome sufficiently
reconciled to him ? using such cruelty unto him so
many years after his death. Cold encouragement
for any to become Romist converts, if, notwith-

«

«

»^ [In this Fuller is mis-
taken. The decree for ex-
huming Wicliife's bones was
passed in the year 1415, in
the eighth session of the coun-
cil of Constance. See Hard,
uin's Concil. viii. p. 302. The
council of Sienna was held in
the year 1423, and Richard
Flemyng, the bishop of Lin-
coln, was present on the part

of the church of England ; but
I can find no mention of any
such decree in the Acts of this
council, concerning Wicliffe, as
is here stated by Fuller. See
also Lewis's Wicliffe, p. 137.]
^ Hall, in the Life of Bishop
Fisher, p. 33, [35 ; since pub-
lished by Dr. Thomas Bailey
in his own name, in the year
1655 ; reprinted in 1739.]

406 The Church Hutory book it.

AD. 1 4«8. Standing their reconciliation, the bodies must be
1±:LIL burnt «, many years after their death.
A monk't 59. But though Wicliflfe had no tomb^ he had an
^^^^ epitaph, such as it was, which armonk afforded him;
and that it was no worse, thank his want, not of
malice, but inyention, not finding, out worse ex-
pressions:

" The devil*s instrument, church's enemy, people's
" confusion, heretic's idol, hypocrite's mirror, schism's
" broacher, hatred's sower, lie's foiger, flattery's sink;
'* who at his death despaired like Cain, and stricken
" by the horrible judgments of God, breathed fortii
^* his wicked soul to the dark mansfcm of the black
« devil o.**

Surely he with whose name this epitaph beginneth

and endeth was with the maker clean through the

contrivance thereof.

Acondi- 59. Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, car-

ooondL"^ dinal Sancti Eusebii, but conmionly called cardinal

of England, was by consent of pariiament made one

of the king's council, with this condition, that he

should make a protestation to absent himself from

the council when any matters were to be treated

betwixt the king and pope, being jealous belike that

his papal would prevail over his royal interest p.

The cardinal took the protestation, and promised to

- -perform it.

Privilege of 60. The clergy complained in parliament to the

tion! king that their servants which came with them to

convocations were often arrested, to their great

damage; and they prayed that they might have

o [Thos. Walsingh. Hist. [I have not been able to verify
Ang. p. 312.] either the reference or the

P Ex Archivis tur. London. iAKX,'\

.csNT. i^v. of Britain. A^

;the:9ame privil^e which the peers and eommons o£a.d. 1436.
the kingdom have, which are called to parliament, ^
which was granted accordingly.

61. Great at this time was the want of gitimmar Want of
schools, and the abuse of them that were even in^^b"
London itself ; for they were no better than mono- ^™pJ*ined
polies, it being penal for any (to prevent the growth
of Wicliffism) to put their children to private
teachers : hence was it that some hundreds were
coiDipelled to go to the same school, where, to use
the words of the records, " the masters waxen rich
" in money, and learners poor in cunning."

Whereupon this grievance was complained on in
parliament by four eminent ministers in London,
viz.

Mr. William Lichfield, parson of All-hallow's the
More.

Mr. Gilbert, parson of St. Andrew's, Holborn.

Mr. John Cote, parson of St. Peter's, Comhill.

Mr. John Neele, master of the house of St. Thomas
Acres, and parson of Colechurch *i.

To these it was granted, by the advice of the
ordinary or archbishop of Canterbury, to erect five
schools (Neele, the last named, having a double
license for two places) in their respective parishes,
which are fitly called the five vowels of London,
which, mute in a manner before, began now to spe^ik
and pronounce the Latin tongue. Know that the
house St. Thomas Acres was where Mercers' Chapel
standeth at this day. y"^

About this time the lady Eleanor Cobham, soA.D.1441.
called from the lord Cobham, her father, (otherwise du^*^ of

<1 [For an account of the old Chron. 1063 ; and for these in
schools in London, see Stow's particular, p. loSi.]

Oloucester
commended

1

4S8 The Church History book n.

A. D. I44T- Eleanor Plantagenet, by her husband,) was married

'- — '• unto Humphrey, the kmg's uncle, duke of Gloucee-

1^ for a ter. She was, it seems, a great savourer and &Your»
of WiclifTe his opinions, and for such Mr. Fox hath
ever a good word in store ; insomuch that he maketh
this lady a confessor, sir Roger Onely, (alias Boling-
broke,) her chaplain, a martyr, assignmg in his calen-
dar the eleventh and twelfth of February for the
days of their commemoration.
M«dete^ But Alanus Copus (namely, Harpsfield under his
name) falls foul on Mr. Fox for making sir Roger
a martyr, who was a traitor, and Eleanor this duchess
a confessor, who by the consent of our chroniclers,
Robert Fabian, Edward Hall, &c. was condemned
(after solemn penance and carrying a taper barefoot
at Paul's Cross) to perpetual banishment for plotting
with Onely, his chaplain, an abominable necromancer,
and three others, by witchcraft to destroy the king,
so to derive the crown to her husband, as the next
heir in the line of Lancaster. But Cope-Harpsfield
pincheth the Fox the hardest for making Margaret
Jourdeman (the witch of Eye) a martyr, who was
justly burnt for her witchcraft. Other small errors
we omit whereof he accuseth him.
Mr. Fox In answer hereunto, Mr. Fox makes a threefold
nioo^ow. return, ingeniously confessing part of the charge,
**'*^* flatly denying part, and fidrly excusing the rest. He
confesseth, and take it in his own words, that the
^^ former edition of his Acts and Monuments, was so
" hastily rashed up at that present in such shortness
" of time '," (fourteen months, as I remember, too
small a term for so great a task,) that it betrayed
him to many mistakes, as when he calleth sir Roger

' I. p. 920.

CEKT. XV. of Britain. 4S9

Onely a knight, who was a priest by his profession, a. 0.1441,
Adding moreover, that " had he thought no imper-I25^I:]2:
^ fections had passed his former edition, he would
•* have taken in hand a second recognition thereof"."

He flatly denieth that his martyr-making of Mar- uis flat
garet Jourdeman the witch of Eye. ^

" I here (saith he) profess, confess and ascertain,
both you (Cope-Harpsfield he meaneth) and all Eng-
lish men, both present, and all posterity hereafter to
*^ come, that this Margaret Jourdeman I never spake
" of, never thought of, never dreamed of, nor did ever
" bear of, before you named her in your book your-
self. So fer is it off that I, either with my will,
or against my vrill, made any martyr of her *."

He excuseth the aforesaid duchess Eleanor, al- His ten
leging ten conjectures (as he calleth them) in heri^^S^
vindication. ^^

i. Sir Roger Onely took it upon his death, that he
and the lady were innocent of those things for which
they were condemned.

; ii. It was usual for the clergy in that age to load
those who were of Wicliffe his persuasion (such this
duchess) with no less false than foul aspersions.

iii. Sir Roger Onely wrote two books, mentioned by
Bale, the one of his own innocency, the other con^
tra vtdgi super stitiones. It is not therefore probable
he should be so silly a necromancer, who had pro-
fessedly conAited popular superstitions.

iv. The accusation of this duchess began not imtil
after the grudges betwixt the duke her husband and
the cardinal of Winchester '*, about the year 1440.

y. It is not probable if the duchess intended such

s Ibid. i. 920. u I see not how this is much

' As in bis Cent. VIII. §. 4. material in her defence.

400 The Church Hisiorg bookit.

A.D. 1441- treason against the king^s life, as to conaome him bj

a wax candle, that she wonld impart a plot

of snch priyacj to foor persons, ynz. sir Roger, Mar-
garet Jonrdeman, Mr. Thomas Sonthwell, and John
Hnme, seeing five may keep counsel, if foor be
awaj.

▼L So heinous a treason against the king^s person,
if plainly proved, would have been more severely
punished, with death no doubt of all privy there-
unto. Whereas this lady escaped with exile^ and
John Hume had his life pardoned, which being so
foul a fact would not have been forgiven if clearly
testified against him.

vii. She is accused in our chronicles, (Harding,
Polychronicon, &c.) for working sorcery and enchant-
ments against the church and the king. Now how
can enchantments be made against the church which
is a collective body, consisting of a multitude of
Christians ? And reader, in my weak opinion, this
conjecture carrieth some weight with it. Balaam
himself can tell us, There is no sorcery against Jacobs
nor soothsaying against Israel^. If any interpret,
against the churchy that is, the laws and canons of
the church, the sense is harsh and unusual. This
rendereth it suspicious that her enchantments against
the church, was only her disliking and distasting the
errors and superstitions thereof.

viii. This witch of Eye, saith Fabian, lived near
Winchester, a presumption, as Mr. Fox conjectureth,
that the cardinal of Winchester had a hand in pack-
ing this accusation.

ix. Polydore Virgil maketh no mention thereof,

^ Num. xxiii, 23.

CENT. XV, of Britain. 481

otherwise sufficiently quicksighted in matters of this a. d. 1441.

, 10 Hen. VI.

nature. J.

X. Why may not this he false, as well as that
king Richard the Third his accusing of Jane Shore
for hewitching of his withered arm.

These conjectures are not substantial enough
severally to subsist of themselves, yet may they be
able to stand in complication (in the whole sheaf,
though not as single arrows) and conduce not a little
towards the dealing of her innocence.

For my own part, it is past my skill to scour out a moderate
stams, inlaid in the memory of one deceased more^*^'
than two hundred years ago. I see her credit stands
condenmed by the generality of writers ; and as it is
above the power of the present age to pardon it, so
it is against all pity, cruelly to execute the same,
some afteivevidences appearing with glimmering light
m her vmdication. L^her memoiy therefore be
reprieved till the day of judgment, when it is pos-
sible that this lady, bearing here the indignation of
God for her sins^ may in due time have her catise
pleaded andjvdgmerU ewecutedfor her^ and her rights
eousness be brought into light ^. Sure I am she &red
no whit the better, for her surname of Cobham, odious
to the clergy of that age on the account of sir John
Oldcastle lord Cobham, though these two were
nothing of kin. The best is she left no issue to be
ashamed of her faults, if she were guilty, the best
evidences of whose innocence are in the manuscript
books of John Leland, which as yet I have not had
the happiness to behold \

^ Micah vii. 9. do well to peruse Stow's ho- ;

X [If the reader feel any in. nest and simple account of it.
terest in this subject, he will Chron. p. 381.]

4SS The Church HUtory book it.

A.D. 1441. At this time William Heiworth sat bishop of Coven-

-^ '• try and Lichfield, being translated thither from being

est biibop abbot of St. Alban's. Wonder not that he should
Jjj^ti^ leave the richest abbey of England, where he took
■'*°'- place of all of his order, and exchange it for a middle-
sized bishopric. For first, even those who most ad-
mire the holiness and perfection of monastical life, do
grant the episcopal function above it in all spiritual
respects. Secondly, in temporal considerations die
poorest bishop was better, and might be more bene-
ficial to his kindred, than the richest abbot, seeing
he by will might bequeath his estate to his heirs,
which no abbot, incapable in his own person of any
propriety) could legally do, whose goods belonged to
his convent in common ^.
lidifieM's This bishoD Heiworth deserved not ill of his

oathednJ.

cathedral church of Lichfield. Indeed the body of
the church was built by Roger de Clinton bishop
thereof, in the reign of king Henry the First, who
increased the number of the prebends, and sur-
rounded Lichfield with a ditch, bestowing much
cost on the invisible castle, which now is vanished
out of sight *. Afterwards Walter de Langton his
successor ia the reign of king Edward the First, was
a most munificent benefactor thereunto, laying the
foundation of the chapel of the Virgin Mary, and
(though dying before it was finished) bequeathing a
sufficient sum of money for the finishing thereof.
He also fenced the close of the church about with a
high wall and deep ditch, adorning it with two beau-
tiful gates, the fairer on the west, the lesser on the

y [Promoted to this see in "^\^larton's Angl. Sac. I. 452.]
1420 ; died in 1447. See God- « [See Wharton's Angl. Sac.
win de Prsesul. Anglise, p. 322. I. 434 and 441.]

CBHT. XV.

of Britain.

433

south side thereof- He expended no less than *wo a.d^4^3.

thousand pound in beautifying the shrine of St. Chad

his predecessor '.

65. But now in the time of the aforesaid William The neat-
Hejworthy the cathedral of Lichfield was in the England.
vertical height thereof, being, though not augmented

in the essentials, beautified in the ornamentals
thereof Indeed the west front thereof is a stately
fistbric, adorned with exquisite imagery, which I sus-
pect our age is so far frx>m being able to imitate the
workmanship, that it understandeth not the history
thereof*.

66. Surely what Charles the Fifth is said to have g^^ *^e
said of the city of Florence, that it is pity it should Florence.
be seen save only on holy-days ; as also that it was

fit that so fair a city should have a case and cover
for it to keep it from wind and weather; so, in
some sort, this fabric may seem to deserve a shelter
to secure it.

67. But alas, it is now in a pitiful case indeed, An inge-
almost beaten down to the ground in our civil dis- sign.
sensions. Now lest the church should follow the
castle, I mean, quite vanish out of view, I have at

the cost of my worthy friend here exemplified the
portraiture thereof; and am glad to hear it to be
the design of ingenious persons to preserve ancient
churches in the like nature, (whereof many are done

z [And left to the church at
his death 904 marks. Whar-
ton, ii. 447.]

ft [Besides his benefactions
to Lichfield, he left to the
abbey of Burton in Stafford-
shire 40/. for building the
cloister, 20/. for copes ; two
silver salvers, two candelabra,

FULLER, VOL. II.

a silver thuribulum ; and forty
marks for building two tene*
ments in the town. Mon.
Anglic, i. 275. He died March
13, 1446. See also other in-
stances of his benefactions in
the new edition of the Monas-
ticon, vol. vi. p. 637.]

Ff

4M

Tke ChtiTch HUtory

- 3o6x IV.

A.D.i4ju-iii this, and more expected in the next part of
ILf^lli Monasticon,) seeing ^rhen their substance is gone^
their Teiy shadows will be acceptable to posterity^
Agriemice 68* The commons in parliament complained to
^P ^* ™^ the king, that whereas they had sold great wood of
twenty years' growth and upwards, to their own
great profit, and in aid to the king in his wars and
shipping, the parsons and vicars impleaded such mer-
chants as bought this timber, for the tithes thereof,
whereby their estates were much damnified, the
king and kingdom disserved,
whfagmt 69- They also complained, that when such mer-
chants troubled in the courts Christian addressed
themselves for remedy to the chancery, and moved

^ [This cathedral^ which had
been reduced to ruins by the
parliamentary party in the civil
wars, was restored by the good
bishop Hacket. Before the
wars, it had been a most beau-
tiful structure^ which the
bishop, at his promotion to this
see, found in a melancholy
state of desolation, rased al-
most to the ground. The stone
roof, the timber, the lead and
iron, glass, stalls, organs, the
rich and holy vessels all em-
bezzled by wicked and sacri-
legious hands. The barbarians
had discharged 2000 shot of
great ordinance, 1500 grenades
against this beautiful fabric
and quite battered down the
spire : " So that the old man^'
says Dr. Plume^ •* took not so
*• much comfort in his new
promotion, as he found sor-
row and pity in himself to
*' see his cathedral church thus
'* lying in the dust ; so that

<(

fC

•' the very next morning after
'^ his lordship's arrival he set his
**own coach-horses on work,
** together with other teems to
•* carry away the rubbish ;
'* which being cleared he pro-
'* cured artisans of all sorts to
" begin this new pile, and be-
" fore his death set up a com-
*' plete church again better
•' than ever it was before ; the
•' whole roof, from one end to
" the other of a vast length,
^* all repaired with stone, all
*' laid with goodly timber of our
" royal sovereign's gift, all lead-
<* ed from one end to the other,
" to the cost of above 20,000/.,
which yet this zealous and
laborious bishop accomplish-
ed, a great part out of his
own bounty, with 1000/.
'' help of the dean and chap-
" ter." Life of Hacket, p. xxxi.
prefixed to his Century of Ser-
mons. Oh si sic omnes r^s et
prselati !]

«c

((

«

<€

csNT. XV. of Britain. 486

therein for a prohibition, which in such cases is to a. d. 143. v
be granted unto them, by virtue of a statute made ' ' ^'^' '
in the forty-fifth year of king Edward the Third, yet
such a writ of prohibition and attachment, was
against all law and right denied them. Wherefore
they humbly desired the king to ordain by authority
of the present parliament, that such who shall find
themselves grieved may hereafter have such writs of
prohibition, and upon that attachments as well in
the chancery as in the king's and common bench at
their choice. And that the said writs of prohibition
and attachment, issuing out of the said benches, have
the said force and effects as the original writs of
prohibition and attachment, so issuing out of the
chancery of our lord the king ^.

70. To this it was returned, "the king will be Yet not
•* advised," the civilest expression of a denial. How- ^^^
ever, we may observe, that for a ftiU hundred years
(viz. from the middle of king Edward the Third, to

and after this time) no one parliament passed where-
in this grievance was not complained on. So that
an acorn might become an oak, and good timber in
the term, wherein this molestation for the tithes of
wood, under the pretence of silva cedud, did con-
tinue. But it seems it was well ordered at last,
finding future parliaments not complaining thereof.

71. At this time William Lyndewode finished hiswiiiiam
industrious and useftil work of his Constitutions. ^JJ^^'-g
He was bred in Cambridge, first scholar of Gonvile, Constitu-

o tions set

then fellow of Pembroke hall. His younger years forth.
he spent in the study of the laws, whereby he gained
much wealth and more reputation. Afterwards,

'^ Ex Archivis in Tur. Londin. undecimo Hen, sexti.

Ff 2

4S6 The Church Histary book nr.

^^^•JJ^ 4^ J- quitting his practice, he betook himself to the court,

and became keeper of the privy seal unto king

Henry the Fifth, who employed him on a long and
important embassy into Spain and Portugal**.
First cm. 72. Lyndowodc being no less skilful in civil than
Kwwidor" canon law, performed the place vrfth such exemplary
tu^!**^" industry and judgment, that had not the king's sud-
den death prevented it, he had been highly advanced
in the commonwealth. Afterwards he reassumed
his official's place of Canterbury, and then at spare
hours collected and digested the Constitutions of the
fourteen latter archbishops of Canterbury, from
Stephen Langton to Henry Chichele, unto whom
he dedicated the work, submitting the censure
thereof to the church.
His work 78. A worthy work, highly esteemed by foreign
prized Ij6^ lawycrs ; not so particularly provincial for England
yondsea. y^^^ ^^^ ^y^Qy are usoful for Other countries, his

comment thereon being a magazine of the canon
law. It was printed at Paris, 1505, (but at the cost
and charges of William Bretton, an honest merchant
of London,) revised by the care of Wolfgangus Hip-
polius, and prefaced unto by Jodocus Badius. This
Lyndewode was afterward made bishop of St. Davids,
whose works (though now beheld by some as an
almanac out of date) will be valued by the judicious
whilst learning and civility have a being *.

^ [Parker's Antiq. p. 425-6. ford, migrating tbither probably

He was afterwards sent on a as tbe canon law was more stu-

mission into France. See a died in Oxford at that time. He

privy seal granted to him for was rector of Walton in Leices-

transporting money and metal, tershire which he resigned in

dated June 22, 1435 > in 1410; then canon of Sahs-

Rymer's Foedera, X. 614.] bury; bishop of St. David's in

e [Lyndewode^ though fellow 1442; died in 1446, and

of Pembroke hall in Cambridge, was buried at Westminster,

had his doctor's degree in Ox- See Godwin, p. 583.]

SECT. IV.

TO

MR. THOMAS RICH^

LATE OF LONDON, ESQ.

Chrent is the praise St, Paul^ gives to Gaius^ styling him his
host, and of the whole church. Surely the chwrch then, "tras
very little, or Gaius his hotm very large. Now hosts com-
monly are corpulent persons, but Gaius not so, it being more
than suspicious that he was afflicted with a faint and feMe
body, as may be collected from the words of St, John, I wish
that thou mayest prosper and be in health, even as thy
soul prospereth c.

You are, sir, the entertainer general of good m>en ; m^any a poor
minister will never be wholly sequestered, whilst you are
living, whose charity is like to the toind, which cannot be
seen bvit may be felt : and Cfod hath dealt with you more

& [I have been able to dis-
cover no trace of this gene-
rous individual. A reference
to one of the same name (to
me it seems to be charac-
teristic of this person) oc-
curs in Malcolm's Londinium
Redivivum, 1. 63, where, among
the donations to the church of
St. Mary at Axe, this entry
is found: *' 1673, One book
*' of sir Walter Rauley's His-
•* tory of the World ; and
" one other book, bishop An-

'• drews his Sermons, being the
"gift of Mr. Thomas Rich."
There is also in the same
volume p. 69, a notice of a gift
of sir Thomas Rich of 400/.
for morning and evening

?rayers daily in St. Andrews,
Tndershaft. The coat of arms
assigned to him is that of his
relation taken from the old
plate of the arms of the abbeys.]
^ Rom. xvi. 23.
c 3 John 2.

F fS

kS8 The Church tfutory book it.

UrniOifySy them vntK Gaiw, blminff youvtaU dmmtiotu
of $oul, body, and ettate ; and my prayers shaU never be
leaning for the continuance and mereaae thereof.

piHIS year begao the smart and active
luacil of Basil, to which onr amhas-
Hftdnrs were to represent both their
ivereign and the English nation;
wliore they were received with honour
and respect, the reputation of king Henry his holi-
ness adding much to their credit; foreigners there
being very inquisitive of them, to be satisfied in the
particulars of his devotion, which by them was repre-
sented much to their master's advantage. But it is
worth our pains to peruse the commission they car-
ried vrith them.

Rex omnibus ad quos &c.
■alutem ^. Sciatis quod,
cum juxta decreta CoDstan-
tiensis concilii.pricgeiia con-
cilium Basileense actualiter.
c«1ebretur sub eanctissimo
patre domino Eugenio papa
quarto: Nos eidem con-
cilio, nedum ex parte ejus.
dem Goncilii per suos ora-
tores nobis ex hoc causa

" The king to all whom &c.
" greeting. Know that acccnrding
" to the decrees of the [late] council
" of Constance, the present couu-
" cil of Basil is actually cele.
" brated under the most hol^
" father, lord Eugenius the fourth
"pope: We being often insti-
" gated to be present at the same
" council, not only on the behalf

d [Collated with the original.
Rot. Pat. 13 Hen. VI. p. i,
m. 2. Another copy of this
commission is in the Patent
Rolls, 1 2 Hen. VI. p. i. m. 6.
(printed by Rymer, Foedera
X. j88,) whidj omits some
of the names given by Fuller,
and rather agrees ivith that

Sinted in the prefece to
rowne's Fasciculus. See again

also, Feed. X. 595, 603. The
permisuons to be present at
the council were very numerous;
and several are printed in the
Fmdera, X. 570, sq. The
names between brackets are
not in the first commission.]
The Latin running on all in
one continued sentence, we
are fain to divide it into many,
for the more clearness.

C^KT. XV.

of Britain*

4S9

spedaliter destinatos^ ve-
rum etiam apostolids et
imperialibusy ac aliorum
quamplurium sanctse matris

ecdesifle patmm, et princi-
pum secularinm. Uteris cre-
berrime instigati, ad Dei
laudem, sanctse matris ec-
desifle prosperitatem opta-
tam et honorem^ et prae-
sertim ob fidei catholicse
exaltationem, interesse cu-
pieutes; variis et diversis
caosis rationabiliter prspe-
diti^ quo minus personaliter
eidem interesse poterimus^
ut vellemus ; venerabiles in
Christo patres, Robertum
Londoniensem ^, [Philippum
Lexoviensem,] Johannem
Roffensem^^ [Johannem Ba-
jocensem] et Bernardum
Aquensem S episcopos, ac
carissimum consanguineum
nostrum^ JBdmundum Co.

««
«

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IS
t€
€t

ic
<*
«<
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€1
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^ [See his letters of safe-
conduct &c. in the Fcfidera, X.

577. 582, 608.]

^ [See the Fcsdera, X. 570.]
g [See the Foedera, X. 570.
Dr. Heylyn in " The Appeal"
&c. 1. ii. p. 47=445. (new
edition) after observing that
the English never had any
power in Provence, says, '* Ber-
" nard, whom the Latin calls
** £piscopus Aquensis, is very
'* ill taken by our author to be
'^ bishop of Aix, He was in-
" deed bishop of Acque or Aux
" in Guienne, called anciently
*' Aquse Augustse, from whence

of the same council, by their A. D. 14)3,

12 Hen. VI,
orators^ especially despatched

to us for that purpose^ but also
by the letters apostolical and
imperial, and the letters of very
many other fathers of the holy
mother church, and of secular
princes: And we desiring to
be present thereat, to the praise
of God, prosperity of the holy
mother church, and her desired
honour, and cliiefly for the ex-
altation of the catholic faith;
being on just reason hindered
with many and several occa-
sions, cannot^ as we would, be
personally present thereat :
Wherefore by these presents
we constitute, make, and de-
pute, the venerable fathers,
Robert bishop of London, [Phi**
lip bishop of Lisieux,] John

** those parts of France had the
** name of Aquitain ; and not
** of Aix, which the ancient
*' writers called Aquae Sexti»,
** in the country of Provence,
•* NowGuiennewas at that time
*^ in the power of the kings of
*' England, which was the rea.
'^ son why this Bernard was
*' sent with the rest of the
** commissioners to the council
<* of Basil ; and being there.
*^ amongst the rest, maintained
the rights and preeminences
of the English kings/']
^ [See the Fcedera, X. 570.
S78.]

Ff 4

fi

«

440

The Church Mstary

BOOK n.

A.D. 1434. mHem Moritonii*, dikcUM
n Hen. VI. nobit in Chritto Nieholamn
abbatem Olastonientem*
Willehnum abbatem ec-
desis beats Maris Ebo^
mm^, WiUebnum priorem
Norwicenaem, nee non di-
lectoe et fideles noatroal^
Henricom Brooneflete mu
litem, magiatram Thomam
Broune ^ utriusque juris
doctorem^ Sarum decanum,
et Jobannem Colville mili-
tem'', [magistnim Petnim
AIaaricii<> doctorem in tbeo-
logia, et magistnim Nicho-
laum David arehidiaconam
Constantiensem et Licen-
tiatum in utroqne jure,]
nostros ambassiatores, ora-
tores, veros et indubitatos
procuratores, actores, fac-
tores, et nuncios spedales
constituimusy facimus et de-
putamus, per praesentes
dantes et damns eis et ip-
sorum majori parti potes-
tatem et mandatum tam
generale quam speciale no-
mine nostro et pro nobis
in eodem concilio interes-
sendi, tractandi, communi.
candi et ooncludendi tam de
hiis quae fidei ortbodoxae

€4

€t

bishop ci Rochesftef, [John
bishop of Beieiix] and Bernard
bishop of Aix, and our most dear
** cousin Edmund earl of Mor-
** ton, our beloved Nicolas abbot
'' of Olaston, William abbot of St.
'* Mary's in York, and William
** prior of Norwidi, and our be-
" loved and trustj Henry Broum.
*' flete, knight, Mr. Thomas
*' Brown, doctor of laws, dean of
*' Sarum, John Colnille, knight,
" Mr. Peter FiUuMaurice, D. D.
" and Mr. Nicholas David arch-
'* deacon of Constance, and licen*
" tiate in both laws, our ambas-
" sadors^ orators, true and un-
'* doubted proctors* actors, factors,
and special messengers ; Giving,
and we give to them, and the
" greater part of them, power
" and command, as well general
" as special, in our name, and for
"us, to be present in the same
** council, to treat, debate and
" conclude, as well of these things
" which may concern the support
" of the orthodox faith, the paci-
** fication of kings and princes, as

•t

<«

» [See the Fofedera, X. 577,
587. Mortaigne of South wark
in com. Surrey. Foed. X. 578.]

^ [See the Foedera, X. 586,
603.]

^ [See the letters of safe-
conduct granted him, in the

Foedera, X. 576.]

"a [Seethe Foedera, X. 577.]
° [See his letters of safe

conduct in the Foedera, X.

578.]

o Or Maurison.

c£iiT. xy.

of Britain,

441

fiddineMtiiiii» regoinq«e ac
piiBCipwn pacificationem
concemere potenint» nee
non de et super pace per^'
petua guerrarumve absti-
nentia inter nos et Carolum
adversarinm nostrom de
FVancia^ ac etiam tractandi,
communicandi et appunc-
tuandiy consentiendi insu-
per, et si opus fuerit dis-
seatiendi hiis, quse jnzta
deliberationem dicti coodlii
inibi statni ac ordinari con-
tigerit. Promittentes et
promittimus bona fide nos
ratum, gratum et firmnm
perpetuo babitomm P to-
tnm, et quicquid per dictos
ambassiatores, oratores, et
procuratores nostros aut
majorem partem eorundem,
actum, foctum, seu gestum
faerit in pramissis, et in
singulis praemissorum, et
hoc idem cum de et super
hiis certiorati fuerimus
quantum ad nos et Chris-
tianum principem attinet,
executioni debitse curabi-
mus demandare. In cujus
rei testimonium has litems
nostras fieri fecimus pa-
tentes.

Dat. sub Magni Sigilli no-

stri testimonio in palatio

nostro West. lodie Julii.

Per Concilium.

** also upooi either a perpBtualA.D. 1434.

*' peace, or else a oessatmn from

" war, betwixt us and Charles of
"TVanoe our adversary. £xn-
" powering them also to treat,
** commune, and appoint, more-
*' over to consent, and if need be,
" dissent, in those things which
" shall ha{^)en there to be esta-
" blished and ordained, according
" to the deliberations of the afore-
" said council. Promising, and
" we do promise, on good faith,
" that whatsoever shall be acted^
" done, or managed^ in the pre-
mises, and every one of them
by our aforesaid ambassadors,
orators, and proctors, or the
" greater part of them, we shall
*' have and account for ratified,
" welcome, and firm for ever.
" And when we shall be certified
'* of and upon the same, we shall
'* care to command the due exe-
'* cution, so far as appertaineth
" to us, and a Christian prince.
" In witness whereof, we have
** made these our letters patent.

''Given under our great seal,
being our witness, in our
palace at Westminster,
" July 10."

«

«

f(

ti

€*

P Habiturum in MS.

44ii The Church History book iv.

A.D. 1434* So eminent an instrument of so great importance
i!^!!!:^mn8t not pass without some of our obserrations

thereupon.
Why the 2. The council of Basil is said to be assembled ac-
dSnes gene- cording to the docreos of the late council of Con-
H!^^!^^ stance, wherein it was constituted, that within so

in our age* ' '

many years a general council should be called. For
seeing the church was subject to contract rust in
doctrine and manners, frequency of councils was
conceived the best way to scour the same. But the
pope lately hath willingly forgotten this canon, no
general council being called since that of Trent,
wherein all the power and profit of the pope was
secured under the notion of articles of the faith;
since which time his holiness thought it not safe to
tamper with a new coimcil, as which might impair,
but could not improve his condition.
England 3. See WO here fourteen ambassadors sent to BasO,
foUJ'^ht bishops five, earl one, (not that he was to vote in
b^oM^to *^® council, but only behold the transactions thereof,)
a general abbots two, prfor ouc, knights two, doctor in divinity
one, doctors of law two, all interests being in them
represented; when therefore we read in Roger
Hoveden and others*" , ad genercde concilium domini
pap{B, quattior episcopi de Anglia tantum JRomam
mittendi sunU " only four English bishops are to be
" sent to Rome to a general council of the pope,"
understand it that such a number is suflficient.
England needed to send but so many, though, if
pleased, might send more, confined by no other
command save the king's free discretion. And see-
ing Basil was little above the half way to Rome, the

r Simeon Dunelmen. ( ?)

cfiHT. XV. of Britain. 448

journey being shorter, the more messengers were a. d. 1434.

1 J 13 Hen. VI.

employed.

4. The three French bishops sent by the kingEi^iish
speak the great command, which king Henry as yet Sl^i^S.
had in France, especially, if as I take it, by Aquensis

Aix be mentioned, sited in the furthermost parts of
Provence, though even now the English power in
France was a wanjng.

5. John, bishop of Rochester, here mentioned, Langdon
was John Langdon, intruded by the pope into that bishop of
bishopric, to the apparent prejudice of the arch- *^^^*^*^®**®^*
bishop of Canterbury. For the bishop of Rochester

was accounted Canterbury's chaplain, to whom he
owed his spirituals and temporals as his patron and
founder; though now the pope, contrary to the
archbishop's will and right forced this Langdon into
the place*. But indeed he was a learned man*
(dying this year in his embassy at Basil) and de-
served far better preferment than the poor bishopric
of Rochester. But yet, as some observe of tailors,
that they make the largest garments when they have
the least cloth allowed them ; so the poor bishopric
of Rochester hath fared better than many richer
sees, seeing sacrilege would never feed on so bare a
pasture.

6. Observe the method in the nomination of these Precedents
commissioners, wherein no wonder if the bishops ^enJ!!f^'
precede so great an earl ; was it not fit that reverend
fathers should be placed before a dear cousin ? Be-

B [In 1422, See Godwin de perhaps now exists in MS.>

Prsesul. Angl. 534.] although Thomas Rudborne,

*['• Summa eruditionis laude who wrote the Annates Ec-

** enituit:" Wharton*s Angl. clesia Wintoniensis (published

Sac. i. 380. Nothing from his in Wharton, ib. p. 287.), refers

pen has been published, little to the writings of this bishop.]

444 The Church History BeoK iv.

A. IX 1434. aidefl, the employm^it being of church concernment,
' spiritual persons carried it clear in the race of dig-
nity. More strange it is to find herein a knight,
Heniy Bronmflete, put before a doctor of both laws,
and yet John ColyiUe, another knight, placed after
the same doctor. I confess the contest very anci^it
about priority betwixt a knight and a doctor of law,
ever since the comparison which Tully made be-
twixt Lucius Murena, a knight of Rome, and Publius
SulpitiuB a lawyer, either of them standing for the
consulship °. Though now in England the prece-
dency of the knight be indubitable, since preferment
is taken from civil law, and the professors thereof
shut up, as it were, in a narrow comer of their own
fiu^ulty. But we leave the critical decision thereof,
to his pen who hath wrote a just tract of the glory
(in truth of the vanity) of this worlds and exactly
stated this particular with all the circumstances
thereof.
A diarit. 7« Whereas the king empowereth those his com-
^^^L ^ niissioners to meddle in the point of his right of the
offer. realm of France, with king Charles his competitor,
submitting his title to be discussed in the council,
it carrieth with it a confidence of his own right, and
charitable desire to save the eflRision of Christian
blood; but this was not council but camp-work;
and we meet not with the mention hereof once
touched on in this great assembly. However, so
wary was king Henry, (or rather his council,) as not
absolutely to tie up his title to the decision of this
council, but to give his commissioners a negative
voice in case they see cause to dissent.

^ In Orat. pro Murena.

^ Chassanseus de gloria mundi. [part ix. p. 326. ed. 1617.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 445

8. The TOneral history of the church reporteth the a.d. 1434-

11 Hon Vf

acts of this council, how they deposed pope Euge '- — '

nius and substituted Felix in his room ; for which, betwixt the
and other decisions therein, Rome beholds thiSa^casti-
council but with bad eyes unto this day. We will"^^^"*
only meddle with a difference therein which con-
cerned our own nation. The orators of several kings
began to take their places, according to their birth-
rights; dating their age from their nation's first re-
ceiving of Christianity. Here arose the controversy
of course about precedency, betwixt the English
and Castile ambassadors; the former alleging Bri-
tain's conversion by Joseph of Arimathea; which
Alphonsus Garcias de Sancta Maria, dean of Com-
postella and Segovia, doctor of law, and ambassador
for Castile, with a speech more tedious than his
name and titles, much endeavoured to disprove;
and his arguments may be reduced to these four
heads ^.

i. First, he denied Joseph's arrival in Britain, and
imposed the proof thereof on the English who af-
firmed it, challenging them to produce any authentic
record for the same.

ii. Secondly, he urged probability to the contrary,
out of the Golden Legends, or Flores Sanctorum ^
where it is reported, how Titus, taking Jerusalem,
caused a thick wall to be digged through, and there-
in found an aged man, who confessed himself to be
Joseph of Arimathea, there imprisoned by the Jews
for burying of Christ ; and that ever since he had

^ Ex Schedis Cottonianis. formation.]
[Printed in Usher's Antiq. * [" Sub Legenda Jacobi

Eccl. Britannic®, p. 13, from Minoris." Usher, ib. 13.]
whom Fuller obtained his in-

446

7%e Church History

BOOK IV

A.D. 1434- been fed with meat from heaven*. Hence he in^

'- ferred, that if Joseph were in durance all this while

in the wall, he could not, as the Knglish pretended,
come over into Britain to plant the gospel.

iii. Thirdly, grant that Joseph, after his enlarge*
ment by Titus, preached in Britain, which must
needs be after the year of our Lord seventy and
two, Spain long before had received the gospel by
the preaching of James the apostle.

iv. Fourthly, be it granted that Joseph did preach
in England, it was but in a comer thereof, the grand
body of Britain remaining pagan many hundred years
after.

These arguments he uttered with such an affected
gravity, as if he could have made the matter the
more by pronouncing the words the longer.

9. The EngUsh easily answered these exceptions,
proving James to be slaughtered at Jerusalem by
Herod y before his pretended preaching in Spain »
seeing their own coimtryman and an archbishop of
Toledo confesseth as much '. They produced many
ancient testimonies for the preaching of Joseph in
Britain, the fond feble of his being kept in a wall
being beneath confutation, as attested only by a
worthless author, Joannes de Voragine*. Their

The Eng-
lish their
answer.

X [This is exceedingly plea-
sant, to set up one man of
straw to knock down another ;
the credit of the Golden Le-
gends against Capgrave's Le-
genda Sanctorum and the Glas-
tonbury Chronicle. Usher ob-
serves on Garcias' speech
quaintly enough ; " In quibus
*^ quaedam sunt levia admodum,
'• nonnulla etiam oppido ridi-
" cula."]

y Actsxii. 2.

^ Rodericus Ximenius in
concertatione de primatu cum
praesule Compostellano in
Concil. Lateran^ anno 1215.
[Printed in Usher, ib. p. 14.
See also Harduin's Concil. vii.

79-]

a QUpon this passage Dr.

Heylyn remarks, in " The Ap-
peal, &c." lib. ii. p. 47, "In
** agitating of this controversy

CEVT, XV.

of Britain.

447

allegation that Britain was but partially converted a.d. 1434.

by his preaching was but impertinent to the present '• — -'

purpose, the point controverted not being of the
universality but the antiquity of first receiving the
Christian faith. Besides, neither James nor any
other disciple ever converted a kingdom totally and
entirely to Christianity. However, nothing was con-
cluded in this controversy, always agitated, never
decided,

i. In the council of Pisa, anno 1409.

«<

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t€
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as it stands in our author, I
find mention of one ' Johan-
nes de Voragine, a worthless
author/ &c. Mistook both in
the name of the man and his
quality also ; for, first, the
author of the book called
' Legenda Aurea,' related to
in the former passage, was
not Johannes but Jacobus de
Voragine ; in which book
though there are many idle
and unwarrantable fictions,
yet, secondly, was the man of
more esteem than to pass
under the character of a
' worthless author/ as being
learned for the times in
which he lived, archbishop
of Genoa, a chief city of
Italy, * et moribus et digni-
tate magno pretio,' as Phi-
lippus Bergomensis telleth
us of him, anno 1290, at
what time he lived; most
eminent for his translation
of the Bible into the Italian
tongue, as we read in Vos-
sius De Lat. Hist., [ii. 6.] a
work of both great difficulty
and danger as the times then
were; sufficient, were there

«

«

** nothing else, to free him
" from the ignominious name
'' of ' a worthless author.' " To
this Fuller replies, *'I here
** enter my public thanks to
" the animadvertor : Jacobus
" de Voragine (so it seems was
** his name) was a better au-
*' thor than I took him for -,
** indeed, having read that
" Melchior Canus called the
author of some legends a
man 'ferrei oris et plumbei
'* cordis,' (one of an iron face
" and leaden heart,) I con-
" ceived him intended therein.
** But if he did translate the
" Bible into Italian, as I have
•' cause to believe, knowing
'' nothing to the contrary* it
** was, as the animadvertor
•* saith well, ' a work of great
•' both difficulty and danger, as
** the times then were.* I con-
*' fess I have formerly, in the
table of my esteem, placed
this Voragine as the very lag
** at the lowest end thereof;
** but hereafter I shall say to
" him, * Come up hither/ and
*' provide a higher place for
•• him in my reputation."]

<c

«

448

The Church History

. BOOK IV.

A. D. 1434- ii. In the council of Constance, 1417» betim;t the
!1^!!:^- ambassadors of Enghmd and France ^

ill. In the council of Sienna» [1424,] before Mar-
tin the Fifth, pope ; wherein Bichajrd Flemyng,
bishop of Lincoln, encountered France^ Spain, and
Scotland about precedency.

Lastly, betwixt England and Spain, in the council
of Basil, [1434,] though therein nothing ccmduded,
those politic prelates accounting it better to keep
both princes in hope by discussing than to put one
into anger by deciding it. Yea, they loved to set
up this controversy (as that of the precedence of
Cambridge and Oxford in English parliaments) out
of design, sometimes to delay time ; sometimes, by
starting it, to stop and divert more dangerous dis-
putes.
Ajix 1437. 10. Henry Chichele, doctor of law, archbishop of
coDegein Canterbury, founded a college in Oxford, by the
founded, name of All Souls, for a warden and forty fellows,
which number by statute was never to be augmented
or impaired ; and all void places, by death or other-
wise, once in a year to be supplied ^.

^ [See a tract entitled ** No-
*' bilissima disceptatio super
'^ dignitate et magnitudine r^-
*' norum Britaimici et Gallici
" habita ab utriusque oratori-
'* bus et legatis in Concilio
'* Constantiensi." Lovanii,

^ [The archbishop had his

breeding in Oxford, and was
made perpetual fellow of New
CoU^e^ Oxford, in the year
1387. See Wood's History of
the University, p. 252. He
was raised to the see of Can*
terbury in 1414* and died in

1443O

CENT. XV.

of Bntaiiu

449

Wardens,

[«437-]

[I44S0

[M59-]
[1466.]

[1494.]
[1503.]
[1524O

[»S33]
[1535-]

[1558.]
[1558.]

[1565.]

[1571-]
[1614.]

[1618.]

[1^35.]
[1648.]

1. Dr. Bichard

Andrews,
LL.D.

2. Mr. Roger

Keyes.

3. Mr. William

Kele.

4. Dr. Winiam

Poteman.

5. Mr. John

St<^ys.

6. Thomas Hob*

bys.

7. Mr. William

Broke.

8. Mr. JohnCoale.

9. Dr. Robert

Woodward.

10. Mr. Robert

Stokdejr.

11. John Warner,

M.D.

12. Mr. Seth Hol-

land.

13. Mr. John Pope.
John Warner,

a second time.

14. Mr. Richard

Barber.

15. Mr. Robert

Hoveden.

16. Dr. [Richard]

Modket.

17. Dr. [Richard]

Astley.
Dr. Sheldon d;
Dr. Palmer.

Bishops,

James Gold-
well, bishop
ofNorwich,
1472.

Gilbert Bourn,
bishop of
Bath and
Wells, 1554.

Giles Tomson,
bishop of
Gloucester,
1611.

Benefactors.

Brian Duppa,
bishop of
Sarum, fel-
low of this
housed.

King Henry the
Sixth, at the
procurement of
the founder,
gave four Prio-
ries Alien, viz.
Alherbury,
Romney, We-
don-Pinkenay,
audLlangenith f .

Queen Elizabeth
confirmed the
parsonage of
Staunton Har-
court.

Reginald Pole,
cardinal, arch-
bishop (k Can-
terbury.

Sir William Petre,
fellow of this
college, and se-
cretary to four
kings and
queens.

Learned
Writers,

A. D. 1437.
15 Hen.VL

Sir Clement
Edmonds.

Dr. [Robt.]
Gentilis,
an excel-
lent dvi-
lian.

Dr. [Rich.]
Steward.

Mr. [Dud-
ley]
Digges e.

^ [These two names were
left thus, without numbers in-
dicating their succession, be-
cause Dr. Sheldon was ejected
by the parliament, and impri-
soned by them in 1648 ; during
which time they put in JVIr.
Palmer, a student in physic,
who held the wardenship until
March 4, 1 660. On his death,
the Restoration being generally
expected. Dr. Sheldon was re-
stored.]

FULLER, VOL. IJ.

* [Twenty bishops are rec-
koned in Wood as having be-
longed to this college, to the
death of the hon. Brownlow
North, bishop of Winchester,
in 1781. lb. p. 374.]

^ [Probably some portion of
the alien priories, which were
suppressed to the number of
1 20, and given to this king's
father in 1414. See Stow's
Chron. 345. According to a
note in Wood, referring to the

4M

Tkt Ckwxk HUtary

IT.

^' Hiillv^ ^ ^^^^ ^ ^^ present this c<4Iege hath one war-
den, forty fellows, two chaplainff^ three clerks^ m

choristers, besides officers and serrants ei the foim-
dation, with other students, the whole number being
seTentj. The fellows of this ccXIege are bound bj
their statutes to be 6ene an/i, spemdide vestiti^ d
medioeriier dncH in ploMO camtm.

Know, reader, I was |»t>aiised bjr mj respected
friend. Dr. Jeremj Tajlor, (late fellow of this house,)
well known to the world bj his worth, a catalogue
of the eminent scholars thereof; bat it seems the
press, like time and tide, staying for no man, I ha?e
not been so hi^ypy seasonably to receiTe it.
A. D. 1443, 11. 1^ years did this archlnshc^ sarviTe the first
A tan jeer founding of this college. He was a worthy man in
*°^^ ^ his generation, had not his Tassalage to the pope
(the epidemical disease of those days) engaged him
in cruelty against the poor professors of the truth.
Most of the synods called by him toward the latter
end of his life effected only the adTance of money,
the clergy being very desirous to buy off the penalty
of a pramunire, so pernicious to their proceedings,

letters patent of 21 Hen. VI.,
these priories were not b^ged
bnt purchased of the king bj-
the archbishop for 1 000 marks.
Hist, of the University, 260.]

fS [YvWer mnst have b^n
very hard pressed to find
learned writers in this college,
not one of those who are here
mentioned (except perhaps Dr.
Steward) having the least re-
putation for authorship. But
Robert Oentilis, who, as Wood
says, *' turned a rakehell, and
became king of the beggars,"
and might with the same pro-

priety have figured as a hero
m the Dunciad, has not the
least claim to distinction. Au-
thor he was none; but as an
indifferent translator of two or
three unimportant works, he
has won a place in some ob*
scure biographical collections. I
cannot help thinking, therefore,
that Fuller confounded him
with his father. Dr. Albericus
Grentilis, a learned civilian, and
a man of considerable eminence,
who studied at New Inn in the
university of Oxford ; of whom
see Wood's Athenae, I. 367.]

CENT. XV. of Britain, 451

but could not completely compass the same**. I-^^-'^^J*

have nothing else to observe of archbishop Chichele,
saye the common tradition how king Henry the
Sixth, acted herein by some misoclere-courtiers,
(otherwise in himself friend enough to churchmen,)
sent this archbishop, for a new-year's gift, a shred-
pie indeed, as containing pieces of cloth and stuff, of
several sorts and colours, in jeer, because his father
was a tailor at Higham-Ferrers, in Northampton-
shire. The archbishop thankfully received the gift,
even after he had seen the entrails thereof, and
courteously entertained the messenger, requesting
him to return to his grace, " If my lord the king do
but as far exceed Henry the Fifth, (whom God
assoil,) his father, as my meanness hath gone
beyond my poor father, he will make the most
accomplished monarch that ever was in Christen-
dom." John Stafford, one of noble parentage,
succeeded in the place of Chichele, deceased K

12. This good precedent of the archbishop's a. d. 1446.
bounty may be presumed a spur to the speed of the mg^of^""
king's liberality, who soon after founded Eaton J^''^^-
CoUege, incorporate by the name of Prcepositi et
Collegii Regalis Col. BeaUe Marice de Eaton juxta
Winsor. It seemeth these words, BeatcB Marice^
are so necessary, that being left out in a lease,
(wherein all the other titles of the foundation were

^ [See Parker, De Antiq. complished:

Eccl. Britan. p. 426 ; Stow's « Methinks it were a happy life

Chron. 383.] To be no better than a homdy swain.**

* [A noble answer to a very III. Part of Hen. VI.,

silly jest, which if really act "• scene 2.

Henry VI. did execute, one But I cannot find any autho-

would feel inclined to wish rity for this anecdote. Chichele

that his desire had been ac- died April 12, 1443.]

Gg2

i52 The Church History book iv.

A. D. 1446. inserted at large,) the said lease was adjudged void
24 Hen. VI. £^j, ^^^ omission ^. But know, this verdict passed

in queen Mary's days, when Regina Maria made
the mention of BeaJUt Marice so essential there*
unto.
Thebttd 13. Indeed it was high time soihef school should
5S27^ be founded, considering how low grammar-learning
ran then in the land, as may appear by the foUowing
verses made for king Henry the founder ; as good,
no doubt, as the generality of that age did afford,
though (scarce deserving translation) so that the
worst scholar in Eaton College that can make a
verse can make a better.

Luce tua^ qui fuitua erat^ Nicolae^ sacer rex

Henricun Sewtus hoc stabilivit opus^
Unctum qui lapidem postquam ponebat in Eaton

Huncjixit clerum commemorando suum.
Astiterant Hit tunc pontifices in honorem

Actus solennis regis et eccUsicR.
Ex Ortentdli ^ si bis septem pedetentim

Mensurare velis^ invenies lapidem ;
Infesto sancti Jacobi sanctam stabilivit

Hie unctam petram regia sacra manus.

Annis M. CCCC, sexto qtiater XquCy
Regis et H. regni quintojungendo vi^ena.

Devout king Henry, of that name the sixt.
Born, Nic'las, on thy day, this building fixt.
In Eaton having plac'd a stone anointed.
In sign it for the clergy was appointed.
His prelates then were present, iso the more
To honour the king^s acts and holy chore.

k Abridgment of Judge Dy- sir Thos. Ireland. 1 65 1 .]
er's Reports, Num. 379. Trin. ' Medio.
Term, 4" M arisp, [p. 1 14. By

CENT, XV.

of Britain.

458

From eastern midst, whereof just fourteen feet, a.d. 1446.

If any measure, they this stone shall meet. 24 Hen. VI.
On holy James his day, the sacred hand
Of royal Henry caused this stone to stand.

M. four C.s forty-six since Christ was born.
When H. the crown twenty-five years had worn "».

1 4. This college consisteth of one provost, fellows, a bountiful
a schoolmaster and usher, with king's scholars, be- Ood oon-
sides many oppidanes, maintained there at the cost ^^^^ *'*
of their friends ; so that were Eaton, as also Win-
chester-school, removed into Germany, they would
no longer be accounted scholce, but gymnasia^ a
middle term betwixt a school and an university.
The provostship of Eaton is accounted one of the
genteelest and entirest preferments in England, the
provost thereof being provided for in all particulars,
to the very points of his hose, (my desire is one tag
of them may not be diminished,) and, as a pleasant
courtier told king Henry the Eighth, an hundred
pound a year more than enough ". How true this
is I know not : this I know, if some courtiers were

"* Viz. current otherwise,
but 24 complete.

n Sir John Harrington, pn
his Nugae Antiquee, ii. p. 95.
** It was said that a pleasant
•^ courtier and servitor of king
" Henry VIII., to whom the
" king had promised some good
" turn, came and prayed the
" king to bestow a living on
** him that he had found out
•* worth 100/. by the year more
" than enough. * Why,* saith
** the king, ' we have none such
•' in England.' ' Yes, sir/ said
** his man, * the provostship of

" Eaton ; for/ said he, * he is
" allowed his diet, his lodging,
" his horse-meat, his servants'
" wages, his riding charge, his
*' apparel, even to the points
'* of his hose, at the college
" charge, and 100/. by the
*' year beside.' How true this
^' is I know not ; but this I
•* know^ that Mr. Day, having
** both this and the deanery of
'' Windsor, was persuaded to
'* leave them both, to succeed
'* him that had been once his
'* vice-provost of Eaton in the
*' church of Winchester."]

Gg3

454 The Church History book iv.

A. D. 1446. to stint the enough of clergjonen, even the most

^industrious of them should (with Solomon's slothfiil

man **) have poverty enough. But take here a cata-
logue of the provosts of Eton :

i. Henry Seilver, [or Sever,] D. D., almoner to
king Henry the Sixth.

ii. William Waynfleet, B. D., afterwards bishop
of Winchester, [preferred thither in 1447.]

iii. John Clerk, B. D., died provost the 7th of
November, 1447.

iv. William Westbury, B. D., chosen provost anno
1448.

V. Henry Bost, B. D. ; he gave an hundred marks
and twenty poimds per annum to the college ; died
the 7th of February, 1503.

vi. Roger Lupton, B. D. [died in 1540.]

vii. Robert Aldridge, afterwards bishop of Car-
lisle, [preferred thither in 1537.]

viii. Sir Thomas Smith, doctor of law, of Queen's
College in Cambridge, chosen anno 1554. [1547.]

ix. Henry Cole, D. D. and law, chosen in the
same year, 1554.

X. William Bill, D. D., almoner to queen Eliza-
beth, chosen July 5, 1559.

xi. William Day, B. D., dean also of Windsor,
chosen Jan. 5, 1561, afterwards bishop of Win-
chester.

xii. Sir Henry Savile, warden of Merton College
in Oxford, chosen 3rd of June, 1596, eminent to all
posterity for his magnificent edition of Saint Chry-
sostom, in Greek.

o Prov. XX viii. 19.

CENT. XV. of Britain. 455

xiii. Thomas Murray, esq., tutor and secretary to a. d. 1446.
king Charles, whilst prince, [chosen in 1621.] ^^ — \

xiv. Sir Henry Wotton p, famous for several em-
bassies, chosen 1625. [1624.]

XV. [Richard] Steward, doctor of law, and dean
of St. Paul's, [chosen 16390

xvi. Francis Rouse, esq. [chosen 1643.]

This Eaton is a nursery to King's College in Cam-
bridge. All that I will add is, to wish that the
prime scholars in this school may annually be chosen
to the university ; and when chosen, their places
may fall accordingly, not by the death of those in
King's College, but their advancement to better
preferment in the church and commonwealth.

15. If we cast our eyes on the civil estate, we a. d. 1447.
shall find our foreign acquisitions in France, which lost m *^ ^
came to us on foot, running from us on horseback. ^^"***
Nulla dies sine civitate^ scarce a day escaping wherein

the French regained not some city or place of im-
portance ; so that the English, who under king
Henry VI. had almost a third of France, besides the
city of Paris, (another third in itself, for wealth and
populousness,) soon lost all on the continent, to the
poor pittance of Calais and a little land, or, if you
will, some large suburbs round about it.

16. Yet let not the French boast of their valour, occasioned
but (under God's providence) thank our sins, and lish <H8- '^'
particularly our discords, for their so speedy reco-*^^**
veries. There were many clefts and chaps in our
council-board, factions betwixt the great lords pre-
sent thereat; and these differences descended on

P Whose Life is excellently written by my worthy friend
Mr. Isaiic Walton.

Gg4

466 The Church Huiary mok iv.

A.D. 1447. thdr attendants and retainen, ^o, patting on their
15 nm.vL ^^^^^^ ^Qf^ ^Ii3 iiadges as well of the enmities as of

the anns of their lords and masters. But behold
them how coupled in their antipathies :

Deadly feud hetwLtt

Edmmid Beaufort, duke of Somerset.
Richard Plantagenet, duke of York.

Humphrey Plantagenet, duke of Gloucester.
Henry Beaufort Cardinal, bishop of Winchester.

William de la Pole, duke of Suffolk.
John Holland, duke of Exeter.

Humphrey Stafford, duke of Buckingham.
Richard Nevill, earl of Warwick.

Humphrey Plantagenet, duke of Gloucester.
William de la Pole, duke of Suffolk.
Richard Nevill, earl of Warwick.

Betwixt the three last there was, as it were, a battle
royal in this cockpit, each of them hating and
opposing another. In all these contests their am*
bition was above their covetousness, it being every
one's endeavour not so much to raise and advance
himself as ruin and depress his adversary.
The death 17. Two of the aforesaid principal persons left
phrejvduke the world this year, and in the same month : first,
of olouces. jjuxnphrey duke of Gloucester, brother to king

Henry the Fifth, uncle and guardian to king Henry
the Sixth, a great housekeeper. Hospitality being
so common in that age, none were commended for
the keeping, but condemned for the neglecting
thereof. He was much opposed by queen Margaret,

ter.

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

467

(who would have none rule the king her husband A. d. 1447.

save herself,) and accused of a treacherous design ; '- — ^

insomuch that at a packed parliament at Bury he
was condemned of high treason, and found dead in
his bed, not without rank suspicion, of cruel prac-
tices upon his person %

18. His death is suspended betwixt legal execu-Afitwork
tion and murder, and his memory pendulous betwixt j^**°^
malefactor and martyr. However, the latter hath
most prevailed in men's belief; and the good duke
of Gloucester is commonly his character ■*. But it is
proper for some Oxford man to write his just vin-
dication, a manual in asserting his memory being
but proportionable for him who gave to their library
so many and precious voluminous manuscripts. As
for those who, chewing their meat with their feet
whilst they walk in the body of St. Paul's, are com-
monly said to dine with duke Humphrey », the say-

q [Humphrey duke of
Gloucester, being at the castle
of the Vies, in Wiltshire, came
from thence to the parliament,
and was lodged in the hospital,
where shortly after he was
arrested by John lord Beau-
mont, high constable, the duke
of Buckingham, the duke of
Somerset, and others, who ap-
pointed certain of the king's
household to wait upon him ;
but on the twenty-fourth day
be died for sorrow, as some
said, that he might not come
to his answer. His body was
shewed to the lords and 00m-
mons, and seemed to die of a
palsy or of an impostume. He
was honourably buried at St.
Albans. Thirty- two of his

principal servants were arrest-
ed, and ^\Q of them arraigned
at London for his death, but
saved by the duke of Suffolk.
See Stow's Chron. p. 386.]

I* [Generous he might be;
but certainly not good, though
Bale styles him so. Script.

583,585.]

8 [Some further remarks

upon this proverb occur in the

Worthies, p. 198. ''This pro-

** verb," our author observes,

" hath altered the original

" meaning thereof j for first it

^* signified (7/2ena vix^ere quadra,

" to eat by the bounty or feed

*• by the . favour of another

" man. For Humphrey duke

*' of Gloucester, commonly

" called the good duke, was so

458

The Church History

BOOK IV.

The death
of the rich
cardinaL

A.D. i447.inir is as for from truth as they from dimier, even
!LJ!!!l— I twenty miles off; seeing this duke was buried in
St. Alban's, to which church he was a great bene-
fSeujtor^

19. The same month with the duke of Gloucester
died Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, and
cardinal ^, one of high descent, high spirit, and high
preferments, hardly to be equalled by cardinal Wol-
sey (otherwise but a pigmy to him in birth) for
wealth and magnificence. He lent king Henry the
Fifth at once twenty thousand pounds, who pawned
his crown unto him * ; he built the fair hospital of

•' hospital that every man of
** fashion otherwise impover-
** ished was welcome to dine
" with him, it not being so
" proper for strangers to sup
" in those days with the great.
'* est housekeepers. The said
** duke was so bountiful that
" his alms-dish of silver was
" very massy when empty,
" (what then when full ?)
" which alms-dish came after-
" wards into the possession of
" the duke of Somerset, who
** sent it to the lord Rivers to
" sell the same to furnish him-
" self for a sea-voyage. But
'* after the death of the good
*• duke Humphrey, when many
" of his former alms-men were
*' at a loss for a meal's meat,
*' this proverb did alter its
" copy, to dine with duke
'' Humphrey importing to be
" dinnerless."]

t [Mistaking his tomb for
that of sir John Beauchamp,
constable of Dover. Stow's
Survey, p. 368.]

^ [And uncle to the duke
of Gloucester.]

X [Whilst stating this fact
from Godwin, Fuller ought
not to have concealed the rea-
son for it, as stated by Godwin :
the king had contracted great
debts by his continual wars,
and to alleviate his wants began
to cast his eyes upon the pos-
sessions of the church ; in
order, therefore, to prevent this
evil, the cardinal lent him such
an enormous sum. Another
instance of this cardinal's mag-
nificence is also mentioned in
the Chronicle of Croyland,
which tells us that at his own
expense he crowned king
Henry VI. at Paris, (p. 516.)
Another continuation of the
same Chronicle gives an ac-
count of the cardinal's death,
as witnessed by one actually
present, which is so greatly
different from the popular be-
lief respecting him that I think
it necessary to insert it here.
" Whilst making these re-
*• marks," says the writer,
" there occurs to me a nota-
** ble act of that glorious and
** catholic man, the said car-

CENT. XV.

of Britain,

459

St. Cross, near Winchester y; and although chan-A d. 1447.
cellor of the university of Oxford, was no grand ^^
benefactor thereunto, in proportion to his own
wealth (commonly called the rich cardinal) or the
practices of his predecessor Wickham, or successor
Waynfleet.

20. The bishops assembled in parliament laboured The dergy
the recalling of the act of pr(Bmunire^ and no ^ain against
wonder if galled horses would willingly cast off their ^p^^,^
saddles ; but belike they found that statute girt too **"*•
close unto them, the lords and commons stickling
stoutly for the continuance thereof. And because
this is the last time we shall have occasion to men-
tion this statute, and therefore must take our fare-
well thereof, it will not be amiss to insert the

f<

<<

«c

€€
€€
«€
4t
4€
«

«
«<

<«
t€
t€
4€
t*
€€
«€
%€
t€
4*

dinal of Winchester, and I
would it were imitated by
others. When he was in
his mortal sickness, at his
palace of Wolnesey, near his
cathedral church of St. Swi-
thin's, in the said year 1447,
having called together into
the great chamber of his said
palace the ecclesiastics, reli-
gious and seculars of the
parts adjacent, on that day
of the week before Passion
Sunday in which the office
called Sitientes is sung, he
had his solemn exequies
chanted before him as he lay
in his bed, and with them a
requiem mass. Late in the
evening, after the perform-
ance of these exequies, his
last will and testament was
publicly read before all, and
he added certain corrections

** to it ; and the next morning,
'* after hearing mass, when he
** had for the last time read his
** will publicly, and confirmed
** it with a clear audible voice,
" he bade farewell to all pre-
'< sent, and died in the time
" which I have before de-
** scribed, — • Qui enim haec
*' scripsit adfuit et haec omnia
** vidit et audivit et scimus
" quod verum est testimonium
''ejus.'" p. 582.]

y [According to Dr. Heylyn
this hospital was *' first built
" by Henry of Blois, brother
" of king Stephen, and bishop
*• of Winchester, anno 1 1 29,
** augmented only and perhaps
'^ more liberally endowed by
*' this potent cardinal." Ap-
peal, &c., P. ii. p. 49. See
Stow, p. 386.]

460 The Church SRstory book it.

^' H* '^i' ^^^"S» passage, as relating to the present subjeet^

though it happened many years after.

Aneminent 21. One Robort Lalor, priest, a native of Ireland,
liquid of a to whom the pope had given the titulary bishopric
di^lm of Kilmore, and made him vicar-general of the see
of* rwmu! apostolic withiu the archbishopric of Dublin, &c. ^
aJ«- boldly and securely executed his pretended jurisdic-
tion for many years, was indicted at Dublin, in
Hilary term, quarto Jacobin upon this statute of
priBmunire, made two hundred years before, being
the sixteenth of Richard the Second. His majesty's
learned counsel did wisely forbear to proceed against
him upon any latter law, (whereof plenty m the
reign of queen Elizabeth,) because recusants (swarm*-
ing in that kingdom) might have their judgments
convinced, that long before king Henry the Eighth
banished the usurpation of the pope, the king, lords,
and commons in England (though for the most part
of the Romish religion) made strict laws for the
maintenance of the crown against any foreign in-
vasion. Whereupon, after the party indicted had
pleaded at large for himself the jury departed from
the bar, and returning within half an hour, found
the prisoner guilty of the contempts whereof he was
indicted ; wliereupon the solicitor-general moved the
court to proceed to judgment, and sir Dominic
Sarsfield * (one of the justices of his majesty's chief
pleas) gave judgment according to the form of the
statute whereupon the indictment was framed.
Hence it plainly appears that such misdemeanours

z Sir John Davys, in his is related at length.]
{Irish Reports,] case of prae- a Idem f. 99.
munire, f. 83. [where this case

CENT. XV. of Britain, 461

of papists are punishable at this day, by virtue of ^-^ h47-

those ancient statutes, without any relation to such

as were enacted since the ^reformation.

S2. About this time Jack Cade raised his rebel- ad. 1450.
Mod, like and unlike to the former commotion of straw like
Jack Straw »>: like, first, because Jacks both, I"^^"'^*^-
meaUj insolent, impudent, domineering clowns; se-
condly, both of them were Kentish by their extrac-
tions ; thirdly, both of them pressed upon London,
and there principally played their pranks ; fourthly,
both of them, after they had troubled the land for a
short time, were justly slain, and their numerous
rabble routed and dispersed. In other remarkables
Cade differed from Jack Straw : first. Straw defied
all nobility and learning, vowing and endeavouring
their ruin and extirpation ; whilst Cade pretended
himself to be the lord Mortimer, and next heir to
the crown, and no design against learning is charged
on his account. Lastly, Straw's rebellion is, though
most falsely, fathered by popish writers on Wicliffe
and his adherents, to have occasioned (at leastwise
connived at) his commotion ; but I never met yet
with any Romanists accusing the Lollards, as they
term them, for having any hand in Cade's rebel-
lion.

23. Now began the broils to break out betwixt A- d. 1455-

'I'hp Will's

the two houses of Lancaster and York, so mutually begin be.
heightened that scarce a county betwixt York (the an^Lan^'^
place whence generally their armies started) and^*®*"*

^ [See Stow's Chron. p. bellion was for real grievances/

387. Cade was hardly other but Cade's for the mere supe-

than an instrument in the hands riority of one political party

of Richard Plantagenet^ duke over another.]
of York. Further, Straw's re-

462

The Church History

BOOK IV.

55- London (the goal they both aimed to win) but a set
— battle hath been fought therein ; and if any one shire
lieth fallow in this kind, the next afforded a double
crop in that nature, (besides other counties in the
marches of Wales,) as by the ensuing catalogue will
appear.

Plaee,

Betwixt.

Time.

Number eknn.

Conqueror.

I.St. Al-

Richard duke of

Annoi4S5,

Slain on the king's

York

bany in

York, and king

and 34th

side five thou-

House.

Hertford*

Henry the Sixth

of king

sand ; on the

thire c.

for Lancaster.

Hen. VI.
in June.

duke*8 ax hun-
dred.

3. Blore

Richard earl of

Anno 1459,

Two thousand

York

Heath, in

Salisbury for

the 37th

four hundred,

House.

Staiford-

York ; James

of Hen.

most Cheshire

shire d.

Touchet, lord

VL Sep.

men, slain on

Audley, for

temb. 31.

Lancaster side.

Lancaster.

3. North-

Richard earl of

Anno 1460,

Ten thousand

York

ampton e.

Warwick for

38 Hen.

slain and

House.

York, king

VL oth

drowned on

Henry VI. for

July.

both sides.

Lancaster.

4. Wake-

Richard duke of

In the same

Two thousand two

Lancaster.

field, in

York, queen

year.

hundred slain on

York.

Margaret for

Dec. 31.

York side, with

shire f.

Lancaster.

their duke.

5. Morti-

Edward earl of

Anno 1461,

Three thousand

York

mer^s

March, after-

39 Hen.

eight hundred

House.

Cross, in

wards king, for

VL Feb.

slain on Lancas-

Shrop-

York; [Jasper,

2.

ter side.

shire s.

earl of Pem-
broke, for Lan-
caster.]

I

6. St Al-

Richard earl of

The same

About two thou-

Lancaster.

ban^s, in

Warwick for

year and

sand on both

Hertford-

York; king

month.

sides.

shire K

Henry and Mar-
garet his wife,
in person, for
Lancaster.

1 7th Feb.

c [See Stow's Chron. 398.]
d [Stow, ib. 405.]
e [Hall's Chron. p. 244, ed.
1 809.]

^ [Hall, ib. p. 250.'
g [Hall, ib. p. 251.'
^ [The Lancastrians were
headed by the queen only, the

CEXT. XV.

of Britain.

463

Place.

Betwixt,

Time,

Number slain.

Conqueror,

7. Towton,

Edward earl of

Same year,

Thirty-five thou-

York

in Not-

March for York ;

March

sand ninety and

House.

tingham-

king Hen. VI.

29, being

one on both

nhire*

■

Palm-
Sunday.

sides.

8. Hex-

John Nevill, lord

Anno T 464,

Number great,

York

ham, in

Montague; king

4 Edward

but unceitain.

House.

North-

Hen. VI. and

IV. May

iimber-

the queen.

'5-

land K

9. Ban-

William Herbert,

Anno 1469,

Five thousand

Lancaster.

bury or

earl of Pem-

9 Edward

slain in the place.

Edgcot,

broke, for York ;

IV. July

most of them

in Uie

Bobbin of Rids-

26.

Welshmen.

coti fines

dale, alias Hil-

of Oxford

liard, for Lan-

and

caster.

North-

ampton-

shire 1.

10. Barnet,

Richard Nevill,

Anno 1 47 1,

Four thousand

York

in Mid-

earl of Warwick,

11 Ed-

slain on both

House.

dlesex"*.

for liancaster ;
kingEdward IV.
for York.

ward IV.
April 14,
being
Easter,
day.

sides.

ii.Tewl^es-

King Edward IV.

In the same

Three thousand

York

bury, in

for York ; queen

year, on

slain of the

House.

Glouces-

Margaret and

the 4th

House of Lan-

tershire".

Edward her son
for liancaster.

of May.

caster.

12. Bos-

King Richard III.

Anno 1485,

About four thou-

Lancaster.

worth, in

for York ; Henry

3 Richard

sand slain in all.

Leicester.

earl of Richmond

III. Aug.

shire 0.

for Lancaster.

22.

A. D. 1455.
34 Hen.VL

king being at this time in the
hands or his enemies. See
Hal], ib. 252, who observes,
truly enough, " Happy was the
** queen in her two battles, but
unfortunate was the king in
all his enterprizes ; for where
'• his person was present there
'^ victory fled ever from him to
*' the other part, and he com-

<<

€t

** monly was subdued and van-
" quished."]

i [Hall, ib. 255. Towton is
in Yorkshire.]

^ THall, ib. 259; Stow, p.

417-]
1

m
n

o

[Hist. Croyland, 551.]

;Hist. Croyland, 555.]

Hist. Croyland, 555.]

'Stow's Chron. p. 470.]

464

The Church History

BOOK IT.

A D. 1455-

34 Hen.VI.

Place.

Betwixt.

Time.

Number Min.

Comquenr,

13. Stoke,

John de la Pole,

Anno 1487,

About four thou-

in Not-

earl of Linooln,

2 Hen.

sand (whereof

oriather

tingham-

for York ; king

VII.

many Irish)

the two

shire P.

Henry VII. for

June 16.

slain on botli

houses

Lancaster.

sides.

united
in king
Henry
theSe-

venth.

Besides many other skinnishes, (comvals with bat-
tles;) so that such who consider the blood lost
therein would admire England had any left: and
such as observe how much it had left would wonder
it had any lost, such still the populousness thereof.

But these things the reader may best inform

himself out of the state historians, and particularly

out of that noble Italian author (elegantly and

expressively translated by the earl of Monmouth)

who hath written a large volume, to the great credit

of our English nation, of the wars betwixt York and

Lancaster. So that I could heartily wish that some

Englishman, in requital of his courtesy, would write

the Italian discords betwixt the Guelphs and Gui-

belines.

A. D. 1457. 24. It was much that in the midst of so many

Coi£g«in miseries of civil wars, William, sumamed Patten,

founded by ^^^ ^^^ parents, but Waynfleet, from the place of

Wa^eet ^^® nativity^, now bishop of Winchester, should

found the fair college dedicated to Mary Magdalen,

in Oxford, for one president, forty fellows, thirty

demies, four chaplains, eight clerks, and sixteen

P [Stow, p. 472.]
q [A sea-port town in the
county of Lincoln. Like Chi-

chele, he received his education
in Oxford.]

CEKT. XV. of Britain. 465

choristers, which number can never be increased ; a. d. 1457.
but though this foundation cannot be made broader !i^!!:Ii
or longer, (admit of more members,) yet may it be
made deeper, and is capable of benefactors' charity
to augment the maintenance of the aforesaid num-
ber. This William Waynfleet first founded Mag-
dalen Hall, hard by ^ (as scriveners use to try their
pens on a small piece of paper, before they begin
what they fairly intend to write,) and afterwards
undertook and finished this far more stately piece of
architecture ; for whoso observeth the magnificence
of the structure, the numerousness of the corpora-
tion, the largeness of their endowments, and the
mutual concinnity of all parts amongst themselves
therein, may possibly find out a college which may
exceed it in some, but hardly any tbat will equal it
in all accommodations; where nothing is wanting
for health and pleasure, except some will say that
Mary Maudlin weepeth too much, and the walks
sometunes too wet and moist from the depressed
situation thereof.

25. Nor hath this house been less fruitful than The many
any with famous persons ; and it is observable that bred
there is scarce a bishopric in England to which this ^^'^^
college hath not aflForded one prelate at the least,
(doubling her files in some places,) as by the ensuing
catalogue vrill appear.

' [He obtained a licence in 1448. Wood's Hist, of the
from the king for that purpose University, 307.]

rULLER, VOL. IT. H h

466

The Church Hutory

BOOK iv.

A.D. 1459.
37 Hen. VI.

PresidenU,

Ben^actoTt,

BiMhopi.

Wriien.

[1448.] Mr. John

King Henry

John

John Voy-

John day.

Homley.
[1458.] Mr. Wil-

the Seventh.

Stokesley,

sey, W-

mood, after-

Thomas In-

bishop of

shop of

wards pre-

liam Ty.

gledeu,

London,

Exeter,

sident of

bard.

chapl^ to

1530.

1520-

Corpus

[1480.] Mr. Ri.

the founder.

Thomas

WilKam

Christ! s.

chard

Wilh'am

Cooper,

Brad-

John

Mayo.

Fitz.i\lan,

bishop of

bridge,

Hooker t.

[1504.] Mr. John

earl of

Winches-

bishop of

Michad

Clay-

Arundel.

ter, 1584.

Exeter;,

Rem'ger*.

mond.

John For-

1578.

John Fox,

[1516. JohnHyg.

man.

John liong-

Richard

antbor of

den,

Mr. Hygden,

land, bi-

Mayo,

theKonkof

D.D.]

pres.

shop of

bishop of

Martyrs.

[1535. Lawrence

John Clay-

Linodn,

Hereford,

Thomas

Stubbs,

mond.

i5ai.

1504.

Cooper,

D.D.]

pres.

Thomas

ifitm Har-

who wrote

[1537.] Dr. [Tho-

Robert Mor-

Bentham,

ley, bi-

theg^reat

mas]

went.

bishop of

shop of

Dictionary.

Knolles.

John Molins,

Coventry

Hereford,

Robert Crow-

['53S-] Mr.

archdeacon

and Lich-

I553*

ley X.

[Owen]

of [Paul's,]

field,

Peter Mor-

Ogle-

London.

[*SS9-]

vingy.

thorpe.

Dr. John

Wilh'am

Thomas

Alan Copes

[i55a« Walter

Warner,

Overton,

Bickley,

proctor of

Haddon,

last bishop

bishop of

bishop of

the univer-

D. C. L.]

of Roches-

Coventry

Chiches-

fflty, 1558.

[i553« Owen

ter.

and Lich-

ter, 1585.

Julius

0^

field,

Pahner,

thorpe,

[1580.]

mart.

D.D.,the

Accepted

John War-

Dr.Lawrencft

second

Frewen,

ner, bi-

Humphrey.

time.]

bishop of

shop of

JdmBudd^

[1555O Mr. [Ar.

Coventry

Rodies-

doctor of

thur]

and Lich-

ter, 1637.

law, who

Cole.

field,

wrote many

[1558-] Mr. [Tho-

1644.

men's lives

mas] Co-

Henry

John Bul-

inelegant

veney.

Cotton,

lingham.

Latin.

[156 1.] Dr. Law.

bishop of

bishop of

renoe

Salisbury,

Bristol

Hum-

1598.

and Glou-

phrey.

cester,
holding
both to-
gether.

4

1581.

•

» Pitz. in vita, p. 688.

* Idem, p. 730.

^ Bale, cent. ix. § 73.

* Idem ib. §. 80.

y Pitz. in vita, p. 757.

z Brian Twyne, Antiquit.
Academ. Oxon. in Catal. Pro-
curatorum.

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

467

A. D. 1459.

Pre9ident9.

BenefadorB,

Bishops.

WrUert.

37 Hen. VI.

[1590.] Dr. Nicho-

Thomas Oeorge

Dr. Henry

las Bond.

Godwin, Cotys,

Hammond.

[1607.] Dr. John

hishop of bishop of

Dr. Peter

Harding.

Bath and Chester,

Heylyn.

[i6ia] Dr. Wil-

Wells, 1554.

• •

liam

1584-

Langton.

Thomas William

[1636.] Dr. Ac-

Wolsey, Down-

cepted

archbishop ham, bi-

Frewen.

of York, shop of

.

[1644.] I^* Joiin

15 15. Chester,

Oliver'.

1561.

[1648.] Dr. John

John Piers, Owen Ogle-

Wilkin.

archbishop thorpe.

son.

of York, bishop of

[1649.] Dr. Tho-

1588. Carlisle,

mas God-

'557 »>•

win.

•

Give me leave to suspect this catdogue of pre-
sidents not complete*^ (though set forth by their
great antiquary \) both because Dr. Hygden (avowed
president in the list of benefactors ®) is therein omit-
ted, as also Dr. Walter Haddon*", whom we find
president hereof in the beginning of queen Mary.

* [He was ejected by the
Parliamentarians in 1647, and
Dr. John Wilkinson, principal
of Magdalen Hall, and a noted
presbyterian preacher, put in
his place. He dying, the no-
torious Thomas Goodwyn was
appointed by Oliver Crom-
weU.]

*> [Thirty-six bishops are
enumerated in Wood, to the
death of Dr. Thomas Thurlow,
bishop of Lincoln, in 1779.
Wood, ib. 321.]

^ [The deficient names and
dates I have supplied and in-
cluded in brackets, in the ac-
count of this as well as of the
other colleges.]

H

d Vide in calce libri. [I
suppose he refers to Br. Twyne,
who has only enumerated the
first eleven.]

e Vide Scot's Tables [at the
end of Isaacson's Chronology.]

^ L. Humphrey, in the Life
of Bishop Jewel, p. 71, [ed.
iS73«] Walter Haddon was
regius professor of law in the
university of Cambridge. Seve-
ral mandates were sent by fid-
ward VI. to compel the fellows
of that society to receive him
as their president. He held it
for a short time, and on the
death of the king, the next
year, resigned for fear of ex-
pulsion. See Wood, ib. 516.]

h2

468

The Church Hisiory

BOOK IT.

A.D. 145a At this day there are therein a preodent» fi^ty M-
lows, thirty demies or scholars, four ehaplahw, eight
clerks, sixteen choristers, one schoolmaster, and an
usher ; three readers of diyinity, natural and moral
philosophy : besides divers officers and servants of
the foundation, with other students: being in all
two hundred and twenty.
A. D. 1461. 26. King Henry being conquered in a fetal battle
the Fourth at TowtoD, in Nottinghamshire, fled wiUi his queen
S^ ^ into Scotland ; and to make himself the more wel-
^^'^^v'^^ come, resigned Berwick to the king thereof^. Ed-
ward duke of York, his adversary, reigned in his
stead by the name of Edward the Fourth, who, next
to God and his own right, had just cause to thank
Richard Nevill, earl of Warwick, for his crown.
This was that Nevill who, for extraction, estate^
alliance, dependents, wisdom, valour, success, and
popularity, was superior to any English subject since
the Conquest. People's love he chiefly purchased
by his hospitality, keeping so open an house that
he was most welcome who brought the best stomach
with him ; the earl charitably believing that all who
were men of teeth were men of arms. Any that
looked like a man might have in his house a full
half yard of roast meat ; namely, so much as he
could strike through and carry away with his dag-

g [After the fatal battle of
St. Alban's, Edward earl of
March entered London the 28tli
of February, 1461, where, by
the favour of the Londoners
and the Kent and Essex men,
he was proclaimed king, and
began his reign upon the 4th
of March. The battle here

mentioned was fongjit between
Towton and SaxUm, in York-
shire, upon Palm Sunday, the
29th of March following, and
may be considered as the deci-
sive blow which settled the
throne of the new king. See
Stow's Chron. p. 415.3

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

469

ger K The bear was his crest ; and it may be truly a. d. 146 i.

said that when the bear roared the lions of the forest '- — 1

trembled, the kings of England themselves being
at his disposal.

27. This king's reign aflFordeth very little church why Httie
story, and therefore Mr. Fox (whose industry would tory in this
have found out church-matter, if above ground,) is,^*
fain to fill it up with foreign passages or domestic
relations of our civil differences. Indeed now the
sound of all bells in the steeples was drowned with

the noise of drums and trumpets ; and yet this good
was done by the civil wars, it diverted the prelates
from troubling the Lollards ; so that this very storm
was a shelter to those poor souls, and the heat of
these intestine enmities cooled the persecution
against them.

28. Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury, a. d. 1462.
kept a synod of his clergy at London, when Geoffrey vi^es^"
Langbroke, a member thereof, (as proctor for Peter I^^f °^
Courtney, archdeacon of Exeter,) was, at the suit

of Simon Notyngham, arrested by the bailiffs of the
lord major. Complaint being made hereof to the
convocation, they sent the prior of Canterbury to the
major and sheriffs, to restore the aforesaid Geoffrey
to his liberty, threatening them else with excom-
munication ; to prevent which the party was re-
leased \ The parliament, sitting at the same time,

^ Stow'8 Aimalsy p. 421,
[and Survey, p. 72.]

i Antiq. Brit. p. 439 ; [Wil-
kins's Cone. ill. 578. This
synod was held in 1460, and
not in 1462, previous to grant-
ing the charters mentioned in
the former note, and to which

the resolutions of this synod
appear to have been prepara-
tory. See Wilkins, ib. A
convocation was indeed held
2 1st July, 1462, but nothing
else appears in the register ex-
cepting their grant of a tenth
to the king.]

H h 3

470 The Church HUtory book iy.

A. D. 1463. bestowed many privileges on the clergy ^. As for

the other synods in this king's reign, being six as
I account them, little more than granting of sub-
sidies was propounded and concluded therein.
AjD.1463. 29- King Henry returned out of Scotland, fiir-
Henry uishod with Sufficient forces from James the Third
routed and to recoYcr his crowu, had success befriended him ;
impriaoiMd. 1^^^ king Edward marched against him in person,

(one means of his being so fortunate in his fights,
seeing in peace the master his eye maketh the fat
horse, as the prince's in war the valiant horse-rider,)
totally defeated, took, and imprisoned him in the
Tower. Here, whilst churchmen observe how ten-
der-eyed the charity, statesmen admire how blind
the policy of that age, in keeping king Henry aKve.
No such sure prison for a captive king as a grave,
whose life, though in restraint, is a fair mark for the
full aim of malcontents to practise his enlargement.
As here it fell out in king Henry, who, either
slighted for his simplicity that he could do no mis-
chief, or reverenced for his sanctity that he should
suffer no ill, was preserved alive, and reserved
thereby to be a future trouble to king Edward, who,
though valiant to repel, was not wise to foresee
dangers, and now, conceiving himself sure, was
viciously disposed, and given over to too much licen-
tiousness.
A. D. 1465. 30. Richard Nevill, earl of Warwick, is sent over

The earl of

^ [It was in the November of cuting or defending any suits in

this year that the king^ with the any other than the spiritual

authority of the parliament, courts. Printed in Rymer, xi.

granted that celebrated charter 493 ; Wilkins, Cone. iii. 583.

to the clergy by which they were See also Collier, i. 679, and

exempted from being arrested or App. §.52. Carte's History

tried by the laity, or from prose- of England, II. 766.]

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

471

into France to obtain the lady Bona, daughter to a. 0.1465.
the duke of Savoy \ wife to king Edward"*. So 5 — II 1

Warwick

powerfiil a spokesman could not but speed, and all takes juat
things are concluded, save the meeting of the parties ^^^!*
and a priest to marry them. Meantime king Edward ''^»^-
marrieth the lady Elizabeth Grey °, the first English

^ [And sister to the queen
of France. Stow, p. 618.]
» [Fox, Mon. i. 934.]
^ QWidow of sir John Grey,
who was slain at St. Alban's on
the side of king Henry. Her
mother was Jaquelin, daughter
of Peter of Luxembourg, E.
of S. Paul, duchess of BediFord.
The marriage was kept secret
nearly half a year. See a very
romantic story respecting this
marriage in Hume's Hist. iii.
236, ed. 1767. According to
Stow and our other chroniclers
this was not the only affront,
unintentional or designed, which
the king offered to the earl of
"Warwick, for at this time he
took away the chancellorship
from the bishop of Exeter^ the
earl's brother^ and gave it to
the bishop of Bath. See Stow,
41 8. But, unfortunately for
this plausible narrative, the
acts of the kingdom are entirely
against it. The great seal was
not taken away from George
NevUl, the earl's brother, until
June 8, 1467, (Rymer's Foed.
vol. V. p. 144, ed. 3a.) two years
after he had been translated to
York ; and that, in all proba-
bility, because his absence in
his diocese rendered it impos-
sible for him to perform the
duties of the chancellorship.
As a proof of this, (which pro-
bably was the origin of this

error into which most of our
writers have fedlen,) upon April
loth this year, 1464, on ac-
count of the bishop's journey
to Newcastle, where he went
as one of the commissioners to
treat with Scotland, the great
seal was put in commission till
his return. Rymer, ib. 120.
The same tiling had been done
August 21, 1463, when he was
appointed a commissioner to
treat with France at St. Omer's.
Rymer, ib. 116. On February
7th, 1469, two years after the
taking away of the great seal,
the king granted to the arch-
bishop and his heirs the manor
of Penley, with all its appurte-
nances, in the counties of Hert-
ford and Buckinghamshire,
(Rymer, ib. 168,) according to
Carte, for the archbishop's good
offices in procuring a reconcilia-
tion between the king and the
earl. Upon the 17th of August,
the same year, Richard, the
great earl of Warwick, the arch-
bishop's brother, was appointed
chief justiciary of South Wales,
constable of Cardigan, &c. (Ry-
mer, ib. 171,) besides being
appointed, the 23 d of February
in the same year, a commis-
sioner for inquiring into the
division of the lands of Picardy,
(Ib. 169,) and on the 7th of
May, 1470, joined with the
duke of Clarence in a commis-

H h 4

472

The Church History

BOOK IT.

A. D. 1465.
5 Edw. IV.

A. D.I 469.
King Ed.
ward taken
prisoner,
and king
Henry en-
larged.

king who since the Conquest wedded his subject ; I
might also add, and the first that matched with a
widow, seeing Eleanor, wife to king Henry the
Second, divorced from Lewis the younger, king of
France, was properly neither maid nor widow. War-
wick stormeth hereat, that he had taken so much
pains about nothing, highly sensible of the affiront,
seeing a potent arm is not to be employed about a
sleeveless errand. He resolves revenge; and be-
cause he could not make her queen whom he desired,
he would make him king whom he pleased.

81 . Take hereof this cursory account : After many
bloody battles, king Edward was taken prisoner at
Wolney, in Warwickshire, and committed by the

sion of array, by letters patent
tested at Waltham Abbey. lb.
173. Till this period the earl of
Warwick was loaded with a suc-
cession of honours; and the pub-
lic acts of the kingdom, suffici-
ently testified by the documents
published in Rymer, tested al-
most without exception at West-
minster^ without so much as a
month's interval between them,
throw great suspicion on the
whole of this account of king
Edward's capture and his dis-
sension with the War wicks.

Secondly, had the earl ever
been sent into France to nego-
ciate a marriage with the lady
Bona, it would scarcely have
escaped the notice of Corn-
mines. According to a conti-
nuation of the Chronicle of
Croyland, published by Gale in
his Decern Seriptores, the dis-
sension between the king and
the earl of Warwick was occa-
sioned by king Edward giving

his sister Margaret in marriage
to Charles, eldest son of PhiHp
duke of Burgundy, contrary to
the wishes of the earl, who
favoured the king of France.
This marriage was solemnized
in 1467, and^ added to the dis-
content which had been already
occasioned by the king's mar-
riage, produced an open rup-
ture. Hist. Croylandensis^ p.
551. The same Chronicle states
that when the king was taken
prisoner^ he was allowed to es-
cape by the express consent of
the earl ; for the party of king
Henry gathering strength in
the marches of Scotland, and
headed by Humphrey Nevyl,
would have prevailed once more,
had not the earl raised a power
against them in king Edward's
name, and^ for a better colour
to this purpose, allowed him to
appear at liberty. Carte, how-
ever, doubts the truth of this
tale altogether.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 478

earl of Warwick to the custody of his brother, a. d. 14^.
George Nevill, archbishop of York. Henry is? — ^'
brought out of the Tower — shall I call him the a. d. 1470.
sixth or the seventh, because dead, (though not in
law, in dignity,) and once deposed, he is now restored
again to wear the royal robes, not so much as his own
garments, but as the livery [of] the earl of Warwick
his liberality. However he acted a very short part
of sovereignty, wherein he revenged not any personal
wrongs offered u^to him in his restraint; for one
who thrust him into the side with a sword, when he
was prisoner in the Tower, was afterwards pardoned
by him when restored to his former dignity.

82. Meantime the archbishop allowed kin? Edward Edward es-

caped flieth

liberty to ride abroad and follow his pleasure ; now a beyond sea,

11 • . i_ i_ • • • J and return-

careless keeper giveth his pnsoner a warning, andeth.

sheweth him a way to make his escape. King
Edward followeth his hawking so long, that he
taketh his own flight at last. Over he gets beyond
the seas to his brother-in-law, Charles duke of Bur-
gundy, by whom he was supplied to the proportion
of a competent subsistence, but not enabled for the
recovering of a crown °. However he returned intoA.D.1471.
England, landed in the north, marched to York,
desired to be received therein, as into the place
whence he received his title, but in no other notion
than a subject to king Henry, taking the sacrament
on the truth thereof; but having gotten the city as

° [The duke supplied him be a direct interference of Pro-

both with naval and military vidence ; for it was the same

forces for the recovery of the place where Henry IV. landed

crown. Hist. Croyland. p* 554. upon his insurrection against

He landed at Holdemess, an Richard II.]
act in which there seemed to

474 7%e CImrch Hutary book iv.

A.D.i47i.duke. he kept it as kinir, contrary to his oath, for

1 1 Edw IV c? ^

1-J which his children are conceived to faxe no whit the

better.
?*" °''^**^ 88. Let the state historians inform you with what

toe croim *^

hf ooo- various changes king Edward made hence into the
south, and at last, near Bamet, bid battle to and
defeated the earl of Warwick, slain with his brother
the marquis Montague on the place p. Learn also
from them how king Henry was cruelly put to
death, and his son and queen Margaret soon after
overthrown at Tewkesbury. For when a royal
family is once falling, all things conduce to expedite
their destruction. Henceforward king Edward (sav-
ing the differences of his own with his wife's kin-
dred) passed the remnant of his days in much peace,
plenty, and pleasure,
whymort 34. In most of the battles, we may observe, it
make for wias the word-general of the weaker side, "For
London, for London !" as the most martial thrift to
conquer a kingdom in a city ; for such whose neces-
sities can allow their armies but little time to stay,
do bum daylight in pelting against petty towns in
the outskirts of a land, especially if all other human
hopes be in one desperate push. Hence was it that
so many battles were fought about Bamet and St.
Alban's, (the cockpit of war,) the lines of all armies
drawn from the circumference of the land being the
closer together the nearer they approached London,
the centre in trade and wealth, though not in exact
position thereof.

Londoii.

Brawls be- 35. Como we uow to a tamer contest, and more

twixtmen- , , n i . -• • , .

dicanto and proper for our pen, contmumg all this kmgs time,

secular

Hi.

P [See Hist. Croyland, 555.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 4/75

betwixt the heggmg friars and secular priests; the a. p. 1471.

former not content to cry up the dignity of their

own order, but cast contempt on the rest of the
clergy. But these bold beggars met with as bold
sayers nay; I mean these mendicants found their
matches in the secular priests, effectually humbling
their pride herein; for it was beheld as a most
pestiferous doctrine, the friars so heightening the
perfection of begging, that according to their prin-
ciples all the priesthood and prelacy in the land,
yea, by consequence the pope himself, did fall short
of the sanctity of their order. Yet hard was it for
them to persuade his holiness to quit Peter's patri-
mony, and betake himself to poverty; although a
friar (Thomas Holden by name) did not blush to
preach at Paul's Cross, in 1465, that Christ himself,
as first founder of their society, was a beggar; a
manifest untruth, and easily confuted out of Scrip-
ture ^.

86. For vast the difference betvrixt begging and Christ
taking what the bounty of others doth freely confer, duced tobe
as our Saviour did from such who ministered unto^^*^^^^^'
him of their substance '. We never read him
begging any thing, save when from the woman of
Samaria " he asked water, a creature so common and
needful that it was against the law of nature to
deny it him. Nor is it probable he was a men-

4 Fox, Acts, &c. [i. 939. from it in Fox shew that it

From a chronicle in MS. enti- must have been of considerable

tied ** Scala Mundi," written value for this obscure period of'

probably by Nicholas Monta- our history. See Bale's Script,

cute, see Bale's Cent.viii. §. 25. viii. §.31.]
It is much to be regretted that ' Luke viii. 3.
this chronicle is nowhere now ^ John iy. 7.
to be found, as the extracts

476 The Chmrtk Hutary book n.

^^^4^- dicant, who was rated in the publican's toll-book,

and paid tribute unto Caesar ^ Not to say that he

was so bi from begging, that it was his custom
(especiallj about the time of the passover) to relieve
others, and Judas his purse-bearer was his almoner
to distribute to the poor *.
Writm 37. Here it will not be amiss to reckon up the
STtiie *^ principal champions on both sides, whose pens pub-
licly appeared :

For Mendicants.

i. Henry Parker, a Carmelite, bred in Cambridge,
living afterwards in Doncaster convent, imprisoned
for preaching ^.

ii. John Milverton, bred in Oxford, Carmelite of
Bristol, being excommunicated by the bishop of
London, and appealing to the pope, foimd no favour,
but was kept three years captive in St. Angelo y.

Against Mendicants.

i. Thomas Wilton, doctor of both laws, and, say
some, dean of St. Paul's, most zealous in his preach-
ings and disputings '.

ii. William Ivie, canon of St. Paul's in London,
who wrote very learnedly in the defence of Richard
Hill, bishop of London, who imprisoned two men-
dicants for their proud preaching ".

But after pope Paul the Second had interposed
herein, concluding " Q^wd Christus publice mendica-
** wV, pro damnata {Jueresi] undique declarandam et

^ Matt. xvii. 24. 7 Idem. p. 673.

^ John xiii. 29. ' Idem. p. 659.

* Pitz. p. 660. a Idem. p. 654.

CENT. XV.

of Britain,

477

** conculcandam esse\'' the mendicants let fell their a. d. 147 1.

bucklers, and the controversy sunk in silence, never ^ '■ — .*

more revived ^.

88. Never had England at once two archbishops a prodigi.

i» "I • "I i i« .L A-i_» x» 1 OU8 feast at

of SO high extraction as at this time ; namely, an arch-
Thomas Bourchier, son of Henry earl of Essex, and g^^^^'
George Nevill, brother to the great earl of Warwick.
The latter is famous for a prodigious feast, wherein
whoso noteth the number and quality of the guests,
(all the nobility, most of the prime clergy, many of
the great gentry,) will wonder where he got meat
for so many mouths ; whilst such who number the
dishes thereof will more admire where he got mouths
for so much meat. But see the bill of fare :

Quarters of wheat ^

300

Tuns of ale

• «

330

Tuns of wine

•

104

Pipes of spiced

wine .

2

Fat oxen .

. 1

80

Wild bulls

• i

6

Wethers

• 4

. 1004

Hogs

. •

300

Calves

• i

300

Geese

■ <

. 3000

Capons

• <

3200

Pigs

• t

300

Peacocks .

•

100

^ [Scala Mundi, quoted by
Pox, ib.]

c [From this period, and
owing to this circumstance, the
influence of the mendicant or-
ders gradually declined. In
the year 1458 Milverton wrote
to Pius II., detailing the whole
process of this dispute, and ar-

raigning the conduct of Regi-
nald Pecock. Not however
succeeding in his application,
nor obtaining any favour, he
returned to London, and died in
1 486. See Pitz. p. 674. Wood's
Hist. Univ. Oxon. in a. 145 7 sq.]
d Godwin, \J)e Praesul. Ang.
p. 695.]

4n Ti

KOkni^tfo]

BOOK IT.

A.D.I4TI. Gnnee

!M)0

""•■"■ Kids

soo

Chickens

2000

PigMDS

4000

Babbits

4000

Bittnin

204

Dufto

4000

Henuem

400

Pheasants

200

Partridges

500

Woodcocks

4000

PloTera

400

Cndews

100

Qnail>

100

Egrets

1000

Keee

200

Bucks, docs, and roes, more

than 400

Hot Teoison pasties

1506

Cold TeiiiBon pasties .

4000

Dishes of jeUj parted .

1000

Dishes of jeUy phun .

4000

Tarts

400

Cold custards

4000

Hot custaids

2000

Pikes

SOO

Breams

300

Seals

8

Potpoises ■

4

Earl of Warwick, steward.

Earl of Bedford, treasurer.

Lord Hastings, controller; with

many more noble

officers.

Servitors .

1000

Cooks

62

Kitcheners

515

CENT. XV.

of Britain,

479

People present at this feast needed strong sto-A.D. 1471.

. iiEdw.IV.

machs to devour, and others absent stronger faith 1-^

to believe so much meat at one time. Take the
proportion by sheep, whereof magnificent Solomon
spent but an hundred a day in his sumptuous court ®,
and here were ten times as many expended at this
feast as he in a day's provision for all his numerous
retinue. How long this entertainment lasted is
uncertain ; but by the pork, doves, and woodcocks
eaten therein, it plainly appears kept in winter,
when such are in season ; and how the same can be
reconciled with so much summer fowl as was here
used I little know, and less care to resolve.

89- But seven years after, this archbishop, to a. 0.1472.
entertain king Edward, made another feast at More ^^^
Park, in Hertfordshire, inferior to the former for^«»«iu^
plenty, yet perchance equalling it in price ; for the
king seized on all his estate, to the value of twenty
thousand pounds, amongst which he found so rich a
mitre that he made himself a crown thereof ^. The

sion.

«(

«

« I Kings iv. 23 .
^ [*' George Nevil, archbishop
*' of York, being at Windsor
*^ with king Edward on hunt-
** ing, the king promised the
*^ archbishop to come to the
'* More, (a place in Hertford-
shire, which the archbishop
had purchased and builded
<' commodiously,) there to hunt
*' and make merry with him ;
" whereupon the archbishop,
*' taking his leave of the king,
'' went home to the manor of
*' the More, and there made
** great provision for the king,
«' and sent for much plate, that
** he had at that time of Bar-

ic

((

*' net and Tewkesbury fields,
'^ and besides this, borrowed
" much of his Mends, and pur-
" veyed for the king, for two
" or three days, meat, drink,
'* and lodging, as royally as he
could. But the day before
the king had promised to
" have come to the More^ the
" king suddenly sent for the
** archbishop to come to Wind-
*^ sor, where he was arrested of
*' treason, that he should help
" the earl of Oxford, and so
sent to Calais and to Hames,
where he continued a long
time a£ter prisoner ; all which
'* time the king kept the arch-

er

((

«

<

iSO

The Church History

BOOK IT.

A.D. 1471. archbishop he sent over prisoner to Calais, in France,

1! LJ where vinctus jacuit in summa inopia ^, he was kept

bound in extreme poverty, justice punishing his
former prodigality, his hungry stomach being glad
of such reversions (could he get them) which for-
merly the voider had taken away at his riotous
installation.
A. D. 1474. 40. He was afterwards restored till his liberty
lived from aud archbishopric, but never to the cheerfulness of
yJJJ*^ his spirit, drooping till the day of his death. It
added to his sorrow that the kingdom of Scotland,
with twelve suffiugan bishops therein, formerly sub-
jected to his see, was now, by pope Sixtus Quintus,
freed £rom any further dependence thereon ; St.
Andrew's being advanced to an archbishopric, and
that kingdom, in ecclesiastical matters, made entire
within itself; whose bishops formerly repaired to
York for their consecration, not without their great
danger, especially in times of hostility between the
two kingdoms. In vain did this Nevill plead for
some compensation to be given his see in lieu of
so great a loss, or at leastwise that some acknow-
ledgment should be made of his former jurisdiction,
the pope powerfully ordering against it. Hence-
forward no archbishop of York meddled more with
church matters in Scotland ; and happy had it been

c<

€t

tc

" bishoprick in his own hands.
" In the meanwhile sir William
Parr, knight, and sir Thomas
Vaughan, esquire» and other^
were sent to the More to
*' seize all his goods for the
'* king, which came then to
'* the sum of 20,000/., and all
" other lordships and lands that
" the said archbishop had with-

" in England, and all his stuff
" and riches.'* Stow's Chron.
p. 426. The fragment printed
at the conclusion of Sprot gives
a rather different version of this
story. Another instance of
Nevill's magnificence is given
by Wood, Hist. Univ. in A. D.

1452.]
fs Godwin^ ibidem.

ciKT. XV. of Britain. 481

if Dio archbishop of Canterbury had since interested a. d. 1473.
himself therein. isEdwJv.

41. About this time John Goose, sole martyr in JohnOooee,
this king's reign, suffered at Tower Hill. Let papists ™*"^"
who make themselves sport at the simplicity of his

name remember how their pope Os porciy or swine^s
face^ could change his name into Sergius, which
liberty, if allowed here, would quickly mar their
mirth. This Goose, when ready to suffer, desired
meat from the sheriff which ordered his execution,
and had it granted unto him. " I eat now," saith
he, " a good and competent dinner, for I shall pass
" a little sharp shower ere I go to supper ^."

42. King Edward, foreseeing his approaching a. d. 1483.
death, (who, by intemperance in his diet, in some^f ^^"
sort digged his grave with his own teeth,) caused g^^^*^^
his own and wife's kindred (sadly privy to the^^^
grudges betwixt them) to wait on him when he
lay very sick on his bed^ To these he made a
passionate speech, to exhort them to unite, from the
profit of peace and danger of discord; and very
emphatically urged it, insomuch that seemingly they
were his converts, and in token thereof shook hands
together, whilst their hearts, God knows, were fisur
asunder ^. This speech I may call king Edward his
.™ fcBe«l sermon, preachi b, hiiself, (and it
may pass also for the funeral sermon of his two sonfif,
finding no other obsequies at their burial,) though
very little was really thereby effected. Thus died

^ Fox, Hon. i. 939, de Po- his youth, and was only in his

lychron. [Fox does not state forty-first year when he fell

what opinions this person held.] into his mortal sickness.]

* [He grew very corpulent ^ [See the substance of it in

towards the latter years of his Stow, p. 436.]
reign, owing to the excesses of

FULLEE, VOL. II. I i

sennon.

482 The Chttrch Huioiy of Britain. book it.

^^•^^j^^king Edward, who, contrary to the ordihaiy obser-

vation, that men the older the more covetous, (as

indeed dying men's hands grasp what is next, and
hold it hard,) was gripple in the beginning of his
reign, and more bountiful towards the end thereof.

SECT. IV,

TO

JOHN FERRARS%

OF TAMWORTH CASTLE, ESQ.

Sir,

Modest beggars in London streets commoniy choose twilight to
prefer their petitions, that so they may have light enough to
discover him to whom they sue, and darkness enough to
cover ami conceal themselves.

This may m^ake you the m>ore to admire my holdness^ who vn a
mere midnight (utterly tmknovmig you ami wnkmwn to you)
request you to accept this Dedication. But know, sir^
though I know not your face, I know you are a FerrarSy
inclined hy your extraction to a gmerom diiposition, as I
havefmnd hy one of your nearest relations^

* [Arms : Vaire, gules, and by whom he had a son, Hum-
or. John Ferrars, of Tam- phrey, afterward knighted, who
wcHTth Castle, in the county of died in 1678, leaving an only
Warwick, esq., was descended daughter, six years old. John
from a younger branch of the Ferrars, to whom this century
noble family of that name and was dedicated, died in 1680.
title. He was the only son of A pedigree of the family may
sir Humphrey Ferrars, of Tam- be found in Dugdale's War-
worth Castle, knight, and mar- wickshire, p. 1136, edited by
ried Anne, daughter of the Dr. Thomas.]
celebrated sir Dudley Carleton,

ii2

The ChurA Hilton/ booz iv

|ISERABLE king Edward the Fifth
ought to liave succeeded his father;
but, alas ! he is ever pictured with a
chasma or distance hetwixt his head
and the crown, and, by the practice
of his uncle the duke of Gloucester, chosen pro-
tector, (to protect him from any of his iriends to
come near him *>,) was quickly made afmy, being a
king in right, though not in possession ; as his uncle
Richard was in possession, though not in right. All
the passages whereof are so elegantly related by
nr Thomas More, that a man shall get little who
comes with a fork where sir Thomas hath gone with
a rake before him, and by bis judicious industry
collected all remarkables. Only, as proper to oar
employment, let us take notice of the carriage of
Uie oleigy in these distractions *.

*> [In the duke's appointment
to the protectorate the choice of
the nobles seems to have been
guided in some d^ree by the
circumstance of Humphrey
duke of Gloucester holding a
similar office in the reign of
Henry VI. See Hist. Croy land,
p. 566.]

« [Stow has incorporated sir
Thomas More's history into his
Chronicle, but the most com-
plete edition of it wss published
by Mr. Singer. It has become
fashionable of late to under*
value this work, and to make
duke Richard in aU points, as
Fuller quaintly says, " a comely
end beautiful person.'' Sir
Thomas was bom in 1480, the
twentieth year of Edward IV.
He was intimate with cardinal

Morton, archbishop of Canter-
bury, who bad procured the
union of the two houses of
York and Lancaster, &nd had
played an important part in
the great events of the king-
dom. That More bore no great
animosity to the house of York,
may be inferred from the cha-
racter which he bas given, in
the commencement of his his-
tory, to Edward IV. To snp.
pose, therefore, (as some do,)
that sir Thomas should have
descended to so poor an artifice,
or be led astray by mere popn.
lar report, as to blacken lung
Richard and belie his person

very needless and improbable
supposition. Living at the time
of the events which he describes.

CENT. XV.

cf Britain.

485

2. Although most of the prelates were guilty of a
cowardly compliance with king Richard, yet we find i
none eminently active on his side ; indeed the arch-o(
bishop of Canterbury was employed to get Richard ^'
duke of York from his queen-mother in the sanc-
tuary in Westminster, and very pathetical he was in
the persuading her to part with him, haply on a
point of conscience, as fearing, if denied, some in-
jury would be offered to the prejudice of the church,
and therefore more willing himself to woo him from
her with eloquence than that others should wrest
him thence with violence ; yet he is generally con-
ceived innocent herein, as not as yet suspecting any
fraud in the duke of Gloucester, except any will
say that it was a fault in him that so great a states-
man was no wiser than to have been deceived by
his dissimulation d.

having ample opportunity of
seeing the king^ and, still more^
the readiest means of obtaining
information on this subject from
trustworthy and living authori-
ties, it seems little short of folly
to imagine that he would depre-
ciate the credit of his history by
affirming circumstances which
might have been so easily and
certainly contradicted. As to
the long speeches which he has
put into the mouths of the
different persons in his history,
and the motives which he at-
tributes to their actions, on
these, of course, the reader
must exercise his judgment, as
he must wherever motives are
attributed. Sir Thomas fol-
lowed the style of composition
which prevailed most in his
own days, but this is no pre-

sumption against his general
accuracy. To these we may add
as a further argument, that as
his account is supported in
all material circumstances by
the Croyland Chronicle, as far
as a copious and diffusive nar-
rative can be supported by a
very bald and jejune one ; so
is it objected to chiefly on con-
jectural evidence '* and whoso,"
(as sir Thomas says,) '* divin-
'* eth upon conjectures, may as
" well shoot too far as too
** short."]

^ [To this he was compelled,
the dukes of Gloucester and
Buckingham threatening him
with personal violence, and
urging as a pretext the wishes
of Edward V . Hist. Croyland.
566. Sir Thomas More (evi-
dently by an oversight) says

lis

4M

The Chmrck History

BOCNC IV.

^Bdi^v" '• ^^ ^ *^® inferior clergy, Dr, Shaw, a popular
-preacher, made hunself mfamous to all posterity^
His sermon at St. Ptol*8 Cross had nothing bat
the text (and that in the Apocrypha ^) good therein,
as con^sting of two parts, defaming of the dead,
and flattering of the living; making king Edward
£u- worse than he was, and dnke Richard &r better
than ever he woold be. He made king Edward the
Fourth and the duke of Clarence both to be bastards,
and duke Richard only right begotten, so proclaim-
ing Cicely his mother (still surviving) for a whore ;
all being done by secret instructions Ax>m duke
Richard himself, who hereby gave a worse wound to
his mother's credit than that vriiich at his birth he
caused to her body, being (as it is commonly re*
ported) cut out from her^ With Shaw we may
couple another brawling cur of the same litter,
Pynkney, the provincial of the Augustinian fiiars,
who in the same place used so loud adulation, he
lost his credit, conscience, and voice altogether.
These two were all (and they too many) of the
clergy whom I find actively engaging on his party,
whilst multitudes of the laity sided with him. So

that it was the archbishop of
York, not Canterbury. Stow,

441-j

^ Ecclus. xxiii. 25. Spuria

vitulamina non agent radices
aUas,

^ [When Richard had ob-
tained possession of the per-
sons of Edward V. and Richard
duke of York, and had lodged
them in the Tower, he produced
a roll professing to have been
«igned by the lords and com*
mens, requiring him to assume
the kingaom, on the plea that

the children of Edward IV.
were illegitimate, as that king
had formed a pre-contract with
lady Eleanor Boteler before he
was married to queen Eliza-
beth. A rumour was Indus-
triously circulated (says the
writer of the Hist. Croyland,
Contin. p. 567) that this roll
had been concocted at York,
but no one was ignorant (be
<;ontiuues) who had been the
sole author of this vile slander
and sedition. See sir Thomas
More in Stow's Chron. p. 453.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 487

that through the popularity of the duke of Bucking- a. d. 1483.

ham, the law-leaming of Cateshy, the city interest of ^— ^

Shaw, (then lord mayor of London, and brother to
the preacher,) the rugged rigour of Batcliffe, and
the assistance of other instruments in their several
spheres, the queen's kindred were killed, the lord
Hastings murdered, king Edward and his brother
imprisoned, and at last Richard duke of Gloucester
elected king of England 5.

4. His coronation was performed with more pomp ^^^/u^
than any of his predecessors', as if he intended with «6.
the glory thereof so to dazzle vulgar eyes that they tuous ooro-
should not be able to see the shame of his usur- ^^^^ ^
pation. Indeed some of our English kings, who by ^*<^**»^*
undoubted right succeeded to the crovni, accounted
their coronation but a matter of course, (which did
not make but manifest them to be kings,) and so
less curious in the pompous celebration thereof; but
this usurper apprehended this ceremony more sub-
stantial, and therefore was most punctual in the
observation of it, causing all the nobility who held
lands in grand sovereignty to do their service in
state ; amongst whom Richard Dimock, esquire,
hereditary champion by tenure, with a safe piece of
valour (having so many to back him) cast dovni his
gauntlet, challenging any that durst oppose the title
of king Richard, and, for ought I do know to the
contrary, he afterwards made bis challenge good in
Bosworth field. And, because sure bind sure find,
he is said, and his queen, to be crowned again in
York with great solemnity *»,

«f [See Hist. Croyland. 566. ^ [On which occasion he
He was crowned July 6, with had his only son Sdward pro-
Anne his ^vife. Hist, Croy- claimed prince of Wales, Hist,
land, ib.] Croyland. 567.]

li 4

488

The Church History

BOOK IV.

A.D. 1483* 5. Soon after followed the murder of king Ekl-

— ^ ^ward and his brother Bichard duke of York. It

^ffd and was high time thej should set, when another already
JSfl^^**^ was risen in the throne. By a bloody bloodless
death they were stifled with pillows, and then ob-
scurely buried '\ The uncertainty of their interment
gave the advantage to Perkin Warbeck afterwards
to coimterfeit Richard duke of York : so like unto
him in age, carriage, stature, feature, fevour, that he
v^anted nothing but success to make him who did
but personate duke Bichard to pass current for the
person of duke Bichard.
King 6. After this bloody act king Bichard endeavoured

Richard ^ °

yainiy en- to render himself popular, first, by making good laws
voure j^ ^^^ g^j^ parliament kept in his reign. Benevo-
lence, malevolence, which formerly the subjects un-
v«illingly veiling had paid to their sovereign, (power,
where it requests, commands, it not being so much
thankworthy to grant, as dangerous to deny it,) he
retrenched, and reduced to be granted only in par-

toingra-
tiatenim-
tdf by
making
good laws.

* [See Stow, p. 459. This
is sir Thomas More's account,
although the truth is doubted
by many. Upon introducing
this circumstance of the mur-
der, he prefaces it with this
observation : " I shall rehearse
^* you the dolorous end of those
" babes, not after every way
'* that I have heard, but by
" such men and by such means
'* as methinketh it were hard
*' but it should be true." And
at 4he conclusion of the narra-
tive he remarks, ** Very troth
" it is and well known, that
*' at such time as sir James
** Tyrell was in the Tower
** fortreason committed against

" the most famous prince, king
" Henry VII., both Deighton
" and he were examined, and
'^ confessed the murther in
" manner above written. Thus
" have I learned of them, that
" much knew and little cause
'* had to lie, were these two
" noble princes, these innocent
*' tender children, borne of
•* most royal blood, &c., by
'' traitorous tyranny taken, de-
" prived of their estate, shortly
•* shut up in prison, and pri-
'^ vily slain and murdered, their
" bodies cast God wot where,
^* by the cruel ambition of
•« their unnatural uncle." Stow,
p. 460.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. « 489

liaxaeat. He regulated trading, which the Lombards a. d. 1483.
and other foreigners had much engrossed, to thei^^il!^
detriment of the English nation. Now, although
all people carry much of their lore and loyalty in
their purses, yet all this would not ingratiate this
usurper with them ; the dullest nostrils resenting it,
done not for love of virtue, but his own security ;
and that affects none which all palpably discover
to be affected.

7. Next he endeavoured to work himself into As also by
their good-vrtll by erecting and endowing of reli- monaste-^
gious houses, so to plausiblelize himself, especially"^
among the clergy. Thus he built one far north, at
Middleham, and a college in the parish of AUhallows-
Barking \ hard by the Tower, as if he intended by
the vicinity thereof to expiate those many murders
which he therein had committed; besides, he for
his time disforested Whichwood, in Oxfordshire ^
(then far more extended than in our age,) which his
brother Edward had made forest, to the great griev-
ance of the country thereabouts. Yet all would
not do, the people being more patient for an injury
done by king Edward than thankful for the favour
this Richard bestowed upon them. He is said also
to have given to Queen's College, in Cambridge,
five hundred marks of yearly rent ^ ; though at this
time, I believe, the college receives as little benefit
by the grant as Richard had right to grant it ; for it
was not issued out of his own purse, but given out
of the lands of his enemy, the imjustly proscribed

^ Stow's Survey of London, [See the edition by Hearne,

[p. 1 3 1 ; Stow's Chron. p. 470.] p. 2 1 6.]

1 Camden's Brit, in Oxford- ™ Stow in Lis Annals, p.

shire, p. 264, out of John Ross. 470.

400 Tk€ Church HiHory book it.

A. p. 1483. earl of Oxford, who, being restored by Henry the

! \ Seventh, made a resumption thereof.

An hath r~ 8. Duke Richard was low in stature, crook-backed,
for king with ouo shouldor higher than the other, haying a
^1^^]^ prominent gobber-tooth, a warlike countenance which
nmture did. ^^jj euough bocamo a soldier ; yet a modem author,
in a book by him lately set forth, eveneth his shoul-
ders, smootheth his back, planeth his teeth, maketh
him in all points a comely and beautiful person " ;
nor stoppeth he here, but proceeding from his natu-
rals to his morals, maketh him as virtuous as hand-
some, (which in some sense may be allowed to be
true,) concealing most, denying some, defending
others of his foulest facts, wherewith in all ages
since he standeth charged on record. For mine
own part, I confess it no heresy to maintain a para^
dox in history ; nor am I such an enemy to wit as
not to allow it leave harmlessly to disport itself for
its own content and the delight of others. Thus
Cardan hath written his Encomium Neronis^ and
others (best husbandmen who can improve the bar-
renest ground) have by art endeavoured to praise as
improbable subjects. But when men shall do it
cordially, in sober sadness, to pervert people's judg-
ments, and therein go against all received records, I
say singularity is the least fault can be laid to such
men's charge. Besides, there are some birds (sea-
pies by name) who cannot rise except it be by flying
against the wind, as some hope to achieve their
advancement by being contrary and paradoxal in
judgment to all before them. \

n George Buck, esq., a claw- History of Richard III. Loiw
back to crook.back, [in his don, 1646.]

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

491

9- Soon after followed the execution of the duke a p. 1483.

of Buckingham, king Richard his grand engineer, ' [

or master of the fabric of his preferment*^; the^^^^
occasion thus : the duke requested-required of kinff ?^®"p^-
Richard (as confident that his merits were incapable
of a denial) the earldom of Hereford and the here-
ditary constableship of England, laying title to them
by descent. Well did he ask both together, which
would be granted both together ; for the earldom of
Hereford was an Abishag, concubine to the former
kmgs of England, which had long lien in the crown,
(whilst in the Lancastrian line,) so embraced and
interlaced therewith that it was difficult to dissever
them ; and the affecting thereof proved as fatal to
Buckingham as the desiring of the other was to
Adonijah, being interpreted in both an ambition of
the kingdom. The hereditary constableship was
conceived too unlimited a power to be trusted to a
subject, lest he should make more disorder than he
should mend therewith; so that, in fine, both in
effect were denied unto him p.

o [The people of the south-
em and western provinces,
taking offence at the detention
of the two princes in the Tower,
began to make an insurrection,
and gained over the duke of
Buckingham, repenting of what
he had done, to become the
leader of their enterprize. At
the instigation of Morton, bi-
shop of Ely, who had been
committed to the duke's safe
keeping, a message was sent
over to Henry earl of Rich-
mond, then an exile in Brit-
tany, requesting him to hasten
over to England to assert his

rights; but Richard, who in
activity rivalled his late bro-
ther, obtaining knowledge of
this design, set spies who effec-
tually prevented the duke from
stirring. Finding himself thus
beset on all sides, he attempted
to escape by changing his ha-
bit ; but being discovered and
taken prisoner to Salisbury, he
was put to death, on All Saints*
day, which that year fell upon
a Sunday. Hist. Croyland.

568.]

P [He had sought the earl-
dom of Hereford, which he
claimed for his inheritance, in-

492

The Church History

BOOK IV;

A.D. 1483. 10. Buckinfffaam storms thereat. Shall a coronet

1 Rich. III. °

ham lar-

be denied him, by him on whom he had conferred a
crown ? Yet what anger soever boiled in his heart,
SehMuM. none ran over in his mouth, pretending very fisdr in
his behaviour ; but hard it is to halt before a cripple,
and dissemble before king Richard. The duke vnth-
draws to Brecknock, in Wales, with his prisoner
bishop Morton of Ely, (committed unto him by the
king on some distaste,) who tampered with him
about the marriage of Henry earl of Richmond with
the eldest daughter of king Edward the Fourth.
The duke carried himself so open therein, that, sur-
prised by king Richard, his head was divorced from
his body before this marriage was completed.

11. More cunning was bishop Morton to get
himself over into France, there to contrive the union

Mortoa

mako-

peaoe.

effectually in the reign of Ed-
ward IV. ; and according to
sir Thomas More, the posses-
sion of it was part of the cove-
nant between him and the
duke of Gloucester^ in his de-
sign upon the kingdom. Stow^
p. 446. But sir Thomas More
discredits (and it seems to me
justly) the report that this was
the cause of the dissension be-
tween Richard and the duke
of Buckingham. Both were
too deep dissemblers to betray
their passion, nor was it at this
time to Richard's interest to
offend a nobleman of such
power as the duke. Further,
had such a quarrel occurred,
king Richard would never have
suffered the duke to escape his
hands and withdraw into Wales.
** Very troth is it," says sir
Thomas, '* the duke was an

<t

(f

it

high-minded man, and evil
" could bear the glory of an-
'^ other ; so that I have heard
of some that say they saw it,
that the duke, at such time
" as the crown was first set
'* upon the protector's head,
" his eye could not abide the
" sight thereof, but wryed his
" head another way." The
same writer thinks that from
this discontent the duke with-
drew from court, not without
the liking of the king; and
partly from this motive, partly
perhaps from some feelings of
remorse, partly from the per-
suasions of bishop Morton,
seconded by his own interest
and ambition, he was per-
suaded to join in this con-
spiracy in order to dethrone
Richard, and elect Henry to
the crown.]

CENT. XV. of Britain. 408

of the two houses of York and Lancaster. IfA.p. 1483.

Messed be the peace-makers be pronounced of such as ^ — •*

reconcile party and party, how much more must it
be true of his memory, the happy instrument to
unite those houses, to the saving of the efiusion of
so much blood ! Some wiU say it ^ a design
obvious to every capacity to make such an imion ;
but we all know, when a thing is done, then it is
easy for any to do it ; besides, it is one thing for
men in their brains barely and notionally to appre-
hend a project, and another (as our Morton did) to
elect proportionable means, and, by the vigorous pro-
secution thereof, really to efltect it.

12. A modem writer, in his voluminous book, Mr. Prynne
which he hath entitled The Rebellions, Treasons, Sging^'
Conspiracies, Antimonarchical Practices, &c. of the m^^d of
English Prelates, to swell his number, chargeth this *'***>'^-
bishop Morton vrith treason against king Richard

the Third; but is it treason for one, in fevour of
the true heir, to oppose an usurper in title and
tyrant in practice? Surely unbiassed judgments
behold Morton herein under a better notion. Had
this bishop been active on king Richard's side, how
would the same author have proclaimed him for a
traitor against king Henry the Seventh! Thus I
see an inevitable necessity that Morton must be a
traitor whatsoever he did, and can observe that no
practice will please which cometh from one whose
person or profession is distasted.

13. But kinff Richard his cruelties had so tired a. p. 1484.

. , , . Earl Henry

out divine patience, that his punishment could be no landeth at
longer deferred. Henry earl of Richmond lands Harai.
vnth an handfiil of men at Milford Haven ; a land-
ing-place politically chosen, near Pembroke, the

494

The Church History

BOOK ly.

A. p. 1485. place of his nativity, in the heart of his countrymen

^ '- and kinsmen the Welsh, (his grand&ther, Owen ap

Theodore, alias Tuthar, having thence his extraction,)
and far from London, the magazine of king Richard's
might. From Milford the earl marched north-east,
through the bowels of Wales; and both his army
and the &me thereof crevit eundo^ grew by going.
Many old prophecies (the people about Leicester
will load a stranger with them) were fulfilled in him,
and this amongst the rest may be remembered : it
was foretold that in a great battle, which was to be
fought near Leicester, whosoever should shoot the
arrow first should have the victory* This most un-»
derstood that the archer in the fight which should
first let loose should gain the day to his side* When
behold the earl of Richmond, bending his inarch out
of Wales to the middle of England, first passed
Arrow, a rivulet in the confines of Worcester and
Warwickshire, and accordingly proved victorious;
for into Leicestershire he came, and in the navel
thereof is met by king Richard, and next morning
both sides determine to try their fortunes in fight.
This night the earl had sweet and quiet rest, whilst
king Richard his guilty conscience was frighted with
hideous dreams and fanciful apparitions, as no wonder
if no pillow could give him quiet sleep who with a
pillow had so lately smothered his lord and master %

^ [** Mane die Lunae illuces-
** cente aurora, cum non essent
" capellani de parte regis Ri-
chardi parati ad celebrandum,
neque jentaculum ullum para-
** turn, quod Regis tabescentem
animum refocillaret, illeque,
utasseritur, ea nocte terrenda

«

<«

tx

^* somnia quasi multitudine
'* daemonum circumdatus esset,
" viderat, sic^t de mane testa.
*' tus est ; faciem uti semper
'* attenuatam, tunc magis dis-
" coloratam etmortiferam prae
"se tulit." Hist. Croyland.
Cont. p. 574. Of these nightly

CENT. XT.

of Britain.

495

worth.

14. The battle is called the battle of Bo8worth,A.D.i485.

3 Rich. IlL

ithouirh fousht full three miles from the town^

^ o & The battle

and nearer other country villages,) because Bosworth of bo-
is the next town of note thereunto. The earl's
army fell £sir short of the king's in number and
arms, equalled it m courage, exceeded it in cause
and success ; indeed the king's army was hollow at
the heart, many marching in his main battle who
were much suspected, and therefore purposely placed
there to secure them from flying out, and fought
as unwilling to overcome. Yet the scales of victory
fieemed for a long time so equal, that an exact eye
<!Ould not discern on which side the beam did break.
At last the coming in of sir William Stanley with
three thousand fresh men decided the controversy
on the earl's side. King Richard (fighting valiantly,
so his friends — desperately, say his foes,) fell in the
midst of his enemies, and his corpse was disgrace-
fully carried to Leicester, without a rag to cover
his nakedness ; as if no modest usage was due to

apparitions, with which this
king was said to be visited,
and of which Shakespeare has
made so noble a use in his
Richard III., sir Thomas More
-says, ^ I have heard by credi-
" ble report of such as were
" secret with his (the king's)
"* chamberlain, that after this
'' abominable deed done (he
** means the death of Edward V.
** and his brodier) he never
had quiet in his mind ; he
never thought himself sure ;
*' where he went abroad his
•* eyes whirled about ; his body
•* privily fenced ; his hand ever
** upon his dagger; his coun-
'' tenance and manner like one

*€

«

*' always ready to strike again.
** He took ill rest a-nights;
*' lay long waking and musing,
*' sore wearied with care and
*' watch ; rather slumbered
" than slept, troubled with
*' fearful dreams ; suddenly
" sometime start up ; leapt
^' out of his bed and ran about
'' the chamber : so was his
'^ restless heart continually
^' tossed and tumbled with the
* ' tedious impression and stormy
** remembrance of his abomi-
** nable deed." Stow, p. 460.]
r Burton in his Description
of Leicestershire, [p. 47, ed.
1622.]

4>96 The Church History book it.

^«?v't?5him when dead who had been so shameless in his

3 Rich. III.

cruelty when alive. The crown ornamental, being

found on his head, was removed to the earl's, and
he crowned in the field, and Te Deum was solenmly
^- sung by the whole army.
A. D. i486. 15. Soon after king Henry married the lady
sJ^^ his Elizabeth, eldest daughter unto king Edward the
tide^the Fourth, whereby those roses, which formerly with
•^*^^"- their prickles had rent each other, were united
together. Yea, sixfold was king Henry his title to
the crown : first, conquest ; secondly, military elec-
tion, the soldiers crying out in the field, " King
" Henry, king Henry T thirdly, parliamentary autho-
rity, which settled the crown on him and his heirs ;
fourthly, papal confirmation, his holiness forsootb
concurring with his religious compliment; fifthly,
descent from the house of Lancaster, but that, all
know, was but the back-door to the crown, and this
Henry came in but by a window to that back-door,
there being some bastardy in his pedigree, but that
was salved by post-legitimation; sixthly, marriage
of king Edward's daughter, the first and last being
worth all the rest. Thus had he six strings to his
bow, but commonly he let five hang by, and only
made use of that one which for the present he per-
ceived was most for his own advantage. Yet, for
all these his titles, this politic prince thought fit to ,
have his person well secured, and was the first king
of England who had a standing guard to attend
him.
Thedaia: 16. Thomas Bourchier, cardinal and archbishop
bishop of Canterbury, had the honour first to marry, then
Bourchier. j.^ crown king Henry and the lady Elizabeth ; and
then, having sitten in a short synod at London,

CSNT. XV.

of Britain.

497

wherein the clergy presented their new king with a a. d. i486.

tenth, quietly ended his life, having sat in his see '- — -

two and thirty years ■. He gave an hundred and
twenty pounds to the university of Camhridge, which
was joined vrith another hundred pounds which Mr.
Billingforth, master of Bennet College, had some

s [For this statement Fuller
is indebted to Parker's Antiq.
Britan. p. 443 5 an error, ac-
cording to Dr. Wake, who has
examined it at considerable
length, and concludes^ upon
the following reasons, " that
*' in this that author, however
'' accurate in other matters,
*' did fortune to be mistaken :'*
first, because the registers, which
give a full and distinct account
of the other convocations which
immediately precede and fol-
low, are completely silent as to
this; secondly, because the king,
when he convoked his parlia-
ment this year, had no thoughts
of asking any subsidy of his
people. To this he adds that
in this portion of his history
our author has greatly failed in
various points of his usual ac-
curacy. Instead of the king
being first married and then
crowned with his queen at
Westminster^ on the contrary
the king was first crowned
October 30th, then married on
January i8th following; and
the queen was not crowned till
November 25, 1487, when
archbishop Bourchier was dead,
and had been succeeded by
cardinal Morton. To conclude
these remarks in the words of
Dr. Wake: ''It is not impro-
** bable that the mistake might

FULLER, VOL. II.

" arise from hence : in Febru-
•' ary, 1484, a convocation was
" held, and a tenth therein
** granted to the king. The
" limitation of the grant was
" this, that one half should be
" paid at Midsummer^ 1485 ;
" the other the year following,
** at Midsummer, i486. (Re-
** gistr. Mem. Russell. Lin*
'• coin, f. 41, 42.) It was but
'* a little while after the first
** of these terms that king
" Richard was slain, and that,
" most likely, before the pay-
" ment then due was made.
" The clergy, therefore, were
" indebted a tenth to the
'* crown when king Henry VII.
'* came to it. If either the
king required the payment
of it, as 'tis probable he did,
or the clergy* to ingratiate
" themselves with him, agreed
** to pay it, the error may
" easily consist in this, that
" our author, finding some
*' writs or commissions dated
** after this first parliament,
'' for collecting a tenth upon
" the clergy, applied that to a
** synod held with this parlia-
" ment of king Henry, which
" had been granted by the
" convocation called by the
order of king Richard III.
the spring before." State of
the Church, p. 384.]

Kk

<€

<C

<€

ft

€€

498 The Church History book iv.

A.D. i486.jears before given to the said university; and this

-joint-stock was put into a chest, called at this day

the chest of Billingforth and Bourchier; and trea-
surers are every year chosen for the safe keeping
thereof *.
John Mor- 17. John Morton, bom, say some, at Beer *, but
oeeded him. more truly at St. AndreVs Milbome, in Dorset-
shire, (where a worshipful family of his name and
lineage remain at this day,) succeeded him in the see
at Canterbury. He was formerly bishop of Ely, and
appointed by Edward the Fourth one of the execu-
tors of his will, and on that account hated of king
Richard the Third, the executioner thereof. He
was, as aforesaid, imprisoned because he would not
betray his trust, fled into France, returned, and
justly advanced by king Henry, first to be chancellor
of England ^, and then to be archbishop of Canter-
bury^.
A gift not 18. Now began the pope to be very busy, by his
toking. * officers, to collect vast sums of money in England,
presuming at the king's connivance thereat ; whom
he had lately gratified with a needless dispensation,
to legitimate his marriage with the lady Elizabeth,
his cousin, so far off it would half pose a herald to
recover their kindred * ; for,

i. Edward the Third, on Philippa his queen,
begat

t [See Hist, of Cambridge, for bishop Morton from Flan-

p. 93, ed. by Nichols.] ders. Stow, 471.]

"^ [So Godwin, p. 130 3 and ^ [The chronicle called Hist.

Stow's Chron. p. 48a.] Croyland. Contin. p. 577, calls

V [Aug. 8, 1487.] this " dispensatio super du-

"^ [One of the first acts of " plici quarto consanguinitatis

this king's reign was to send " gradu."]

CENT. XV.

of Britain.

499

ii. John of Gaunt, duke a. d. i486,
of